2024/04/25

The Spiritual Brain: Science and Religious Experience (Audio): Andrew Newberg The Great Courses

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2012





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The Spiritual Brain: Science and Religious Experience
Andrew Newberg (Narrator, Author), The Great Courses (Author, Publisher)

==
Publisher's Summary

Does God exist? Do we have a soul? Is it possible to make contact with a spiritual realm? How should we respond to the divine? Will life continue beyond death?Most people, whether deeply religious or outright doubters of any spiritual power, have probably pondered these questions for themselves. In fact, the religious impulse is so powerfully pervasive that neuroscience has posed a provocative question: Are our brains wired to worship?

Now, in a series of 24 riveting lectures from an award-winning scholar and practicing neuroscientist, you can explore the exciting field of neurotheology - the new discipline aimed at understanding the connections between our brains and different kinds of religious phenomena. Using an academic, experimental approach into what he calls "objective measures of spirituality," Professor Newberg attempts to explain what others have previously only guessed at: the neuroscientific basis for why religion and spirituality have played such a prominent role in human life.

In these captivating lectures, you'll learn how religious experiences originate, their meaning, and the reasons why religion plays such a huge role in human experience - peering directly into the seat of all human thought and action as you delve into the relationship between brain function and spirituality.

A leading researcher in neurotheology, Professor Newberg offers you innovative approaches to ancient beliefs and practices. Using brain imaging and other cutting-edge physiological studies, he helps you to better understand how the brain controls or responds to religious and spiritual beliefs and behavior.

PLEASE NOTE: When you purchase this title, the accompanying reference material will be available in your Library section along with the audio.
©2012 The Teaching Company, LLC (P)2012 The Great Courses


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Keith
20-04-2018

Thought provoking

A wonderfully thought provoking and unbiased look into the ways that spirituality affects the human brain

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Anonymous User
28-02-2022

I figure it out!! thanks to this book

If you are seeking answers about what to believe and what to do not believe and why, this book will show you what is best for you and what is best for the ones you love and you live with. it's a long, long book, so do not stress about understanding every single part of it; instead, try to feel the story. Good lock and live with passion.

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David
20-03-2023

An important work.

It would appear that we have much more work in place to call on from thousands of years worth of mystic thought, than we have from our infancy level studies of the brain. The brain is the new frontier. How far in we can travel with the scientific method? No doubt much further than we have so far.


Does God exist? Do we have a soul? Is it possible to make contact with a spiritual realm? How should we respond to the divine? Will life continue beyond death?Most people, whether deeply religious or outright doubters of any spiritual power, have probably pondered these questions for themselves. In fact, the religious impulse is so powerfully pervasive that neuroscience has posed a provocative question: Are our brains wired to worship?

Now, in a series of 24 riveting lectures from an award-winning scholar and practicing neuroscientist, you can explore the exciting field of neurotheology - the new discipline aimed at understanding the connections between our brains and different kinds of religious phenomena. Using an academic, experimental approach into what he calls "objective measures of spirituality," Professor Newberg attempts to explain what others have previously only guessed at: the neuroscientific basis for why religion and spirituality have played such a prominent role in human life.

In these captivating lectures, you'll learn how religious experiences originate, their meaning, and the reasons why religion plays such a huge role in human experience - peering directly into the seat of all human thought and action as you delve into the relationship between brain function and spirituality.

A leading researcher in neurotheology, Professor Newberg offers you innovative approaches to ancient beliefs and practices. Using brain imaging and other cutting-edge physiological studies, he helps you to better understand how the brain controls or responds to religious and spiritual beliefs and behavior.

PLEASE NOTE: When you purchase this title, the accompanying reference material will be available in your Library section along with the audio.
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©2012 The Teaching Company, LLC (P)2012 The Great Courses


Listening Length
12 hours and 17 minutes
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Andrew Newberg, M.D.
Director of Research
Myrna Brind Center of Integrative Medicine at Thomas Jefferson University Hospital 

Dr. Andrew Newberg is the Director of Research at the Myrna Brind Center of 
Integrative Medicine at Thomas Jefferson University Hospital. He is also a Professor in the Departments of Emergency Medicine and Radiology at Thomas Jefferson University, and he teaches undergraduate courses at the University of Pennsylvania. Dr. Newberg received his medical degree in 1993 from the University of Pennsylvania School of Medicine. He completed his residency in Internal Medicine at the Graduate Hospital in Philadelphia, and he completed a fellowship in Nuclear Medicine at the University of Pennsylvania. He is board certifi ed in Internal Medicine and Nuclear Medicine. 
Dr. Newberg has actively pursued neuroimaging research projects, including studies of aging and dementia, epilepsy, and other neurological and psychiatric disorders. He has been particularly involved in the study of religious and spiritual experiences and the relationship among the brain, religion, and health. Dr. Newberg’s research has included analyzing brain scans of people in prayer, meditation, rituals, and various trance states. His research also has included understanding the physiological correlates of acupuncture therapy, massage, and other types of alternative therapies.
Dr. Newberg has taught medical students, undergraduate and graduate students, and medical residents about stress management, spirituality and health, and the neurophysiology of religious experience. In 2010, he was named Teacher of the Year for the University of Pennsylvania’s Biological Basis of Behavior Program. 
Dr. Newberg has published numerous articles and chapters on brain function, brain imaging, and the study of religious and spiritual experiences. He is the author of Principles of Neurotheology, a culmination of ideas based on his research over the past 10 years. He is a coauthor of the best-selling books How God Changes Your Brain and Why God Won’t Go Away: Brain Science and the Biology of Belief. His most recent book, Words Can Change Your Brain, was published in June 2012. Dr. Newberg is also a coauthor of Born to Believe: God, Science, and the Origin of Ordinary and Extraordinary Beliefs and The Mystical Mind: Probing the Biology of Religious Experience, both of which explore the relationship between neuroscience and spiritual experience. The latter book received the 2000 award for Outstanding Books in Theology and the Natural Sciences presented by the Center for Theology and the Natural Sciences. 
Dr. Newberg has presented his work at scientifi c and religious meetings around the world and has appeared on Good Morning America, Nightline, CNN, and ABC’s World News Tonight. His research also has appeared in Newsweek; TIME; The New York Times; Los Angeles Times; Scientifi c American; O, The Oprah Magazine; and Reader’s Digest. ■


ii
INTRODUCTION
Professor Biography ............................................................................i
Course Scope .....................................................................................1
LECTURE GUIDES
LECTURE 1
A New Perspective on Ancient Questions  .........................................4
LECTURE 2
Why Do We Have a Spiritual Brain? .................................................11
LECTURE 3
Brain Function and Religion  ............................................................18
LECTURE 4
How Does Science Study Religion?  ................................................25
LECTURE 5 
Believers and Atheists  .....................................................................32
LECTURE 6 
Spiritual Development  .....................................................................39
LECTURE 7 
The Myth-Making Brain  ...................................................................47
LECTURE 8 
The Brain and Religious Rituals  ......................................................54
LECTURE 9 
The Biology of Spiritual Practices  ....................................................61
LECTURE 10 
Religion and Health  .........................................................................68
 
LECTURE 11 
Religion and Mental Health  .............................................................75
LECTURE 12 
Religion and Brain Dysfunction 82
LECTURE 13
Transmitters to God 90
LECTURE 14
Stimulated States and Religious Experiences 97
LECTURE 15
Near-Death Experiences and the Brain 105
LECTURE 16
The Believing Brain 112

LECTURE 17 
The Brain’s Infl uence on Religious Ideas  ......................................118
LECTURE 18 
Revelation, Salvation, and the Brain  .............................................126
LECTURE 19 
The Brain’s Infl uence on Religious Behavior  .................................133
LECTURE 20 
How the Brain Changes God  .........................................................139
LECTURE 21 
How God Changes the Brain  .........................................................145
LECTURE 22 
Why God Won’t Go Away  ..............................................................151
LECTURE 23 
The Mystical Mind ..........................................................................158
iv
LECTURE 24 
Reality and Beyond  .......................................................................164
SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIAL
Bibliography ....................................................................................171 
vi
 ========================================
The Spiritual Brain: Science and Religious Experience
 
Scope:
H
uman beings appear to have spiritual brains—brains that are capable of feeling deeply connected to something greater than themselves and that can develop intense beliefs about religion and God. The human brain can engage in practices such as prayer or meditation that result in powerful spiritual experiences that have been described in every tradition and society. Spirituality also appears to have positive, and sometimes negative, effects on people’s mental and physical health. Spiritual practices, beliefs, and phenomena are expressed and experienced in all kinds of ways, but no matter how human beings are spiritual, modern neuroscience can offer new insights into the meaning and nature of spirituality. 
This set of 24 lectures examines the fascinating relationship between the human brain and spirituality. Relying on the latest theories and research from neuroscience, psychology, and other behavioral sciences, each lecture in this course addresses provocative questions about human spirituality. 
After an introductory lecture that sets the stage for the course, the lectures examine what is known about all aspects of spiritual phenomena, including the study of practices such as prayer or meditation, spiritual development, the differences between atheists and believers, the effects of spirituality and religion on health and well-being, the nature of near-death experiences, the human urge to create myths and rituals, and the biological correlates of specifi c religious ideas such as revelation. The fi nal lectures examine some of the most fascinating philosophical and theological implications of the fi eld of scholarship that is sometimes referred to as neurotheology—the study of how the brain and spirituality are linked.
In this course, you will learn about many of the latest brain-imaging studies of different spiritual practices that peer into the brain during intense prayer, meditation, or speaking in tongues. You will explore how the effects of these different practices change not only the brain, but the body as well. In addition, you will consider how spiritual and religious beliefs might affect mental health as well as physical health. You will also consider the reverse relationship, in which patients with disorders such as seizures or schizophrenia manifest strong and sometimes bizarre religious experiences. Along the way, you will learn about a wide variety of religious experiences, ranging from basic rituals to the most profound mystical experiences.
A major element of this course is to explore where spiritual beliefs come from. You will consider how the brain develops biologically across the lifespan and how this refl ects a person’s spiritual growth and development. In addition, you will try to understand why the brains of some people are intensely religious while the brains of others completely reject the notion of God. You will also explore when religion and spirituality have a positive impact on a person’s life and when such beliefs turn the brain hateful and destructive. You will learn about the impact of neurological and psychological disorders on spiritual beliefs and about how certain drugs that affect specifi c neurotransmitter systems in the brain lead to amazing spiritual-like experiences. Near-death experiences, rituals, and myths all have the potential to affect the brain, and of course, the brain’s functions are likely involved in helping human beings have such experiences. 
In this course, you will learn how thoughts, feelings, and experiences are associated with specifi c brain areas and how these are related to different aspects of religious and spiritual phenomena. Such phenomena frequently have extremely strong emotions of love or awe, amazing sensory elements such as intense light, and transformative thought processes that change a person’s life. Along the way, you will explore the many research studies that are currently helping people understand the nature of all of these aspects of the spiritual brain.
As this course addresses many mysteries of spirituality, you will learn about how neuroscientists are beginning to study these phenomena and why certain questions about spiritual thoughts, emotions, and behaviors have been particularly diffi cult to evaluate using scientifi c methods. You will also learn that many popular and widely held explanations for human spiritual behaviors are far more complicated when you begin to incorporate a scientifi c perspective as well as a spiritual one. 
In the process of discussing the spiritual brain, you will ultimately consider the implications for religion, philosophy, and theology. Thus, you can consider how the spiritual brain addresses some of the big questions about why human beings exist, what the nature of truth is, and how people can know what is really real. 
Drawing upon the latest research linking modern neuroscience and spirituality, this course shines a light into the deepest parts of the human mind and spirit, giving you deep insights into why people believe what they do and revealing the fascinating relationship between the universal spiritual urge and the intricate workings of the human brain. ■ 
A New Perspective on Ancient Questions 
Lecture 1
T
he purpose of this course is to understand how and why the mind moves human beings to be spiritual, to contemplate God, and to develop and follow religions. Because religion and spirituality can have a tremendous effect on people, there should be some physiological manifestation of that effect in the most important organ in our body—the brain. If we can study the human brain, then by extension, we can also study how religion and spirituality affect the human brain. If we can measure or quantify that effect, then perhaps we can even learn something about how and why we are spiritual. 
Brain Scans of Franciscan Nuns
• In 1993, a study was conducted at the University of Pennsylvania that focused on the examination of brain activity while participants engaged in a type of Christian meditative prayer called centering prayer. The religious participants were a group of cloistered Franciscan nuns.
• To prepare for the study, the nuns allowed researchers to put intravenous catheters into their arms so that the researchers could inject a small amount of radioactive material, which would allow researchers to scan the brains of the nuns and determine which areas were more or less active during prayer. 
• The researchers wanted to make sure that each person had enough experience doing the centering prayer, so they set a lower limit of 15 years to qualify.
• One by one, each nun engaged in a prayer session for 45 minutes. The tracer was injected in the last fi ve minutes of the practice to capture the peak of the practice. When the tracer is injected, it circulates for a few minutes and gets locked in the brain, so it captures a snapshot at a particular moment in time. 
• The brain scans showed many different changes, including changes in the parts of the brain that are involved in the sense of self, the ability to focus attention, and emotions—evidence that prayer has a measurable effect on the human brain.
• One of the things that scientifi c experiments do is, as you pursue the answer to one question, the experiment opens your mind to a slew of great questions you hadn’t thought of before. In this case, the questions that the brain scans raised were even more fascinating than the conclusions that could be drawn from the preliminary data. 
• If prayer causes a very specifi c pattern of activity in the brain—a pattern that can be detected by scanning technology—the sort of questions that are raised are as follows.
o Are these changes in brain activity just for prayer, or do they apply to other practices as well? 
o If researchers compare the brain scans of different individuals, can they learn anything about the different ways the individuals conceptualize God? 
o What might these brain scans tell us about the relationship between spirituality and health? 
• Are these the kinds of questions that science can actually answer? Researchers can use the latest and greatest in medical technology to see which brain areas are more or less active during prayer, but can that really tell them anything about the spirituality of the person who does the praying? Is spirituality even a proper subject for scientifi c examination? 
• Science is all about understanding the world and ourselves, and few things seem more persistent and fundamental to the study of ourselves than human spirituality.
The History of Religion
• Human beings have pursued religion from our earliest origins. For example, 70,000 to 100,000 years ago, Neanderthals were burying their dead—and not only the bodies. Some graves also included various instruments, jewelry, and other adornments. This suggests, at the very least, that they had some belief that the dead went somewhere and may need those objects. However, it was not the body that had departed, so it must be something nonmaterial—a soul, perhaps. 
• About 30,000 years ago, people were painting detailed scenes on cave walls in France and Southern Africa. These scenes included unusual fi gures that combined humans and animals. Several scholars suggest that these paintings actually represent mystical experiences. If they are correct, then human beings were already capable of profound spiritual states. 
• Roughly 11,000 years ago, a temple was constructed at Göbekli Tepe in southeastern Turkey. The temple is comprised of large circular structures with walls made of unworked drystone and numerous T-shaped monolithic pillars of limestone that are up to 10 feet high. A bigger pair of pillars is placed in the center of the structures. There is evidence that the structures had a roof. Perhaps most interesting are the reliefs on the pillars, which include all sorts of animals, including foxes, lions, cattle, hyenas, wild boars, herons, ducks, scorpions, ants, spiders, snakes, and a small number of human-looking fi gures.
• The temple at Göbekli Tepe suggests that civilization did not precede religion, but that religion preceded civilization. In other words, it is a religious temple that was built thousands of years before the fi rst cities began to appear, which seems to show that cities arose around the temple. 
• The ancient Egyptians, 5,000 to 6,000 years ago, developed a rich mythology with many types of gods that helped control the world and especially the afterworld.
• When you consider the origins of monotheistic religions 5,000 years ago—as well as the emergence of Buddhism and Hinduism and the later development of Christianity, Islam, and other religions—all of this clearly demonstrates that throughout time and across the globe, human beings have thought about and struggled with the notion of a spiritual realm or God.
• One way to look at this long history is that religion is just the way things get explained before science comes along, but as a scientist, you might also look at this and see an undeniable pattern. Humans exhibit a persistent tendency to believe in things like God, the afterlife, and the soul. Maybe there’s something in the way our brains are put together—the way we’re wired—that makes us believe.
• In the 19th century, thinkers such as Nietzsche told us that God was dead, and many people thought that the development of science and universal education would lead people away from religious and spiritual ideas 
 
Many years ago, the ancient Egyptians believed in the existence of many gods and that the gods helped them in their journey into the afterworld. This led to the building of pyramids and all of the accoutrements that went along with them. 
 
However, despite those thinkers, large percentages of people throughout the world still describe themselves as religious. Depending on the survey, about 85 to 90 percent of people in the United States believe in God, and surveys of the world population usually put the percentage of religious individuals between about 80 and 85 percent. 
• Even agnostics and atheists are defi ned by their beliefs about God—or a lack of God. Almost everyone has thought about this topic at one point in their lives and has come to some conclusion about what belief, or nonbelief, to incorporate into their lives.
The Intersection of the Brain and Spirituality
• Science has to play a role in the exploration of spirituality. Given the universality of the human impulse to believe, how can science really understand our species unless it’s willing to explore the spiritual brain? Studies like the one involving the Franciscan nuns aren’t scientifi c sideshows; they can actually help us get to the core of what it means to be human.
• In fact, some of the most exciting research in all of science is occurring in a new fi eld known as neurotheology, which is essentially the study of the relationship between the brain and spirituality.
• The tools of neurotheology are brain-imaging techniques and other physiological measures of the brain and body, such as changes in blood pressure, heart rate, or immune function. Other tools include studies and experiments that measure subjective experience, including thoughts, feelings, and perceptions. 
• Neurotheology is a new and expanding fi eld of research that has certainly caught the attention of both scientists and religious scholars in addition to the public at large.
• Of course, neurotheology isn’t the fi rst attempt to describe the links between the brain and spirituality. In fact, the wisdom of many ancient traditions includes powerful intuitions and surprising insights about the nature of these elusive links. 
• For example, Eastern religious traditions have long shown signifi cant interest in psychology. Buddhist and Hindu writings made extensive evaluations of the experience of the self, our emotional attachment to that self, and how the human psyche can be altered through various practices. These traditions recognized the importance of using the brain to help us achieve spiritual enlightenment.
• Ayurvedic medical practices were developed in India with an emphasis on the body’s energy. According to this tradition, the brain, body, and spirit are intimately connected by an energy, or a force, known as Chi. Ayurvedic medicine long ago incorporated a concept that the material brain is deeply connected to the spiritual experiences of the mind. 
• Ancient religious texts in the Western world did not deal with the brain’s relationship to spirituality per se. The Bible speaks little about specifi c body physiology or mental processes. However, the description of human beings, their frailties, and the evil actions they commit clearly signifi es deep interest in human psychology.
• The Ten Commandments are basically a treatise on moral psychology. They specify what we are to think and how we are to behave. However, we must remember that it is the brain that makes moral guidelines intelligible to us. Furthermore, it is the brain that drives us to behave in ways that either satisfy or violate those intelligible guidelines. 
• Questions about the relationship between body and soul, and brain and mind, have been central to the Western philosophical tradition. From Descartes to Spinoza to Kant, people have wondered whether there is something inherent in the human mind that allows it access to ultimate reality.
People have argued for centuries about how we can have knowledge of ultimate reality, recognizing that such knowledge is the key to understanding the nature of the universe. This is one of humanity’s ultimate goals—to explore and understand how the universe works—and we must realize the critical role our mind plays in achieving this understanding. 
• Science is constantly giving us new techniques to address the great questions of human life—questions relating to God, the soul, and the nature of belief—and this research is beginning to shed light on the questions regarding the relationship between the brain and human spirituality. 
    Suggested Reading
Ashbrook and Albright, The Humanizing Brain. 
Beauregard and O’Leary, The Spiritual Brain.
McNamara, ed, Where God and Science Meet. 
Newberg and Waldman, How God Changes Your Brain. 
Newberg, d’Aquili, and Rause, Why God Won’t Go Away.
    Questions to Consider
1. Over the centuries, how have we, as human beings, come to understand the persistence and nature of our religious and spiritual beliefs?
2. How can a scientifi c perspective of the human brain provide a new and deeper understanding of how and why human beings have religious and spiritual beliefs?
Why Do We Have a Spiritual Brain?
Lecture 2
 
I
t is undeniable that many people classify certain feelings and experiences as “spiritual.” People talk about feeling God’s presence or experiencing a peace that goes beyond any physical explanation. However, do these spiritual experiences—or these perceptions of spiritual experience—have a purpose? Do they exist because they do some good for the individual or even for the species as a whole? Why do we have a brain that is capable of spirituality? Many great philosophers and theologians have pondered these questions from a religious or spiritual perspective, but in this lecture, you will consider them from a neuroscientifi c and evolutionary perspective as well. 
Defi ning Religion and Spirituality
• Historically, many thinkers have tried to defi ne the essence of religion and spirituality. German theologian Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768–1834) placed an emphasis on religion to a more cognitive, visceral, or intuitive sense—“a feeling of absolute dependence.” Rudolf Otto’s The Idea of the Holy (1917) defi ned the essence of religious awareness as awe that is a mixture of fear and fascination.
• In the past several decades, the meaning and purpose of religion has become a subject not only for theologians like Schleiermacher and Otto, but for scientists as well. 
• In the early 1970s, research psychiatrist Eugene d’Aquili began to look at spirituality. He wanted to try to fi nd how brain functions— which appear to have evolved over time—were related to the development of human spirituality. 
• In the 1990s, scientist James Austin wrote a book called Zen and the Brain. In it, Austin explored how brain functions, particularly those associated with neurotransmitters, were related to meditation practices. 
More recently, scientists have developed improved methodologies for studying the brain, and these methodologies have opened a multitude of avenues for exploring the neurological and physiological aspects of spirituality. 
• As scientists explore these new frontiers, they need defi nitions for the terms “spirituality” and “religion”—just as Schleiermacher and Otto did. However, as they look for defi nitions that will work for them, scientists are confronted with an interesting issue—one that’s probably not as critical to theologians and philosophers. 
• Scientists have to defi ne these terms in such a way that the defi nitions are experimentally useful. In other words, they must develop operational defi nitions of both religion and spirituality. The defi nition of spirituality as simply the human experience of the soul is too vague and too diffi cult to ever apply any kind of scientifi c analysis to. 
• Scientists have to avoid narrow defi nitions of these terms that might impede research. In addition, they have to avoid broad defi nitions that cannot be measured and develop appropriate measurement tools.
• Spirituality can be defi ned as the subjective feelings, thoughts, experiences, and behaviors that arise from a search or quest for the sacred. 
• In this defi nition, the term “search” refers to attempts to identify, articulate, maintain, or transform. Think about how you may have engaged in this search throughout your life. How have you identifi ed yourself from a spiritual perspective? Do you agree with the notion that spirituality is a search?
• In addition, the term “sacred” refers to what the individual perceives as a divine being, ultimate reality, or ultimate truth. For most people in the United States, the sacred relates to God in the Judeo-Christian tradition, but there are many ideas about what is sacred.
• Religiousness can be defi ned as the search for sacred goals or for nonsacred goals—such as identity, belonging, meaning, or health— in the context of spiritual criteria. The means and methods of the search receive general validation and support from within an identifi able group of people.
• With these operational defi nitions in mind, consider why humans have a spiritual brain. To put it another way, why do we have a brain that is so strongly disposed to search for sacred objects and goals, such as God or ultimate truth? There are several main ways of approaching this question, including from evolutionary, neuroscientifi c, and religious standpoints.
Evolutionary Reasons for a Spiritual Brain
• Several evolutionary scientists have argued that religion is adaptive. The argument is that given certain adaptive aspects of religion, the brain continued to evolve in order to maintain these elements that were ultimately expressed in religious or spiritual concepts. In particular, there is a correlation between the evolutionary development of the human brain and religious and spiritual activity.
• By exploring the shape and size of the skull of different species, scientists can determine the size of different parts of the brain. The fi rst evidence of religious activity appears in Neanderthals, who lived 70,000 to 100,000 years ago. Neanderthals had a much larger brain than prior human ancestors; particularly, the cortex, or the outer part of the brain, was responsible for much of the higher thought processes.
• The existence of a larger brain coincided with the beginning of burials involving tools, fl owers, or painting on the body. We don’t know the real meaning of these burials, and we also don’t know if brain size is the same as brain complexity. 
• Cro-Magnon, the precursor to modern Homo sapiens, had a larger overall brain size, but size does not necessarily relate to complexity—even though there usually is a relationship. Given 
 
the size of the Cro-Magnon brain being similar to modern human beings, it would be interesting to see how they may have expressed spiritual beliefs.
• There are several lines of evidence that Cro-Magnon did have spiritual beliefs. In ancient caves, they painted fi gures of animals that appeared to be killed during the hunt. Perhaps this was related to the notion that if they envisioned a certain future outcome—a successful hunt, for example—that it would come true.
• Cro-Magnon also made the fi rst sculptures, or fi gurines, which were usually in the shape of a fertile female. The implication is that this is the fi rst evidence of worshiping a female or fertility god. 
• Religious and spiritual phenomena are highly complex—involving emotions, thoughts, perceptions, and behaviors—so they probably require a highly complex brain.
• The emergence of spirituality seems to have coincided with an increase in brain size. From an evolutionary standpoint, this is quite intriguing. What survival value might religion have? Did spirituality give our ancestors some evolutionary edge? Was it in some ways adaptive? Some evolutionary theorists think so.
• Religion fosters social cohesion. One line of evidence for the link between religion and social cohesion is historical. For example, the temple at Göbekli Tepe suggests that religious beliefs preceded social structure.
• Many anthropologists have pointed out that no civilization has arisen without religion. From Mesopotamia, to Egypt, to Greece, to Easter Island, different spiritual beliefs have always existed.
• Religions also create a set of morals and laws that can be followed by a society. For example, the Ten Commandments of the Bible provide many rules by which to live.
• Religion also provides a basis for authority. Most leaders, especially historically, were considered to be descended from God or given leadership by divine process. This is the case in ancient Egypt, where the Pharaohs were essentially considered to be gods. In fact, Julius Caesar took on the name “Divine Julius,” and the Dalai Lama is supposedly the reincarnation of the Amitabha buddha. 
• Furthermore, most moral codes ask people to respect authority, including parents and elders, such as what is written in the Bible. These processes help to create a cohesive society. In addition, religious rituals are social activities that bind people together; they provide a sense of control and comfort.
• The argument is that our evolutionary ancestors lived Historically, many rulers were viewed as deities, including celebrated Roman ruler Julius Caesar.
in a very dangerous and capricious world with death always lurking around the corner. Religion may have evolved as a way of providing them with an answer to the fi nality of death and also as a way of providing our species with a sense of control.
• Sometimes this control is real. For agrarian societies, the earth and seasons were part of religious beliefs and activities. Thus, many ancient cultures used the fertile earth mother or earth goddess as a religious fi gure.
• Sometimes the sense of control is perceived, but it still settles the mind in order to have the person do what they need to in order to survive. According to some evolutionary theorists, this ultimately led to more successful survival.
Neuroscientifi c Reasons for a Spiritual Brain
• A neuroscientifi c explanation for our spiritual brains can also be considered to be an evolutionary argument, but it is based more on how the brain has come to work.
• If the brain develops to solve important survival questions such as how to develop crops and domesticate animals, it can also comprehend big philosophical questions about the nature of reality and existence and the meaning of human life. The brain will also begin to consider religious and spiritual answers to these questions. 
• In this way, religion itself is not adaptive, but it is the natural consequence of the neurobiology that arose for adaptive purposes. 
This is referred to as an epiphenomenon.
Religious Reasons for a Spiritual Brain
• In addition to the evolutionary and neuroscientifi c explanations for why we have a spiritual brain, there is also the religious argument, which simply points out that if a God exists, it would make sense that the human brain would be designed to comprehend God. 
• No matter how we look at the reason for having a spiritual brain, one conclusion seems clear: The brain appears to be built in such a way that it has an inherent tendency to search for sacred goals and objects. Furthermore, this tendency enables us to have a large range of religious and spiritual experiences. 
• Even though we may not be able to ever fully explain why spirituality or religion is built into the brain, the good news is that the fact that we do have spiritual tendencies provides us with many great topics and issues to explore as we continue our journey to understand the spiritual brain. 
    Suggested Reading
Beauregard and O’Leary, The Spiritual Brain.
Boyer, Religion Explained.
Dennett, Breaking the Spell.
Newberg and d’Aquili, Why God Won’t Go Away.
Wilson, Darwin’s Cathedral.
    Questions to Consider
1. How have religious and spiritual beliefs become part of the function of the human brain?
2. Is the reason for havi ng a spiritual brain based upon evolution, neuroscience, or religion? 
Brain Function and Religion 
Lecture 3
T
he brain has many different functions, and many of those functions relate to a particular aspect of religion or spirituality. You have to understand where the brain comes from, what it does, and how it works before you can understand what the spiritual brain is all about. In this lecture, you will learn about the brain’s basic functions and processes, and you will consider how many of the latest scientifi c techniques can be used to help study the spiritual brain. 
The Brain versus the Mind
• Generally, we think of the brain as the biological structure that is inside our heads. This includes the neurons, neurotransmitters, and electrical connections in the brain. This also includes the connections of the brain to the sensory organs and to the rest of the body.
• Alternatively, we tend to think of the mind as the thoughts, feelings, and experiences we have, but these intangible qualities of the mind must be connected somehow to the biological stuff of the brain. 
• Up to the present time, science has not been able to determine exactly where our thoughts and consciousness reside. Are they equivalent to the biological processes, intimately bound to the biological processes, or something completely different? 
• Many thinkers have created a dualistic understanding of the mind and brain. For example, Saint Thomas Aquinas referred to the actus hominis and the actus humanus in differentiating the biological from the intellectual. In addition, René Descartes is famous for creating a dualistic approach to the mind and brain, keeping them in separate domains.
Brain Systems
• If you think about your body and how it works in the context of the brain, there need to be “on” and “off” switches for the body. The 
 
“on” switch is typically supplied by the autonomic nervous system, which works automatically.
The autonomic nervous system is typically regarded as being comprised of two fundamental parts. One of them is the arousal part; in scientifi c terms, it is called the sympathetic nervous system. The arousal system turns on when something of motivational importance happens in our environment that we need to react to.
• The “off” switch is related to the part of the autonomic nervous system called the parasympathetic nervous system, or the quiescent nervous system, which calms us down.
• To some degree, the arousal system expends energy—to fl ee or to fi ght, for example—and the quiescent side enables us to rejuvenate our energy stores.
• Normally, these two systems mutually inhibit each other. In other words, one of the systems of the autonomic nervous system turns on while the other one turns off. However, sometimes, they can mutually excite each other.
• Mutual excitation is important in regard to some very important spiritual experiences that seem to invoke two different kinds of responses: On one hand, they seem to invoke a very powerful calming response—a feeling of blissfulness—but on the other hand, these profound spiritual states are incredibly arousing and alerting. 
• The autonomic nervous system ultimately connects the brain and the body. The regulation of that connection takes place in a part of the brain called the limbic system, which may be thought of as the primary emotional controller of the brain.
• The limbic system is comprised of several different structures that enable us to have different emotional responses. The amygdala functions as a watchdog in the brain. It turns on when anything 
of emotional importance—positive or negative—occurs in our environment.
If you are engaged in a religious or spiritual practice in which something important is about to happen, perhaps it can be observed that the amygdala will turn on in response.
• Another structure of the limbic system is the hippocampus, which is located behind the amygdala and is kind of a diplomat of the brain. It helps to regulate our emotional responses so that we don’t become too extreme in one way or another. The hippocampus helps to write memories into the brain. 
• In regard to religion and spirituality, it is important that our memory is related to our emotions. When we think about what we remember and how we remember it and incorporate it into our lives, the limbic system is very important for making religious and spiritual beliefs a part of who we are as human beings.
• Another important structure that is located in the limbic system is the hypothalamus, which is one of the most central structures of the brain and, in many ways, is the master controller of almost every different body function. The hypothalamus regulates our hormone system, so it’s very crucial in regulating how our body reacts to the world and to the brain. In fact, the hypothalamus controls which parts of the autonomic nervous system are turned on or off.
• If we think about the nature of religious and spiritual experiences as not only affecting us emotionally, but also as having an effect on the body itself, we can see how the hypothalamus may be a key regulator in translating the information that we’re feeling and thinking about in the higher parts of the brain to the rest of the body.
Association Areas of the Brain
• The brain is divided into four basic lobes: the occipital lobe in the back of the brain, the frontal lobe in the front part of the brain, 
the temporal lobe along the side of the brain, and the parietal lobe toward the back top part of the brain.
The brain receives millions of pieces of information and ultimately tries to create a very coherent rendition of what our world is all about. The brain takes what we see, hear, taste, and smell and puts all of that together, making a picture of the world.
• In the visual system, light initially comes in through our eyes and travels to the occipital lobe. In this lobe, instead of perceiving pictures, we see lines, shapes, and colors. Different association areas take information from many different neurons and begin to construct a vivid picture of what the world is all about. Then, these association areas connect with other association areas to attribute a memory to what we see. 
• The verbal-conceptual area is located between two of the larger lobes of the brain—the temporal lobe and the parietal lobe. The verbal-conceptual area helps us with language, concepts, and abstract ideas.
• The frontal lobe is also an association area that is sometimes referred to as the attention area. Many brain-scan studies have shown that when we focus our attention on a particular task, the attention area is what turns on. It helps coordinate our thought processes and physical behaviors by linking what we’re thinking about with what our body and brain are doing. 
• Located in the parietal lobe, the orientation area takes all of our sensory information and helps to orient ourselves in the world. 
• This area is relevant to religious or spiritual experiences because when people pray, they often lose their sense of self and feel a sense of spacelessness and timelessness. If that’s the case, then perhaps there is something going on in the orientation area that is changing the way they think about themselves.
 
Complex Cognitive Functions of the Brain
• The quantitative function of the brain helps us with numbers, which abound throughout sacred texts. Numbers are given meaning and importance by the quantitative function of the brain. 
• The part of the brain that helps us with binary thinking is important because binary processes set aside opposites for us. In terms of religion and spirituality, binary concepts such as what’s right or wrong are set by the binary processes of the brain.
• The causal functioning part of the brain is activated when we think about and see causes and effects in the world. In the context of religious or spiritual ideas, we might think about God as causing the universe to come into existence or causing the universe to exist all the time.
• There is also an existential function in the brain that tells us when something is real and exists. This becomes important when considering the nature and experience of human reality. 
• The reductionistic function breaks things down, and the holistic function binds everything together. When people have mystical experiences, they describe a sense of oneness, which might involve this holistic function.
• The abstract function in the brain allows us to think about things abstractly, and this is very crucial for all of the philosophical, religious, and theological ideas that we hold. 
Measuring the Brain
• Over the past several decades, neuroscientists have developed amazing tools for peering into the brain, and these tools are starting to be used to study the spiritual brain.
• Subjective measures refer to asking people how they feel, what they think about, and how they understand the experiences that they have. Physiological measures refer to measuring changes in electrical activity in the brain—called electroencephalography—or using different neuroimaging studies to look at activity levels in the brain, or the amount of chemicals in the brain. 
• There are many different ways to subjectively measure the brain, including taking psychological inventories, measuring a person’s memory, and determining a person’s cognitive status. A variety of spiritual scales exist as well.
• Physiologically, what’s going on in the brain and what’s going on in the body can be analyzed. In terms of autonomic function, heart rate and blood pressure can be measured, and by drawing blood, changes in the immune system and in hormones can be measured. All of these things are important ways of trying to help us establish the link between our spiritual and biological selves.
• Furthermore, there are a few ways to specifi cally look at the brain. Electroencephalography, which measures the electrical activity in the brain, is a good technique for looking at what’s going on from 
 
moment to moment, but it doesn’t give an accurate determination of where something is happening in the brain. Imaging studies offer the ability to look at the brain structurally or anatomically as well as functionally.
• Functional imaging—which usually uses magnetic resonance imaging 
(MRI), positron emission tomography (PET), or single-photon emission computed tomography (SPECT)—involves ways 
Researchers have compared the brain scans of religious people to those of nonreligious people.
 
of looking at the activity levels in the brain. All of these are very important for helping us to assess what spirituality is and how it affects the brain and, ultimately, the body.
    Suggested Reading
Austin, Zen and the Brain. Benson, Timeless Healing.
Newberg and Iversen, “The Neural Basis of the Complex Mental Task of Meditation.”
Newberg and Waldman, Why We Believe What We Believe.
    Questions to Consider
1. How does the brain work to enable human beings to have religious and spiritual beliefs and experiences?
2. How do each of the different parts of the brain—such as the hypothalamus, limbic system, and cortex—contribute to religious and spiritual phenomena?
How Does Science Study Religion? 
Lecture 4 
 
I
n this lecture, you are going to be introduced to some of the elements of a well-designed scientifi c study. Specifi cally, you are going to learn about the design elements that need to be considered when science undertakes the study of spirituality. By understanding the principles of research design, you will have a better sense of how this fi eld of research has developed, and you will be able to use this information when reviewing the various studies that are presented in this course. This lecture also offers you the opportunity to think about how you might study the spiritual brain.
Studying Spiritual Phenomena
• Suppose that you have questions regarding spiritual phenomena. 
o Why does religion sometimes result in very positive behavior and sometimes in very negative behavior?
o How can being religious help someone if he or she has cancer?
o What happens in the brain during a mystical experience?
• To begin to answer any of these questions, you have to start by designing an experiment. First, what is your question? What is the thing you want to answer? It can’t be something too general; you have to be very specifi c in your goal. 
• For example, if you want to study the effects of prayer on the brain, you must fi rst decide what specifi c type of prayer and what traditions you are going to study.
• The study of the Franciscan nuns that was mentioned in Lecture 1 focused not on prayer in general, but specifi cally on the Christian centering prayer. The primary question was to determine how prayer affected the brain, but it was debated whether centering 
 
prayer was the best type of prayer to study. After all, is centering prayer even something that a person can easily do in a laboratory setting? How would it relate to other types of prayer? Can this prayer be compared to prayer performed by other religions? 
• There is a downside to studying one type of prayer because, unfortunately, the 
 
Centering prayer is a form of Christian meditation that involves the recitation of sacred words.
 
more specifi c you get, the less generalizable the results will be. However, the virtue of specifi city is that it makes it easier to know exactly what you are studying. It makes the data stronger, even though the data might not be applicable to other practices. 
• As soon as you know what question you want to address with your study, the next thing you need to decide is whom you will study. How religious or spiritual should the participants in your study be, and how will you decide this? Do you want to study people who are very familiar with the practice or people who have never done it before? What questions will you ask to assess their level of expertise? 
• Once you fi gure out the practice to study and the subjects to study, you have more questions to deal with. For example, what instruments or techniques will you use to conduct the study? How do you plan to analyze your data? 
• Clearly, studying spirituality with science is not easy. You have to contend with many critical issues if you want to get data that are worthwhile, interesting, and useful.
Issues with Studying Spiritual Phenomena
• One of the biggest issues scientists face when studying spiritual phenomena is the problem of paradigms. When it comes to understanding or explaining reality, science has one perspective, or paradigm—and spirituality has quite another. 
• Spirituality is more experience driven than science. For example, a person of faith can usually offer some type of evidence that supports his or her beliefs, but this is usually not tested from the scientifi c perspective.
• Ultimately, what is evidence? In church, the congregants believe they have lots of evidence that God exists in their lives—but does that constitute as scientifi c evidence? 
• Any scientifi c study of spirituality has to confront the issue of establishing defi nitions. In addition to developing an operational defi nition for spirituality and religiousness, there are many other terms that might need to be defi ned in any given study of human belief, including prayer, love, forgiveness, and salvation.
• When defi ning such terms, scientists face a challenge: They must avoid narrow defi nitions of terms that might impede research, but they also must avoid broad defi nitions that cannot be measured. Defi nitions are an issue for all types of studies. 
• Measuring spirituality is another critical issue. Researchers must make whatever connections they can between the subjective descriptions of spiritual experiences that people have—of the thoughts and feelings that they have—and the objective measurements of the brain and other physiological processes.
• It is not even clear whether spirituality or religiousness can be isolated for measurement. Researchers can ask people about what they feel, think, or experience, but are feelings, thoughts, and experiences really the essence of what is spiritual? 
Lessons from Professor Newberg’s Research
n my own research, I decided that we really needed to have more information on the subjective nature of religious and spiritual experiences. If we could get this information, then we could better evaluate and design neuroscientifi c studies because we would know better about the thoughts, feelings, and experiences of people, and we could directly tie this subjective information together with brain functions. 
How could we get this kind of subjective information? We wanted to make sure that we used a variety of different ways to get at what a spiritual experience actually was and what it felt like. We also wanted to get information about the people having the experiences, and we wanted to use different existing measures of spirituality to see how they related to each other. 
We decided to turn to the Internet because it would provide a great platform for getting this information, and we could get information from a lot of people in a relatively short period of time. 
We started to design a website that was as comprehensive as possible. We started by asking participants about who they were. We asked questions about their religious tradition of origin, current religious belief system, demographic information, and personal history—including medical problems, medications, and history of drug use. 
Then, we asked them questions based on a variety of validated questionnaires, including those that get at the importance and meaning of religion in their lives, their openness to other beliefs, and their fear of death. Finally, we provided a box with the simple instruction to write as much as they wanted about their spiritual experience or experiences. 
With data from over 2,000 participants, the results have been incredible. We will share some of the results from this study at different points in the course. Some information will be from the narratives of the participants in terms of how they describe their spiritual experiences. Other data relate to how measures of religiosity worked. 
 
For example, we developed a series of questions designed to fi nd out how open people were about different beliefs. Some of the questions were more abstract in terms of what participants believed while others were more practical, such as asking participants if they would marry someone outside of their religion. About 25 percent responded that they would not. Overall, we found out that most people were somewhat open to other belief systems, but very few people were totally open to other beliefs. 
As interesting as these data from our web survey are, there are still other fascinating approaches to measuring spirituality that were not used. For example, is it possible to develop an external measure of spirituality? Can priests or spiritual masters evaluate students in some way? 
• Some researchers in this fi eld have suggested that a subtraction perspective might be useful. In other words, if we factor everything out, we might be left with something truly spiritual. 
• For the time being, however, researchers must make whatever connections they can between the subjective descriptions of spiritual experiences and the objective measurements of physiological and neurological states. 
• Spirituality and religiousness are usually described in terms of psychological, emotional, or cognitive processes, and science has developed tools that enable us to measure those processes— at least to some degree. Physiological and neurophysiological measures need to be combined with subjective and phenomenological analysis.
• What type of study do we need to evaluate the spiritual brain? There are advantages and disadvantages to each type. Consider developing a new study in which you want to use imaging to determine which parts of the brain are turned on or off during a specifi c practice, such as doing the Rosary. 
• Longitudinal studies repeatedly evaluate individuals over a period of time (a practice that can also be valuable for experimental studies), but they often take too much time. Cross-sectional studies are, therefore, much easier, but they sometimes miss the transition. 
• Correlational research involves studying the relationship between two or more variables—for example, praying the Rosary and alcohol use. This type of research can be valuable, but it has limitations as well. 
• There are a few other considerations that you will need to address for your Rosary study. You want to measure brain changes, but you have to decide if you want to measure general activity, specifi c areas, or specifi c neurotransmitters (such as serotonin or dopamine). 
• You also need to make sure that you compare the measures you get from imaging with something subjective, so you will want to make sure that people do the Rosary correctly and get the experience you expect. 
• You have to determine what type of change you are interested in. You may want to determine changes in blood fl ow or changes in anxiety. You also have to make sure that whatever changes you fi nd are relevant in the sense that they actually mean something to the person.
• In a larger way, you have to think about who should be studied and why each group might be good or bad for studying the Rosary. For example, should you study atheists, members of the general population, or members of the religious population? Should you study novices, experts, or mystics? 
• If you fi nd a change, you might want to make sure that the change is directly related to doing the Rosary and not to doing one of hundreds of other types of practices. Therefore, you need to have a good comparison state. However, can there be an adequate placebo? 
Can subjects act as their own control?
• Study design is important because it tells us something about the capabilities and limitations of science. More importantly, it helps us understand what kind of information regarding religious and spiritual phenomena we can actually obtain. 
    Suggested Reading
Beauregard and O’Leary, The Spiritual Brain. 
Gay, ed, Neuroscience and Religion. 
Grassie, ed, Advanced Methodologies in the Scientifi c Study of Religion and Spirituality.
Koenig, McCullough, and Larson, Handbook of Religion and Health.
McNamara, ed, Where God and Science Meet.
    Questions to Consider
1. What are the capabilities and limitations of using the scientifi c method to study religious and spiritual phenomena?
2. What are the challenges to science in terms of evaluating spiritual experiences, analyzing the effects of religion on the brain and body, and defi ning what religion and spirituality actually are?
Believers and Atheists 
Lecture 5 
you believe? 
Why Are There Nonbelievers? 
not sure.
God to explain the existence and nature of the universe. evaluating the difference between them. 
ways. Several studies have compared those who meditate or pray as part of their spiritual tradition to people who do not meditate or pray. The results have been somewhat striking.
• Several MRI studies have shown that the brains of long-term practitioners are thicker than the brains of nonmeditators. In particular, the frontal lobes appear thicker. Similarly, it has been shown that meditators functionally have more activity in the frontal lobes than nonmeditators.
• Research also points to changes to another central structure in the brain called the thalamus, which controls sensory information, cognition, and consciousness. 
Basically, it is essential 
for our experience and understanding of reality. People who exercise their brains through prayer or meditation tend to have thicker brains.
• The results are intriguing because they show a difference, but they also raise an important question: Did the spiritual people have thicker brains and more active frontal lobes to begin with, and that is what attracted them to spiritual belief and practices, or did their brains change over time as the result of doing these practices and being spiritual? 
• Longitudinal studies can help us answer the question of which came fi rst. The basic idea of such studies is to evaluate people over time—months or years.
 
If we can evaluate what happens in people’s thought processes and spiritual beliefs over time, we might better determine whether the brain causes people to believe or not—or, perhaps, the longer a person believes something, the more their brain changes to accept that belief. 
• Unfortunately, at the present time, there are no longitudinal studies that specifi cally compare the way a believer’s brain changes over time versus the way a nonbeliever’s brain changes.
• Imaging technology can be used to compare brain activity in believers versus nonbelievers. One study showed that when atheists—all of whom were good at meditating—were asked to meditate on God, their frontal lobes did not turn on like those of the Franciscan nuns in the study from Lecture 1. 
• If the frontal lobe helps people concentrate or focus on something and atheists have a real problem with doing so, maybe they are struggling with a sense of cognitive dissonance. They are trying to focus on something that they really don’t like very much, and they don’t feel comfortable focusing on it. Clearly, the nuns are able to engage the concepts of their prayer, of their meditation, and of the notion of God. 
• Several studies have been designed to study how believers and nonbelievers think—or think differently. Syllogisms are typically used to test how people think logically, and some early studies showed that nonbelievers performed better on such tests.
• One clever study used syllogisms that were either proreligious or antireligious. The following is an example of a proreligious syllogism.
o If to succeed in life you have to be Christian, and if a person named Thomas wants to succeed in life, then Thomas should become a Christian.
The following is an example of an antireligious syllogism. 
o If being religious is found to be bad for people who have depression, and if you suffer from depression, then you should try to be less religious. 
• Participants were asked to evaluate whether the syllogisms were internally logical or not. The results were intriguing. The religious people did better on the proreligious questions, and the nonreligious people did better on the antireligious questions. The results suggest that both groups make logical mistakes, but they make them in the direction of their beliefs. 
• Another study also demonstrated the difference between believers and nonbelievers in an intriguing way. 
• Believers and nonbelievers were asked to look at distorted photos with some real and some nonreal elements. Believers were more likely to see things that were there, but sometimes they saw things that weren’t there. Nonbelievers never saw things that weren’t there, but sometimes they missed things that were there. Again, each group made mistakes, but they made them in directions that were consistent with their beliefs. 
• Another interesting result from this study is that when nonbelievers were given dopamine, their results were more similar to the results of believers.
• One of the things that dopamine does is help regulate our sensations, and it is also part of the reward system in the brain. In the context of this study, dopamine helps to modify how we interpret our sensory perceptions. It changes our view of reality. 
• Perhaps dopamine, or some other neurotransmitter, is crucial for helping a person see the world in a spiritual way or in a nonspiritual way. It would certainly be interesting if there were some relationship between neurotransmitters and various aspects of spirituality. 
The relationship between dopamine and spirituality takes another turn in a study conducted by Dr. Dean Hamer, a behavioral geneticist at the National Institutes of Health. 
• Hamer analyzed DNA and personality data from over 1,000 individuals and identifi ed one particular gene as the “God gene,” which was found to correlate with people’s feelings of selftranscendence. Interestingly, this gene is involved in producing the VMAT2 receptor, which regulates dopamine and serotonin levels in the brain. 
• Some scientists note that the effect of this gene on differences in spiritual beliefs is likely very low—perhaps less than 10 percent of the effect. However, Hamer states that the God gene does not imply that it is the only factor in making someone spiritual or religious, but it seems to be involved in the process.
• Some religious people were concerned that religion was being reduced only to genes, ignoring doctrine, culture, traditions, and—most importantly—God. However, Hamer responded that the existence of such a gene would not be incompatible with the existence of a personal God. 
• One of the advantages of the Hamer study is that it looked at a relatively large number of people. However, in order to fully answer the questions about believers and nonbelievers, we may need to greatly expand the population of people we are going to study.
• We could study atheists and contrast them against ardent believers, but we might also consider studying the general population to see how spirituality is expressed along a continuum of many different people. It is like trying to study music—one way would be to compare expert musicians to those people who are completely tone deaf. 
• We could also compare musicians to the general public, but maybe we should study the general population to fi nd the entire range of 
 
musical abilities. What about studying children before their fi rst musical lesson and then seeing which of them become musicians and which don’t?
• We could also study relative novices and compare them to experts. Perhaps an even more fascinating approach would be to study the very few people who might be similar to Mozart—those for which musical ability is at an entirely different level. 
• Extrapolating this to religion and spirituality, we could study believers and nonbelievers, the general population, or maybe people on an entirely different level, such as Mother Teresa or the Dalai Lama. There are many fascinating possibilities that we can begin to explore to help us better understand what the spiritual brain is, why some people are more spiritual than others, and how spirituality is expressed throughout humanity. 
• It appears that there may be some important differences in believers and nonbelievers. The differences are manifested in how they think about and interpret reality. However, the differences are also refl ected in the brain. Different parts of the brain react differently in believers and nonbelievers. 
• Of course, there is a broad spectrum of belief, and few people are at the extreme of either unshakeable belief or absolute unbelief in spiritual phenomena. As scientifi c research becomes more sophisticated, we will be better able to analyze the subtle differences on the spectrum of belief. In the meantime, it’s fascinating to consider how far belief may be determined from birth by our genes—or acquired through our interactions with other people or perhaps even acquired through an encounter with God. 
    Suggested Reading
Newberg and Waldman, Why We Believe What We Believe.
Shermer, The Believing Brain.
    Questions to Consider
1. Why are there believers and atheists, and are there differences in their brains?
2. How are genes and neurotransmitters associated with different belief systems? 
Spiritual Development 
Lecture 6 
 
T
he brain and spirituality appear to develop in parallel throughout the human life span. It is through this developmental process that we come to our religious and spiritual belief systems—fi rst as children through stories; then as adolescents, when we begin to create our own belief systems; and fi nally into adulthood, when we consolidate our beliefs. As we grow and develop, our brain grows and develops, and this appears to parallel our spiritual growth.
Fowler’s Model of Spiritual Development
• In his book Stages of Faith, James Fowler offered a template for spiritual development over the course of a human lifetime. He identifi ed seven stages of development, beginning at stage zero and going through stage six. Each stage corresponds to a particular period in a person’s life—from infancy through late adulthood. 
• Fowler’s model is not meant to be taken too exactly. Not everyone goes through all seven stages—nor does everyone attain the same level of spiritual development on the same chronological schedule. It is also not certain whether different traditions and cultures have different levels of spiritual development. 
• The human brain changes and develops throughout life, so perhaps we can learn something about spiritual development by looking at brain development. If we consider spirituality from a neurophysiological perspective, we might expect that spirituality develops along the same lines as the brain. In addition, we might expect that both spirituality and the brain develop in a similar way in all people. In other words, there should be certain universal processes. 
• The fi rst stage of Fowler’s model is stage zero, which corresponds with infancy. Fowler refers to this as the stage of undifferentiated faith. 
• From a neurological standpoint, there is little in the way of higher cognitive functions during infancy, especially with regard to integrating sensory phenomena. As a result, there can be no identifi able or differentiated faith or belief system. The infant operates almost exclusively in a stimulus-response mode. • Even if the infant is raised It is during childhood when the human brain has the highest 
in a highly devoted religious metabolism that it will ever have family, he or she cannot over the lifespan of an individual. cognitively absorb this 
information in order to derive an understanding of any particular religious perspective. This is the stage where the seeds of trust, hope, and love are developed. 
• It is imperative that the environment provides enough consistency and nurturance and is not one in which there is deprivation, which—at least in animal models—results in a lack of the neuronal complexity and interconnectedness that lay the foundation for future brain development.
• Such isolation is arguably associated with an overall lack of connections not only between the neurons in the individual’s brain, but also between the individual and the rest of his or her environment. If such a lack of connection persists beyond this stage, then the individual’s association areas may not form adequately, thus preventing the person from being able to explore spirituality 
and meaning in the fi rst place. This stage is, therefore, critical for overall development—both psychologically and spiritually. 
• A child’s pattern of brain function changes throughout the fi rst year of life, with initial increases in the sensorimotor cortex, thalamus, brain stem, and cerebellum. There is no signifi cant higher cortical function and, subsequently, no strong evidence of well-integrated cognitive functioning at this stage.
• At eight to nine months, there is increasing activity in the frontal lobes and other brain association areas, coinciding with the advent of cognitive thinking and social interaction. Brain scans qualitatively begin to resemble the adult brain after one to two years. This sets the stage for future brain and spiritual development.
• The second of Fowler’s stages, which is actually stage one, is called the intuitive-projective faith stage. For Fowler, stage one extends from age two to age six.
• During this stage, children are able to gain some control over the world through the use of language and symbolic representation, but their thinking is magical, episodic, and not constrained by stable logical operations. 
• During this stage, children have integrated and conceptualized God in the way in which society has ingrained it into them through fantasy, stories, and dramatic representations. Church plays, holiday stories, and simplistic prayers are what children draw on for their information about religious and spiritual ideas. 
• Neurophysiological development is associated with a progressive increase in overall brain metabolism, particularly in the neocortex. The initial increase in metabolism is likely associated with the overproduction of neurons and their connections.
• During stage one, the child’s brain is constantly establishing so many different connections that there is tremendous expansion and overconnectedness between neurons. The result is that there are few clearly defi ned rules, and there is a sense of blending many different experiences and ideas. 
• The child would, therefore, perceive the world as being comprised of many overlapping ideas, experiences, and feelings and would likely see things in ways that appear to be a fantasy to older individuals. Children in this stage will likely not see any problem blending ideas about God with very mundane issues.
• In this stage, children also have a developing sense of self with increasing activity in the frontal and parietal lobes. With this developing sense of self comes the beginning of experiencing concepts of death, sex, strong taboos within society, and the ultimate conditions of existence. However, children will not likely be able to make sense of these complex issues in the same way a mature adult would.
• Fowler’s next stage, stage two, occurs during the school-age years—approximately six to 10 years of age—and is referred to as the mythic-literal faith stage. 
• During this stage, a child begins to internalize stories, beliefs, and observances that symbolize belonging to a community or group. This internalization enables the older child to begin to compose a worldview and ideology. Beliefs are related to literal interpretations of religions or doctrines and are usually composed of moral rules and attitudes. 
• By removing inappropriate neural connections, the brain allows for the appropriate connections to form. This process likely involves specifi c neural rules by which some connections are strengthened and others are cut. These rules are likely associated with the elaboration of myth in order to provide information and understanding of the world around us. During stage two, stories, drama, and myth are the primary venues in which ideas are experienced. 
 
As a child reaches adolescence, he or she enters stage three of the model of spiritual development—a stage that Fowler calls synthetic-conventional faith stage. 
• An adolescent’s sense of spirituality is likely to be built upon notions of religion and spirituality that were established in the childhood stages. During the synthetic-conventional stage, there is elaboration of basic ideas of the person’s overall world perspective. 
• This is the period in which the person’s basic approach to life, relationships, self, and spirituality are galvanized and fully elaborated. Most religions recognize how a person’s spirituality matures at this stage by incorporating specifi c religious ceremonies such as bar or bat mitzvah in the Jewish tradition and confi rmation in the Christian tradition. These ceremonies recognize that the individual has left his or her childhood belief system and is entering into the belief system of adulthood. 
• This is also a complex stage due to a variety of factors, including hormonal states and sexual maturation. In addition, the adolescent’s world begins to extend beyond the family into peer and other cohort groups.
• Neurophysiologically, this stage corresponds to a time in which the overall metabolism in the brain begins to decrease—probably from the age of 11 to 20. This is associated with the pruning of neuronal connections in order to establish the primary connections that will take the person into adulthood. 
• Formal operational thinking and mutual perspective taking characterize this stage. Plasticity of the brain decreases notably during the decreasing metabolism phase of brain development.
• There is still signifi cant room for developing and learning new ideas and concepts, but these ideas are not as likely to be the kind of foundational concepts that were formed in childhood stages. 
Stage four of Fowler’s model is the individuative-refl ective faith stage, which occurs when there is a break between the person’s own belief system and whatever or whoever has been the authority fi gure in his or her life. There is critical distancing from one’s established value system. 
• This stage usually occurs during young adulthood but can happen as late as age 30 to 40. It is a time when one begins to take responsibility for his or her choices—irrespective of what others feel. 
• Neurophysiologically, this stage is associated with the full development of the cognitive and emotional processes that are now signifi cantly more stable than in all of the previous stages. Few new neuronal connections are established, and the pruning of connections is also limited. This stage becomes the person’s state throughout the majority of their life.
• As a person moves into midadulthood, he or she may enter the fi fth stage of Fowler’s model, which he called the conjunctive faith stage. The initiating factor that propels a person into stage fi ve is disillusionment with one’s compromises and recognition that life is more complex than one’s ability to use logic and abstract thinking. This leads to the search for a more multileveled approach to life truth through other spiritual and philosophical traditions.
• At this stage, the individual is ready for signifi cant encounters with other traditions in a quest for meaning and value in life. There is now an integration of the self that was previously unrecognized or suppressed. The end result is a reclaiming and reworking of one’s identity and faith through understanding his or her life and how it relates to humanity. 
• Neurophysiologically, this stage is associated with a decrease in overall brain metabolic activity. This decrease begins around the age of 40 and slowly progresses throughout the remainder of the individual’s life. 
This decrease, while unknown to the person, may refl ect or at least contribute to the notion of disillusionment because the brain no longer appears to be able to fi nd the answers it was striving so hard to fi nd with its full complement of functions. 
• As neural connections are lost, there may be a sense that the answers are slipping away and that it is unlikely that they will be obtained on the present path. The self may also be perceived to be somewhat slipping away because the connections between the neurons subserving the self and the sensory and cognitive input become diminished. The result may be a concern that the self can no longer face the struggle to know and understand. 
• The fi nal stage of spiritual development, stage six in Fowler’s model, is called the universalizing faith stage. 
• The transition to this stage may be spontaneous or may require deep refl ection and personal struggle. The ultimate goal is the notion of a more universal concept of religion and the universe. 
• In universalizing faith, there is a sense of unity between the self and the tenets of the individual’s religious tradition. This may represent a sense of union of the self with God or ultimate reality. This union may result from various spiritual practices or experiences. 
• Looking at this stage from a neuroscientifi c perspective, we can make some very interesting observations. The experience of union with God likely arises from the deafferentation of sensory and cognitive inputs into the association areas that subserve the orientation abilities of the brain. The fact that there is already a concomitant decrease in overall neuronal function and interconnectedness may actually contribute to this type of experience, typically occurring in older individuals. 
 
    Suggested Reading
Fowler, Stages of Faith.
Heller, The Children’s God. 
Newberg and Newberg, 
Spiritual Development.” “A Neuropsychological Perspective on
    Questions to Consider
1. What are the different stages of spiritual development as people go through their lives?
2. How does spiritual development parallel brain development throughout the lifespan? 
The Myth-Making Brain 
Lecture 7 
 
A 
fundamental part of religions is their elaboration in myths—the stories that form the basis of religions. In fact, there is evidence that our brain is a myth-making machine. Regardless of culture or belief system, myths often have similar components and content. Perhaps they are similar because the brains of all people are similar. In this lecture, you will learn why and how the human brain makes myths.
The Meaning and Purpose of Myths
• Human beings have always constructed myths, or stories, that become incorporated into burial rituals, temples, and civilizations.
• Contrary to popular belief, the term “myth” does not imply falsehood. The word actually comes from the Greek mythos, which translates as “word”—but one spoken with deep, unquestioned authority. Mythos is, in turn, anchored in another Greek term, musteion, which means “to close the eyes or the mouth.” 
• Myths are powerful stories, but apart from their expressive power and emotional impact, what are myths used for? Primarily, we develop myths to explain our world. Frequently, however, we use them to explain things we can’t readily comprehend.
• Myths, therefore, help us to understand our universe and ourselves. Myths also show us what is most important and what, in terms of the inner life, is most deeply and profoundly true. The power of myth lies beneath its literal interpretations—in the ability of its universal symbols and themes to connect us with the most essential parts of ourselves in ways that logic and reason cannot. 
• By this defi nition, religions must be based in myth if they are to have anything meaningful to say to us. In this sense, the story of Jesus would be a myth even if it were literally and historically true 
 
because the power of the story lies underneath the literal and historical facts. 
• Likewise, even if the extraordinary events that myths chronicle never happened and the beings they portray never existed, the lasting myths of past cultures all contain psychological and spiritual truths that resonate with the psyches and spirits of people today. 
• However, myths are not just the great stories of the past. We actually create 
 
In Judaism, the ritual of the Passover seder involves the retelling of the story of Moses, among other stories.
 
myths all the time to explain and understand the world. Our brain functions to generate stories about the world. 
• Neuroscience tells us that the brain processes everything we think and perceive about the world. Brain scans show different areas lighting up in the brain when we see something, hear something, feel something, or think something. These processes then come together to provide a rendition of what is going on around us in the world. 
• Given the brain’s limitations, it seems that the brain does the best it can at creating a coherent story about what it is processing. This story helps the brain to respond to the world in effective and adaptive ways. On a fundamental level, we must always remember that the entire story our brain presents for us about the world is a second-hand rendition of what is actually out there. 
• Our brain is simply trying to help us make sense of this baffl ingly complex and uncertain world. Of course, that’s what all the great myths from history do, too—they help us understand the world and our place in it.
The Structure of Myths
• Myths include language so that we can transmit them to others.
• Myths include ideas about spirituality, morality, and reality.
• Myths contain emotional content—both positive and negative.
• Myths provide examples or suggestions with regard to future behaviors we should implement.
• Essentially, all myths can be reduced to a simple framework. o Myths focus on a crucial existential concern—the creation of the world, for example, or how evil came to be. 
o They frame that concern as a pair of apparently irreconcilable opposites: heroes and monsters, gods and humans, life and death, heaven and hell. 
o Most importantly, myths reconcile those opposites, often through the actions of gods or other spiritual powers, in a way that relieves our existential concerns. 
• The creation of these structured stories requires the creative, combined interaction of all the cognitive processes of the brain. 
• The brain has four basic cognitive functions: the quantitative function, the binary function, the causal function, and the existential function. Two of these functions appear to play especially signifi cant roles in the creation and understanding of myth.
• The fi rst cognitive process that is crucial to the myth-making mind is the causal function; after all, myths are essentially about 
 
the causes of things. The second process is the binary function, which refers to the ability to frame the world in terms of basic polar opposites. 
• The human brain’s ability to reduce the most complicated relationships of space and time to simple pairs of opposites—above and below, in and out, left and right, before and after—gives the mind a powerful method of ordering external reality. 
The Universal Myth-Making Process
• Each of us creates our own myths about the world, and in addition to the myths of our own creation, we also embrace and rely on myths that we have learned from others. 
• Imagine a close-knit prehistoric clan. One of the members of this clan has just died. His body lies on a bearskin. Others approach and touch him gently. They sense immediately that the man who used to be no longer exists. What was once a warm and vital person has suddenly become a cold and lifeless thing. 
• The clan’s chieftain, an introspective man, slumps beside the campfi re and broods over the lifeless form that was once his friend. He wonders what is missing, how it was lost, and where it has gone. As he watches the crackling fi re, his stomach tightens with sadness and anxiety. His mind’s need for cause will not rest until it fi nds resolution, but the longer he dwells upon the unnerving puzzle of life and death, the deeper he sinks into a kind of existential dread. 
• In neurobiological terms, the grieving chief is in the grip of a strong arousal response that began in the chieftain’s brain when the amygdala noticed frustration in the logical left hemisphere— the effect of the chief’s intense, prolonged brooding over this existential problem. 
Interpreting this frustration as a sign of distress, the amygdala triggered a limbic fear response and sent off neural signals, activating the arousal system. As the chief continues to ruminate on his grief and fear, that arousal response intensifi es. His pulse quickens, his breath grows shallow and rapid, and his forehead becomes beaded in sweat. 
• The chief stares at the fi re, turning his thoughts around and around in his head. Soon, the fi re has burned down to embers: The fi re was once bright and alive, but now it’s gone, and soon there will be nothing but lifeless gray ashes. As the last wisps of smoke rise toward the sky, he turns to the body of his fallen friend. It occurs to him that his comrade’s life and spirit have vanished as completely as the fl ames. Before he can consciously phrase the thought, he is struck by the deep conviction that the very essence of his friend has escaped to the heavens, like smoke, the rising spirit of the fi re. 
• This conviction begins as just one more possibility offered up by the intellectual pondering of the brain’s abstract processes, most likely on the left side. However, as soon as it enters the chief’s consciousness, it is embraced by the more holistic processes of the right side of his brain. 
• Suddenly, the agreement of both sides of the brain causes a kind of neurological resonance that sends positive neural discharges racing through the limbic system to stimulate pleasure centers in the hypothalamus. Because the hypothalamus regulates the autonomic nervous system, these strong pleasure impulses trigger a response from the quiescent system, and the chief experiences this as a powerful surge of calmness and peace. 
• All of this happens too quickly for the arousal response that triggered the chief’s anxiety to subside. For a remarkable moment, both the quiescent and arousal systems are simultaneously active, immersing the chief in a blend of fear and rapture—a state of intensely pleasurable agitation that some neurologists call the eureka response—and the chief interprets this as a rush of ecstasy and awe. 
• For him, he fi nally understands the meaning of death—and life. In this transforming fl ash of insight, the chief is suddenly freed from 
his grief and despair; in a deeper sense, he feels that he has been freed from the bonds of death. 
• The insight strikes him with the force of revelation. The experience feels vividly, palpably real. In that moment, the opposites of life and death are no longer locked in confl ict; they have been mythically, and perhaps mystically, resolved. He now sees clearly the absolute truth of things—that the spirits of the dead live on. 
• However, he also feels that because of the intensity of his experience, he has discovered a primal truth. It is more than an idea; it is a sense that he has experienced some ultimate reality and meaning. 
• Religious myths provide stories about how we as human beings relate to God. They teach us about being devoted to God and how and why to behave in certain ways. 
• In this chieftain, many factors were involved, including strong emotions affecting the limbic system, visual stimuli (for example, the fi re), the frustration of the brain seeking an elusive cause, the binary problem of life and death, and the holistic solution.
Science as a Form of Myth
• Science is a myth in the sense that it tells a story about how the world works. There are fundamental aspects of science that are similar to all myths.
• Science addresses fundamental questions such as: Where did the world come from? What makes the seasons change and the sun give heat and light? What causes earthquakes, hurricanes, and volcanic eruptions? Myths seek to answer questions like these—and so, of course, does science. 
The scientifi c method invokes opposites. The primary opposite is the difference between the measurer or observer (us) and what is measured (the universe). These come together in the form of the experiment, which unites them and creates an answer that pushes us closer to fundamental knowledge of the universe.
• Science differs from religious myths in that empirical data are the driver for new myth. However, there are certain fundamental concepts that underlie all science.
• The primary myth of science is that the universe will reveal itself to us, as the observer, if we follow certain rules of observation—the scientifi c method.
• Science, like other myths, has certain things that it cannot comment on—in particular, science has diffi culty with telling us things about the human world, such as how to improve the economy or how to solve the confl icts among nations.
• However, just like the chieftain in the story, science tries to help us understand the world around us. Thus, the brain makes myth in order to understand the world and our relationship to it. 
    Suggested Reading
Campbell and Moyers, The Power of Myth. d’Aquili, “The Myth-Ritual Complex.”
———, “The Neurobiological Bases of Myth and Concepts of Deity.” Newberg, d’Aquili, and Rause, Why God Won’t Go Away.
    Questions to Consider
1. How does the brain help us make myths about our world?
2. What is the basic structure of myths, and how do they relate to religion and science?
The Brain and Religious Rituals 
Lecture 8 
I
n the previous lecture, you learned that myths are powerful stories that affect multiple parts of the brain and tell people something meaningful about the world and about themselves. While these stories typically have a great impact on individuals and groups, religious rituals provide a way to make the impact of the myth even stronger. Rituals make myths not only cognitive, but also experiential. In this lecture, you will learn that rituals get the entire body into the act and help to create some of the most important experiences—spiritual or otherwise—that human beings can have.
Rituals and the Brain
• The brain is designed to act out thoughts. For example, we often use our hands while speaking in order to convey our thoughts to another person. We learn by combining movement with cognition. Therefore, we have the need to act out myths. This results in powerful understanding of the important points of myths.
• We have a visceral, emotional, and cognitive understanding. The cognitive process is probably what you think of when you hear the word “understanding.”
• When you feel intense happiness or awe, that’s an example of emotional understanding. When you think about an experience in which you have truly felt something throughout your body—maybe you felt great happiness or joy, but it wasn’t just an emotion—that’s an example of visceral understanding. Rituals involve these visceral and emotional levels of understanding.
Many scholars have struggled with the defi nition of the term “ritual,” but rituals generally appear to have several common elements.
 
Rituals are structured or patterned. 
• Most rituals have a very specifi c structure in terms of what is done, how it is done, what objects are used, and how it connects to a particular idea or myth.
• For example, although there is some variation among churches, during the Christian practice of holy communion, a person typically walks to where the priest is standing, kneels or genufl ects before the priest, receives the wafer, and drinks the wine. This is a very structured ritual and, of course, combines the actions of the ritual with the notion of incorporating Christ’s body and blood as part of the practice, giving the concept a much more powerful emphasis. 
Rituals are rhythmic and repetitive; they tend to recur in the same or nearly the same form with some regularity. 
• This is one of the most important aspects of rituals. They are rhythmic in that the same music, phrases, dances, and ideas are repeated over and over. What makes rituals particularly powerful is how the repetition occurs on many different levels. 
• Those who participate in the Jewish Passover seder sing songs, make certain movements, hear stories about Moses and how the Jews escaped slavery in Egypt through God’s intervention, and pray about the importance of the Jewish covenant with God. During the ritual, there are many rhythmic elements that have a powerful impact on the brain and body. 
• Another aspect of that rhythm is its repetition over your life. You fi rst participate in the seder when you are a child and then continue to experience it through adolescence, adulthood, and into old age. Throughout your life, there is the rhythm of doing the seder ritual every year, which further binds your body and brain to the ritual and, importantly, to the ideas and stories associated with that ritual.
Then, there is another rhythmic domain, which is that the ritual is performed across generations. You had the seder with your parents and grandparents and you now have it with your children or grandchildren. This generational rhythm binds the ritual and its associated ideas to an entire people and throughout history. It is not just your ritual; it is the ritual of an entire community and an entire people. All of these rhythmic, or repetitive, elements contribute to the effect of ritual on the brain. 
Rituals act to synchronize emotional, perceptual-cognitive, and motor processes within the central nervous system of individual participants. 
• The rhythms of ritual physically affect your body. Your body is always awash in rhythm, and your body is fi lled with rhythms. You have a heart rhythm, breathing rhythm, hormonal rhythms, and brain rhythms. 
• When you experience an external rhythm such as a prayer or song, your body’s rhythms can actually begin to synchronize with the prayer or song. Fast music can rev you up, and slow music can calm you down. 
• Furthermore, as you engage in the rhythm, you will start to feel it within your body. As it drives your body and brain, the rhythmic activity drives your hypothalamus and, ultimately, your amygdala to generate emotional responses. Fast music makes you feel excited and happy; slow music makes you feel calm and content. 
• Because our emotions are tied to our thoughts, we incorporate the feelings into our cognitions. Thus, if we have a thought about the importance of God in our life and then connect it with a ritual that generates a strong feeling of happiness or love, we begin to imbue our thoughts of God with positive emotions. 
Rituals synchronize these processes among the various individual participants. 
• This may be the most important part of rituals—the ability to not only connect an individual to a myth in a powerful way, but also to connect one individual to another. It does this by helping to break down the dichotomy between one person and another. 
Rituals certainly appear in humans, but they also appear in virtually every animal species as well. In animals, the primary type of ritual that exists is the mating ritual. Rituals perform two basic functions in this regard: the proper identifi cation of a mate and the ability to join with that mate. Animals generally do not want to get too close to each other, but rituals help.
• The physiology of ritual is based on the rhythms synchronizing the brain so that it begins to actually diminish the usual fl ow of sensory information entering the brain. Normally, animals use their sensory information to identify the objects in their environment and to determine what is friend or foe. However, by stimulating the brain in a very specifi c rhythmic way, the normal sensory functioning begins to shift, and the animal looks at the world and others in a different way. Human beings are not immune to such processes.
• When mating, the mutual activation of the arousal and quiescent parts of the autonomic nervous system are associated with sexual orgasm—an ecstatic experience. A similar term—“ecstasy”—is also used to describe profound spiritual experiences.
• Both the arousal and quiescent parts of the autonomic nervous system might be mutually activated in moments of intense enlightenment. The activation of the autonomic nervous system activates the hypothalamus, which is the primary pleasure center in the brain.
• In terms of the brain, ritual joins the cognitive with the experiential in a unitary experience. You not only cognitively understand how you are connected to your spiritual group, but your entire body also participates, uniting your body and brain with a connection to something even greater—your spiritual group or even God.
This unitary experience is critical because it helps to join the person with the ritual as well as with the others who are participating in the ritual. This connects the person to the myth, God, or the universe. 
 
As with animals, rhythmic activity causes interesting changes in the brain. Through the autonomic nervous system, the rhythm of ritual drives the brain and actually causes some important changes, including increased activity in the hypothalamus, thalamus, and limbic system. 
• Some parts of the cortex, however, will experience a decrease in activity—particularly in the parietal lobe, which helps us form our sense of self and sense of space and time. If this area decreases in activity, it can no longer clearly distinguish the self from the rest of the world or determine spatial relationships in the world. The result is a loss of the sense of self and the loss of the sense of space and time. 
• The loss of the sense of self is usually experienced as a blending of the self with something else—the ritual or the myth that is incorporated in the ritual. If this blending is intense enough, the person may feel as if they completely become one with the focus of the ritual. In most religious rituals, that focus is God.
Religious rituals make the impact of 
• Therefore, a person engaged religious myths stronger than being in an intense religious ritual just stories that are told repeatedly. might ultimately feel that he or she becomes one with God, or a meditator might feel as if he or she becomes one with the universe. Thus, rituals can cause increasing feelings of oneness or connectedness as the rhythms of the ritual build and the person’s brain becomes more and more affected. 
In addition to this sense of connectedness or oneness, the ritual also results in profound feelings of excitement or relaxation, depending on the nature of the ritual. If it is an intensely energetic and fast ritual, then they might feel great arousal. If it is an intensely calming and slow ritual, then they might feel overwhelming bliss. These experiences are mediated by the autonomic nervous system and its arousing or calming parts. 
Individual versus Group Rituals
• Individual rituals, such as personal prayer and meditation, can create personal meaning and experiences and reinforce the person’s belief system. However, rituals can also be done as a group. In fact, some rituals—including mass, services, and certain holiday gatherings—either require groups or are most effective when performed in groups. 
• Group rituals help to synchronize many brains to the rhythm. Our brains have neurons that mirror what other people do and are called mirror neurons. When a group of people engages in a ritual, they all feel the rhythm and each other. In addition, because they all experience a sense of oneness or connectedness, they feel the rhythm with respect to each other. As a group, they become one. This is why rituals are frequently used within athletic teams and religious groups.
• Ultimately, rituals are all around us, and they help our brain guide us through our lives. We have waking up rituals, eating rituals, work rituals, and sleeping rituals.
• If rituals are all around us and are used for religious and nonreligious means, it would seem that they would generally be good for us. In general, this is true, but it turns out that rituals can also have a dark side.
In fact, ritual is a morally neutral technology. Ritual can be used for positive or negative means. For example, rituals can decrease intragroup aggression but increase intergroup aggression.
The negative behaviors that arise from religious rituals help us to understand ways in which religious beliefs can become destructive and detrimental.
• Terrorists and cults frequently utilize rituals as an important tool for inducing certain strong ideas about the nature of reality or how to behave.
• Rituals provide a powerful mechanism for reinforcing myths. Rituals help to make the story of the myth felt by people not just cognitively, but also emotionally and viscerally. 
    Suggested Reading
d’Aquili, “Human Ceremonial Ritual and the Modulation of Aggression.” ———, “The Biopsychological Determinants of Religious Ritual Behavior.” d’Aquili, Lauglin, and McManus, The Spectrum of Ritual.
Newberg, d’Aquili, and Rause, Why God Won’t Go Away.
    Questions to Consider
1. How do rituals impact the brain and its functions?
2. Why are rituals so important to the brain, and are they always benefi cial?
 
The Biology of Spiritual Practices 
Lecture 9 
 
I
n this lecture, you are going to examine the biological underpinnings of two spiritual practices in particular: prayer and meditation. You will learn about how the tools of science can open new windows on the complex phenomena of prayer and meditation. Interestingly, you will also learn that the exploration of spirituality actually has the reciprocal effect of improving our knowledge of humans as biological creatures. Understanding the biology of prayer and meditation—the changes in our heart rate, hormones, and immune system—also leads us toward a greater understanding of the way these practices might affect our health and well-being. 
Studying Prayer and Meditation
• The neurosciences allow us to relate the brain to the mind. Hence, we can now look at how the brain allows us to be spiritual. What has neuroscience been able to tell us about spirituality and, more specifi cally, about spiritual practices such as prayer and meditation? 
• Interestingly, the knowledge we are gaining from studying prayer and meditation experimentally is not only teaching us something about the practices themselves, but it is also giving us some valuable insights about the way our brain regulates such basic physiological processes as heart rate and metabolism. 
• There are many methodological questions that arise when considering a study of meditation or prayer. For example, it is important to ask questions like the following: What is the best way to study the biology of spirituality? What are the best types of practices or experiences to study? How do you measure the experience itself and correlate it with something biological?
It is also important to defi ne the practices and objects under study. When it comes to meditation, there are, of course, many different approaches and many different meanings associated with the various meditative practices, but we can identify some aspects of meditation that are common across the types.
• Meditation often involves focused attention, feelings of arousal versus bliss, diminishment of the sense of self, loss of the sense of space and time, eruption of ecstasy, and eventual experience of absolute unity. 
• Similarly, there are many different types of prayer and many different meanings associated with the various ways that prayer is practiced, but again, there are some common elements. 
• Prayer is similar to meditation in that it involves focused attention, feelings of arousal and bliss, loss of the sense of self, and loss of the sense of space and time. Prayer can also result in profound spiritual or mystical experiences of ecstasy or absolute unity.
• On the other hand, there are ways in which prayer differs from meditation. For example, some types of prayer are more conversational, such as saying grace at the beginning of a meal. In addition, prayer is typically more verbal and allows anyone to participate.
• However, prayer also more specifi cally is defi ned by particular religious traditions. Each religion has its own specifi c prayers and, frequently, specifi c ways of doing those prayers. In Judaism, individuals daven back and forth while repeating prayers. In Islam, individuals pray fi ve times a day while facing Mecca. Prayer also usually has the particular goal of connecting with God.
• Data suggest that prayer is highly complex and involves many different brain structures and functions. Prayer practices and their associated experiences are so rich and diverse that it makes sense that many different parts of the brain would be involved. 
• Recall the functions of the following essential areas of the brain in terms of what they normally do for us.
o The prefrontal cortex, or the attention area, activates during concentration tasks.
o The attention area inhibits brain activity through the hippocampus. 
o The parietal lobe, or the orientation area, is involved in self-other as well as spatial-temporal orientation.
o The limbic system is involved in emotion. 
o The hypothalamus is involved in sympathetic and parasympathetic activity.
• Scientists are able to study and learn about the parts of the brain involved in prayer by using a variety of neuroimaging techniques to evaluate different prayer practices.
 
Great spiritual events, such as those that occur at Mecca, bring millions of believers together, which strengthens the entire experience—not just for the individual, but for the entire group as well.
 
In the study of the Franciscan nuns, the nuns that were studied had many years of experience doing centering prayer, a type of contemplative prayer. In the study, blood fl ow in the brain was measured.
• These initial studies utilized single-photon emission computed tomography (SPECT) scans. The advantage of using SPECT scans is that it is easier to capture the actual prayer state in an environment that is reasonably conducive to practicing prayer. 
• One of the important elements about how a SPECT scan works is that a radioactive tracer is injected at the time that the person is doing the prayer practice. The tracer gets locked into the brain, and it can tell us exactly what’s going on in the brain at the moment of prayer or meditation. Then, we can look at the brain scans and compare the resting state (when the person isn’t doing anything in particular) to the activation state (the state when they’re actually engaged in the practice of meditation or prayer) in order to see what areas of the brain are turned on or off.
• With SPECT scans, we also have the ability to apply a quantitative analysis; we can tell how much, in terms of percentages, a part of the brain is turned on or off.
• In this study of the Franciscan nuns, the SPECT scans showed that people engaged in prayer show increased activity in the prefrontal cortex, decreased activity in the parietal lobes, and increased activity in the thalamus. 
• When people engage in a practice like prayer, even though they may feel calmer, it isn’t really a calming practice. Instead, it’s a highly active practice that activates many different parts of the brain. The increased activity in the thalamus is refl ective of that; it is telling us that many things are going on in the brain during this particular prayer practice.
In addition to SPECT studies, functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies of spiritual experiences have now been used and offer certain advantages and disadvantages. The main advantages are that it uses no radiation, you can obtain multiple images to observe multiple states, and there is good temporal and spatial resolution. The main disadvantages are that it only measures blood fl ow—not neurotransmitters—and you have to be in the scanner while it operates.
• An fMRI study of 15 Carmelite nuns refl ecting on their mystical experiences was reported from the University of Montreal. The nuns refl ected on the most mystical experience they had ever had for fi ve minutes while being scanned.
• The scans showed activation in the frontal cortex, right temporal cortex, right parietal lobules, right caudate, left insula, left caudate, and brainstem. These fi ndings are somewhat similar to the study of the Franciscan nuns, with the exception of increased activity in the parietal lobes. 
• Because the practice was so short, we might initially expect increased activity in the parietal lobes because they start out by orienting themselves to the experience or to God. In fact, this is a crucial point because many of the studies of meditation and prayer have had the person doing the practice for anywhere from a few minutes to an hour or more—and it would make sense that the practice of meditation or prayer is a dynamic process. Your brain is doing different things in the fi rst minute, fi fth minute, and 60th minute. Throughout the practice, you also progressively experience different things, such as deepening loss of self and increasing bliss. 
• In another study, 12 experienced and 10 beginner meditators were scanned as they viewed negative, positive, and neutral pictures in a mindful state and a nonmindful state of awareness. In experienced meditators, there was decreased activity in the frontal lobe and cingulate cortex across all emotional categories. 
There were no changes in brain regions involved in emotional reactivity. On the other hand, beginners showed a decrease in the left amygdala during emotional processing. These fi ndings suggest that the long-term practice of mindfulness leads to emotional stability rather than the elicitation of control over the limbic system. 
• Another study showed that meditation can cultivate positive emotion, which alters the activation in brain areas linked to empathy and response to emotional stimuli. 
• More recently, studies have been performed that are starting to look at neurotransmitters. For example, a positron emission tomography (PET) scan showed a release of central dopamine during yoga meditation. Another study using magnetic resonance (MR) spectroscopy showed increased gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA) during yoga asana meditation practice.
The Effects of Prayer and Meditation
• Prayer and meditation result in decreased heart rate and blood pressure, increased heart rate oscillations, decreased body metabolism, and hormonal changes. In addition, they result in increased serotonin, dopamine, and GABA and decreased cortisol and norepinephrine.
• Spiritual practices such as meditation and prayer have an impact on the brain and body in multiple ways. Different practices typically have different patterns of brain activity, although there are also some similarities across practices. 
• The changes in the brain associated with a given practice ultimately depend on the specifi c elements of the practice and its associated experiences. Thus, emotional components affect the emotional centers of the brain, behavior components affect the motor areas of the brain, and cognitive components affect the cognitive areas of the brain. However, as different as such practices and experiences may be, they are all considered spiritual.
 
    Suggested Reading
Andresen and Forman, eds, Cognitive Models and Spiritual Maps. 
Austin, Zen and the Brain. 
Azari, Nickel, Wunderlich, Niedeggen, Hefter, Tellmann, Herzog, Stoerig, Birnbacher, and Seitz, “Neural Correlates of Religious Experience.”
Beauregard and O’Leary, The Spiritual Brain.
Newberg and Iversen, “The Neural Basis of the Complex Mental Task of Meditation.”
    Questions to Consider
1. How are brain-imaging studies used to reveal changes in the brain during spiritual practices such as prayer, meditation, or speaking in tongues?
2. What parts of the brain are specifi cally responsible for the emotional, cognitive, or mystical content of spiritual practices?
Religion and Health 
Lecture 10 
with better overall health and well-being. 
 Linking Religion and Health
for spirituality? another person. with another. published in hard-to-fi nd journals, or did not have the actual scales included. Furthermore, many measures rely on self-reporting.
• When you analyze data from different studies, for the most part, they relate to population-based analyses, which means that if a study shows that religion is correlated with a reduced risk of heart disease, then on average, being religious is associated with a reduced risk. However, there are plenty of religious people who get heart disease and plenty of atheists who do not, so you always have to be careful about how you interpret the information. 
• There are ways of measuring the religious activities and commitments of individuals, and that allows researchers to look at groups of people with a high level of religious commitment, for example, and to compare their health outcomes with those of people who have a relatively low level of religious commitment. 
The Effects of Religion on Health
• Studies have shown that church attendance is associated with decreased heart disease, blood pressure, emphysema, cirrhosis, and suicide. One of the earliest papers to report this association was published in 1972 by Johns Hopkins University and was based on an analysis of about 50,000 people in Washington County, Maryland.
• In this study, researchers divided people into groups of those who went to church once or more per week versus less than once weekly. The study found that those who went to church less often were twice as likely to die from heart disease, emphysema, or suicide. However, there was no association with deaths from cancer. 
• A more recent study of almost 4,000 older individuals showed that those attending church more than once per week were 46 percent less likely to have died over the following six years. 
 
 
These results, and others like them, are extremely compelling and fascinating. It is remarkable that the medical establishment does not stand up and take notice of these studies as much as the data suggest that they should. 
• On the other hand, there have been studies of patients in nursing homes that showed no clear relationship between death rates and religiousness. 
• In addition to researching church attendance in general and its possible relationship to health, another fascinating line of research measures the comparative health outcomes of specifi c groups of believers, and what researchers seem to be fi nding is that the faith tradition you identify with may actually have an impact on your health. 
• For example, studies have shown that Mormon males have decreased rates of cancer and all-cause mortality. In addition, it has been shown that Seventh-day Adventists live longer than the average population. 
• There are many other potentially relevant factors involved in being religious that may have an impact on your health—for example, religious (or spiritual) preference or affi liation, history, social participation, private practices, support, and experiences.
• In 1992, a study was conducted of over 2,800 individuals who were over 65 years of age in the New Haven, Connecticut, region. The study found that elderly Christians and Jews were less likely to die in the 30 days before important holidays as compared to the 30 days after. 
• Other studies have shown that chronically ill patients frequently use religious and spiritual practices.
• Spirituality among cancer survivors is associated with positive health habits and social and emotional support. 
Cardiac patients identify religion and prayer as a frequently used coping mechanism prior to surgery. 
• Sometimes, religion can have a negative impact on overall wellbeing. For example, religion is sometimes viewed negatively; some people view the God they worship as a punishing God. 
• Lack of spirituality may be blamed as the cause of a physical or psychological disorder, and even positive experiences may result in increased anxiety and depression. 
• Cults are an interesting and problematic example because the participants in cults often feel that they benefi t from being part of the cult group, even though they may not be functioning in society. Of course, cults can be associated with very poor outcomes, especially when they involve mass suicide. 
How Religion Exerts Its Health Effects
• Despite some negative effects of spirituality, on the whole, it seems that spirituality and religious practices convey some health benefi ts to individuals—and that raises a very interesting question: Should patients and doctors discuss religion, and if so, how? 
• In a study conducted by the Department of Pastoral Care and Education at the Hospital of the University of Pennsylvania, researchers interviewed patients and physicians to address this question.
• The results from evaluating about 200 patients showed that about 70 percent of patients wanted their physicians to ask questions about their spiritual or religious beliefs. This was highest among religious individuals, who also said that their religious beliefs were likely to have an impact on end-of-life health decisions. Even about half of nonreligious individuals thought that it was a good idea for physicians to ask them about their religious beliefs. 
Given all of these effects of religion on health, in scientifi c terminology, what is the mechanism of action by which religion exerts its health effects? How might this relate to the human brain? 
• Religion has been associated with decreased participation in highrisk behaviors such as alcohol, smoking, drugs, and promiscuity. In addition, certain religious groups promote healthy dietary practices. Furthermore, church attendance is associated with increased social support. 
• We can try to assess how the changes associated with religious practices can have an effect on health. 
• Meditation and prayer can induce the relaxation response, which includes lower heart rate and blood pressure. This is mediated by activity in the anterior pituitary-adrenocortical axis. 
• Changes are also found in the autonomic nervous system. In addition, relaxation training results in changes in immune system function. 
• It is important to note that changes in heart rate and immune function do not necessarily translate into clinical effects. If white blood count increases, does this imply fewer infections? If blood pressure decreases, does this result in lower risk of heart disease or stroke? Are physiological or clinical fi ndings more important? Are fi ndings related specifi cally to religion or spirituality? 
• Religion has been proven to generally have a positive health impact, reduce the risk of getting certain diseases, and even reduce the risk of dying prematurely. However, you can’t pretend to be religious in order to get the health-related effects that are associated with being religious. You are religious because you believe in it, and if it has health benefi ts, then that is just an added bonus. 
• Doctors and scientists are still trying to determine exactly how religion exerts its health effects, although they are starting to get a 
 
fairly good idea of the mechanisms by which it happens. Of course, one remaining question is whether there is something simply about being religious that causes a health benefi t. 
    Suggested Reading
Duke University’s Center for Spirituality, Theology, and Health, “Latest 
Religion and Health Research Outside Duke.”
Hall, Meador, and Koenig, “Measuring Religiousness in Health Research.”
Koenig, McCullough, and Larson, Handbook of Religion and Health.
Lee and Newberg, “Religion and Health.”
    Questions to Consider
1. What is the relationship between religion and physical health?
2. Does being a religious or spiritual person make you healthier?
Religion and Mental Health 
Lecture 11 
 
R
esearch has repeatedly shown that many people with psychological problems also express some issues with their religious and spiritual beliefs. For this reason, there appears to be an important—yet often complex—relationship between religion and mental health. In this lecture, you are going to examine the relationship between religion and mental health from a scientifi c standpoint. You will consider a range of effects— both positive and negative—and you will learn what these effects can teach us about the nature of our spiritual brain. 
How Does Religion Affect Mental Health? 
• This simple question might have a complex—even an apparently contradictory—answer. There seem to be both positive and negative ways that religion can affect mental health. 
• There are, in fact, positive effects of religion on mental health. For example, religiousness and spirituality have been shown to reduce anxiety and encourage impulse control. In research studies, many patients dealing with illnesses—especially chronic ones—cite religion as an important way of reducing their anxiety.
• Patients pray prior to surgery or other types of treatment in order to fi nd comfort. From the medical perspective, this can help people respond better to treatment by enabling them to be more compliant. 
• Another positive effect is that religiousness and spirituality foster intimacy and cohesiveness with others. This has been hypothesized to be one of the possible evolutionarily adaptive advantages of religion—to create more cohesive societies. In addition, religious rituals generate intense feelings of connectedness and oneness among participants.
Religion and spirituality clearly create greater feelings of intimacy and cohesiveness, which can contribute positively to mental health. However, this positive effect is sometimes balanced by the increased antagonism toward those outside of the particular religious faith. 
• Religiousness and spirituality also enhance one’s sense of meaning and purpose in life. Most studies show a correlation between people’s religious attitudes and their sense of having a purpose in life. Religion, of course, on a doctrinal level, provides meaning in the context of the human relationship with God and a sense of purpose, or what we are supposed to do in life. Having this sense of purpose is important to mental health.
• Of course, you don’t have to be religious to have a strong sense of meaning in life, but the data suggest that religious faith is a very important source of meaning for many people. Keep in mind that these data pertain to populations and not necessarily to any given individual. 
• Another positive effect of spirituality is that it fosters personal growth. By pursuing spiritual goals, people create a framework within which to grow personally.
• Phrases such as “personal growth,” “social cohesion,” and “sense of purpose” are rather broad ways of talking about mental health, but a large number of studies have also explored the relationship between religion and specifi c mental health problems, such as depression, anxiety, or substance abuse. 
• These studies show mixed results. Some indicate that religion can improve these specifi c problems while others suggest that religion can worsen a problem. 
• For example, anxiety can be improved when a person derives comfort and strength from his or her religion, but anxiety can actually be worsened if people feel that they struggle with their religious beliefs, don’t fi t into their religious community, or fi nd themselves believing in a God that is punishing them. 
• Social psychologist Erich Fromm proposed that humans have a strong need for a stable frame of reference and that religion apparently fi lls this need. In effect, humans crave answers to questions that no other source of knowledge has an answer to and that only religion may seem to answer. 
• Chronically ill patients frequently use religious and spiritual practices to cope with their situations. Spirituality among cancer survivors is associated with positive health habits and social and emotional support. In addition, cardiac patients identify religion and prayer as a frequently used coping mechanism prior to surgery. 
• Religious rituals can be very benefi cial. In addition to the congregational support that is associated with rituals, a person also receives doctrinal support.
 
Whether an ill person is treated in a hospital or as an outpatient, spirituallyassociated treatment programs can be very benefi cial.
The relationship between religion and mental health is complex; while in principle the relationship can be benefi cial, it is not necessarily a cure-all, and may even, in certain cases, lead to worsening conditions.
• Perhaps the relationship between religion and substance abuse is the most complex and intriguing of all. Many researchers have studied the relationship between substance abuse and religion for several reasons.
• A primary hypothesis is that the addiction to drugs is similar to the strong belief (or addiction) to religion. What supports the notion of this link?
• Religious or spiritual involvement predicts less use of and problems with alcohol, tobacco, and drugs. However, there are denominational differences in terms of risk for substance abuse. In denominations that take a strict stand against the use of alcohol, the risk of alcohol problems is lower. Mormons tend to have among the lowest incidence of substance abuse because of the strict rules against it. 
• In addition to alcohol, research has shown that spiritual or religious involvement is associated with higher success in smoking cessation. 
• In general, religious involvement is low in patients that are undergoing treatment for substance abuse.
• Involvement in spiritually based interventions, such as Alcoholics Anonymous, is associated with better outcomes after inpatient and outpatient treatment. Patients in these kinds of programs do at least as well, if not better, than those treated with other approaches. 
• Studies have shown that meditation-based interventions are associated with decreased alcohol and drug abuse. 
 
Alcoholics often report negative experiences with religion and hold punitive concepts of God. Following treatment for substance abuse, there is an increase in their sense of the meaning in life.
• There is also some evidence that there are common motivations for substance abuse and spiritual pursuits. Both might fi ll certain needs with regard to emotional support. 
Combined Treatment Strategies
• Given the evidence for the relationship between spirituality and mental health, some researchers have tried to more explicitly develop treatment approaches that combine religious or spiritual content with more traditional psychotherapy techniques. They have then studied the use and effectiveness of these combined treatment strategies for different disorders, such as anxiety and depression. 
• In general, the studies have shown that these combined interventions are as effective as standard psychotherapy, especially with religious clients. Interestingly, a therapist does not have to be specifi cally religious to do an integrated psychotherapy with a patient. 
• If this type of intervention can be so effective, we might also wonder what other religious and spiritual practices might be useful in helping people with various types of mental illness. 
• Forgiveness requires the sense of self (parietal lobe), the ability to compare the self to others (quantitative function), the ability to perceive injury (limbic system), and the ability to remember the causal events leading to the injury (hippocampus and memory areas). 
• Eventually, people with various mental illnesses need to use their abstract and emotional processes to reconcile the injury and reframe their understanding of their relationship with the person who injured them.
This might even apply to God. There are many examples in which a person becomes angry at God for the death of a spouse or because he or she has cancer.
• Furthermore, there is substantial evidence to show how psychologically powerful the forgiveness process can be, and this has now been incorporated with psychotherapy processes as well. 
• There is a lot of research and data that support the positive relationship between religion and mental health, but it is not all positive. There are many circumstances in which being religious or spiritual can go wrong and can become detrimental to the individual or society. 
• Indeed, there are some negative aspects of religion on mental health. For example, people suffer from their problems with spiritual or religious ideas. In addition, problems with psychological, physical, and sexual abuse have resulted in some people having very negative views about religions. Some people also have unusual views about religions, such as those who follow cults. 
• Religion and spirituality may play an important role in psychology. In fact, integrating religion and spirituality into psychotherapy may be very successful in the appropriate setting because religious and spiritual beliefs can sometimes contribute to mental illness and can sometimes be useful in helping people recover from mental illness. 
• Understanding the religious beliefs of an individual might be just as important as understanding his or her psyche. There can be so many reciprocal interactions that contribute to mental health and wellbeing, and ultimately, these interactions play out in the brain—in the emotional and cognitive centers that enable us to feel and think. By embracing the notion of the spiritual brain, we can help to make our approaches to mental illness and mental health as effective as possible. 
    Suggested Reading
Koenig, “Research on Religion, Spirituality, and Mental Health.”
Koenig, ed, Handbook of Religion and Mental Health. 
Lee and Newberg, “Religion and Health.”
Paloutzian and Park, eds, The Handbook of the Psychology of Religion.
    Questions to Consider
1. What is the relationship between religion and mental health?
2. How and why can religion or spirituality be benefi cial or detrimental to mental health?
 
Religion and Brain Dysfunction 
Lecture 12 
T
he phenomenon of speaking in tongues appears commonly in certain Pentecostal church services, but it is by no means limited to that setting. In this lecture, you are going to learn about phenomena such as speaking in tongues, and you are going to consider whether they are symptomatic of brain dysfunction—or whether, perhaps, there might be evidence suggesting that such phenomena may indicate a supernormal functioning of the human brain. 
Speaking in Tongues
• People who speak in tongues sound like they are speaking some type of language, but linguistic analysis shows that it does not resemble typical language. Practitioners feel as if the spirit of God is taking over them. Some think it is the devil; others think it is a psychological abnormality—a psychotic episode. 
• What are we to make of these types of intense spiritual states and practices? Are they normal or abnormal? Is the brain functioning appropriately or totally dysfunctionally?
• Schizophrenia and mania have long been associated with hyperreligiosity, which refers to a person becoming intensely religious, focusing on many spiritual or religious ideas to the exclusion of many other things in life. Temporal lobe epilepsy has been associated with hyperreligiosity and religious conversion. 
• Care must be taken to avoid pathologizing spiritual experiences. In current psychiatric practice, we tend to label people with unusual experiences or thoughts as abnormal—but what is normal, and what is abnormal? 
• Defi ning an experience as normal or abnormal is actually not that easy because it depends to some degree on the norm of society. If 
you live in a society that is proreligious, such as the United States, then being religious is normal. However, if you live in a society that is antireligious, then being religious might be abnormal and even bad for your health. 
• When a person endures the death of a loved one, a very frequent experience is to see or hear the person who is deceased. The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders essentially defi nes such an experience as a normal hallucination.
• This is very interesting because we don’t usually think of hallucinations as being normal. Usually, they are associated with severe derangements in brain function, such as schizophrenia. Why are these hallucinations normal? If these are normal, who is to say whether hearing God’s voice is normal or abnormal?
• We might go a step further and question whether an otherwise psychologically normal person can have a normal or an abnormal religious experience.
• What about schizophrenic patients? Can they have normal religious experiences and ideas? At some point, it seems that we need to take a much closer look at how we defi ne what is normal and abnormal in the context of psychology and spiritual experiences. 
• Some scientists take a very reductionistic approach to this issue. In fact, one group of neuropsychologists from the Reed Neurologic Research Center at the University of California, Los Angeles, went so far as to evaluate a variety of leading religious fi gures throughout history and to “diagnose” the mental dysfunction they suffered from. 
• For example, the group cited Saint Paul’s conversion on the road to Damascus, in which he sees a sudden bright light, falls to the ground, hears the voice of Jesus, and experiences blindness for three days. Many of these elements of his experience have occasionally been described by people with seizures; they can hear voices and have unusual visual disturbances, including prolonged blindness. 
Lessons from Professor Newberg’s Research
hen you study someone performing meditation, you see very little—the fi reworks are on the inside. However, the act of speaking in tongues is entirely different. As I prepared to study the fi rst Pentecostal subject in our lab, I had no idea what to expect. I had never seen someone speaking in tongues and did not know what it would look like.
I greeted our subject, who was a very sweet and intelligent-sounding middleaged woman. She described the importance of speaking in tongues in her life. 
I explained the experiment to her in detail. In particular, I described how we would have her do gospel singing during the fi rst brain scan and then record her brain while she was speaking in tongues during a second scan. 
We hooked up her IV and then began the gospel-singing part. She sang for about 10 minutes and really got into it. We injected her with the radioactive tracer that measures blood fl ow in the brain, allowed her to sing for another 10 minutes, and then scanned her.
We told her that she could speak in tongues whenever she wanted to. At fi rst, she did more gospel singing in English, but then she slipped in something I had never heard before. 
It was just for a few seconds, but it sounded like some weird language. Then, it occurred again and lasted a little longer. After a few minutes, the only sound coming out of her mouth was the speaking in tongues. 
After about 10 minutes of speaking in tongues, I injected her and let her speak in tongues for about 10 more minutes before scanning her again. 
The scans showed some very interesting fi ndings. One of the most important fi ndings was that the frontal lobes—the part of our brain that makes us feel in control of our actions and words—actually shut down. The scans also showed increased activity in the thalamus and basal ganglia. 
Amazingly, when the subject was speaking in tongues, she had tears coming down her face and was oblivious to everything around her. Once she stopped, she returned quickly to the pleasant and intelligent-sounding woman I had met at the beginning of the study. 

 
Joan of Arc stated that she persistently “heard this voice accompanied also by a great light.” Similar to Saint Paul, some of her symptoms have been reported in patients with temporal lobe epilepsy. Therefore, the group of neuropsychologists diagnosed Saint Joan as an epileptic. They also suggested that perhaps she had tuberculosis in her brain that contributed to this process. 
• Saint Teresa of Avila, a medieval mystic, had many visions but also headaches, loss of consciousness, and tongue biting. Again, the neuropsychologists suggested that such experiences could be related to seizures. 
• Joseph Smith, the founder of the Mormon church, had experiences in which In modern times, a person who has a religious experience that is similar to that of Joan of Arc is usually regarded as having a psychological problem.
he felt great fear, saw a “pillar of light,” and heard voices. He said that when the experience was over, he found himself lying on his back, looking up at heaven. 
• On one hand, this is an exercise in futility because there is no way to go back in time and put eletroencephalography (EEG) electrodes on these individuals to study these experiences. The bigger issue, however, is that today, anyone who has experiences like those of Joan of Arc or Saint Teresa is usually regarded as having a brain pathology and is treated accordingly.
Is our modern approach accurate and appropriate? Can mental disorders explain religion and mysticism? This is not a good argument for the nature of religious experiences for several reasons. 
o Mental illness is chronic. o Seizures are usually similar and repetitive. 
o Mental illness results in decreased function and poor social relationships. 
o Mental illness results in cognitive impairment.
o Religion is typically benefi cial.
o Mystical experiences are usually described as being very positive.
Altered States of Consciousness
• A study on the language of altered states of consciousness assessed the different ways people describe three different types of experiences that are sometimes considered to be related: schizophrenic states, drug-induced states, and mystical states. Not surprisingly, when several investigators studied how people describe these three states, they found signifi cant differences. 
• Schizophrenic states were usually described in negative terms, as an abnormal process. One of the examples the investigators evaluated is as follows: “I do want to explain, if I can, the exaggerated state of awareness in which I lived before, during, and after my acute illness.” 
• Drug states were described with intense sensory perceptions: “I observed the myriad multiform ideas and images passing across and sensations and emotions fl owing inward and outward. The light that illumined these images grew brighter and brighter until I was 
almost frightened by the intensity of the brilliance.” 
Mystical states were described with words related to ultimate reality and meaning: “The experience took hold of me with such power that it seemed to go through my whole soul, so it seemed as if God was praying in, with, and for me.” Mystical states truly represent a unique state of mind. 
• Clearly, there is a relationship between brain disorders and unusual religious or spiritual experiences. This has led some to suggest that all religious beliefs are derived from some type of a pathological process.
• For example, some people have argued that all types of strong religious beliefs have their roots in temporal lobe seizure activity. They argue that such seizure activity is subclinical, so the person is not aware of it, but it has an impact on his or her experiences or beliefs. 
• Such a hypothesis is theoretically testable, but it is very problematic to evaluate because it is diffi cult to know when such activity will arise and what type of effect it might actually have. 
• Furthermore, only a small percentage of patients with temporal lobe seizures actually have unusual religious experiences. The simple truth is that it is a gross generalization to assume that religious beliefs are born from a pathological process. It is also, perhaps, unfair to classify them as born of “normal” brain experiences. Perhaps they are something in the middle of the two. 
• How do we know what the true nature of these experiences actually is? In other words, what is the reality of such an experience? 
• It appears that when the brain is suffering from some type of dysfunction, the result can be some of the most powerful and important experiences in a person’s life. In these instances, perhaps the brain connects people to reality in ways that they normally cannot attain.
Consider the possible conclusions we can draw from fi nding seizure activity in a person during an intense spiritual experience. One conclusion, which is perhaps the more scientifi cally biased conclusion, is that the seizure actually caused the experience. The experience, therefore, is purely a manifestation of the brain’s dysfunction. In other words, the experience is not truly real—at least with regard to the attainment of an actual spiritual state. 
• However, if we interpret the results from a spiritual perspective, we might conclude something different: The spiritual person might argue that the seizure activity represents an actual heightened activity state of the brain, which is certainly true scientifi cally. In this heightened state of activity, the brain is able to truly perceive an actual spiritual realm. In this way, the experience is truly real, and the seizure activity paves the way for such an experience. 
• In a similar manner, the speaking-in-tongues study shows us what is happening in the brain of someone who is speaking in tongues. The scan does not tell us whether the act of speaking in tongues is generated by the brain or whether the brain is somehow responding to the spirit of God, who is creating the experience. 
• This raises another intriguing question: Does brain dysfunction really represent dysfunction, or should we consider that it represents a kind of supernormal functioning?
    Suggested Reading
Cardena, Lynn, and Krippner, eds, Varieties of Anomalous Experience.
Dewhurst and Beard, “Sudden Religious Conversions in Temporal Lobe Epilepsy.”
Koenig, ed, Handbook of Religion and Mental Health.
Mohr and Huguelet, “The Relationship between Schizophrenia and Religion and Its Implications for Care.”
 
    Questions to Consider
1. How are specifi c psychological and neurological disorders associated with religious and spiritual phenomena?
2. Are religious or spiritual experiences normal or pathological? 
Transmitters to God 
Lecture 13 
may truly be the brain’s transmitters to God. 
Neurotransmitters and Spiritual Experiences
“the spirit molecule.” are involved in religious and spiritual practices and experiences.
many different functions 
• Ultimately, is there a spirit molecule? Is there one molecule that is necessary for creating the spiritual experience? Certainly, there are some molecules that play an important role, but given the richness and diversity of religious experiences, it seems unlikely that one molecule will help to explain it all. Some experiences make us happy while others make us sad. Some rev us up, and others calm us down. All of this is regulated by different neurotransmitters. 
• Some neurotransmitters, such as glutamate, are stimulatory, or excitatory; they increase activity in the next neuron. Some neurotransmitters, such as gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), are inhibitory; they decrease activity in the next neuron.
• Some neurotransmitters are more involved in thought, some in perceptions, and some in emotions. A growing number of studies are pointing to their involvement in religious and spiritual experiences as well. 
• How can this involvement be traced by researchers? One type of study involves measuring neurotransmitters in the blood. This is an easy approach, but it does not necessarily refl ect what is happening in the brain. 
• In general, there is increased serotonin, dopamine, and GABA and decreased cortisol and norepinephrine during spiritual practices such as meditation or prayer.
• Another approach to studying the effects of neurotransmitters is to use drugs that actually block them. One clever study used two drugs—naloxone and fl umazenil—that block the opiate and benzodiezepine receptors, respectively. Would someone expect those receptors to be involved in meditation? Why?
• Researchers gave these drugs to an expert meditator to see if either would block the meditation experience. The drugs did not block the experience, and the eletroencephalography (EEG) fi ndings suggested that these neurotransmitters were not specifi cally involved in meditation. 
• In addition to measuring neurotransmitters in the blood and using drugs to block neurotransmitters, a third way to study the role of neurotransmitters in spirituality is to conduct a neurotransmitter imaging study. Unfortunately, only a few of these studies are currently available. In addition, due to the complexity of transmitter interactions, study design must proceed carefully. 
• Because it appears that many neurotransmitter systems may be involved in spiritual practices and religious experiences, there are many opportunities for imaging studies.
• One study used positron emission tomography (PET) imaging to evaluate the dopamine system in meditators. A scan was performed using raclopride, a radioactive tracer that binds to the dopamine receptors in the brain. After meditation, there was less radioactive binding, refl ecting more intrinsic dopamine release. In other words, meditation resulted in a release of dopamine, which is one of the most important neurotransmitters for positive emotions and the reward system. 
• A different study used magnetic resonance (MR) spectroscopy, an elegant technique that can measure the amount of neurotransmitters in certain parts of the brain. This study showed that meditation practice resulted in a release of GABA, the main inhibitory neurotransmitter in the brain. This may be crucial to shutting down certain areas of the brain.
• Part of what may occur during meditation is that as you focus more and more on the object of meditation, sensory information is screened out from other areas of the brain, such as the orientation part. It may be that GABA helps to regulate or block the fl ow of sensory information into the orientation area, which may ultimately help contribute to the experience of no self and no space. 
The Complexity of Neurotransmitters
• Glutamate is the main excitatory neurotransmitter and because spiritual practices and experiences involve many types of brain activity, glutamate is likely heavily involved. Interestingly, such practices also require the brain to regulate other areas—perhaps even shutting them down— and if calmness and relaxation are part of the experience, then GABA, the primary inhibitory neurotransmitter, also plays a prominent role. 
• GABA may be critical for helping to diminish Many modern studies are pointing to the involvement of various neurotransmitters in religious and spiritual experiences.
sensory input to cortical structures such as the posterior superior parietal lobule (PSPL), which is associated with visual-spatial processing. 
• Glutamate from the prefrontal cortex also causes the release of ß-endorphins from the hypothalamus. ß-endorphins can enhance feelings of euphoria and have been suggested to be involved in spiritual experiences and near-death experiences. However, blocking the opiate system does not diminish the meditative experience, so the jury is still out on how the opiate system is involved. 
• Increased glutamate can also result in an increase in neurotransmitters that have a similar effect as drugs such as ketamine, which can be used as an anesthetic. Ketamine is considered to be a dissociative hallucinogen, which means that taking this drug can cause you to hallucinate and specifi cally feel as if you are leaving your body behind. 
• The fact that increased glutamate can have effects similar to the effects of Ketamine means that both can potentially lead to intense experiences in which people perceive that they are leaving their body. Interestingly, the neurotransmitters related to increased glutamate have been linked to near-death experiences and other spiritual experiences as well. 
• A participant in the aforementioned online survey of spiritual experiences described a very interesting experience that actually occurred while the person was taking the drug ketamine. The individual described the experience as follows.
o “I had a near-death experience from ketamine. I went up a rainbow into a place like a big womb—felt my physical pain, emotional pain, fears, and worries dissolve. I felt like I was being hugged by a million people who really loved and cared for me and were all holding me. I heard a voice say the words, ‘You can breathe again now.’ I opened my eyes, and I was back.”
• This type of experience shows how drugs that affect specifi c neurotransmitter systems can result in very powerful experiences, including experiences that have a spiritual element to them. 
• There are still other potential neurotransmitter effects during spiritual practices. During spiritual rituals, there is stimulation of the autonomic nervous system. Furthermore, activating the autonomic nervous system can activate the hypothalamus.
• The hypothalamus can stimulate the dorsal raphe in the brainstem to produce serotonin. Increased serotonin may have many potentially interesting effects on the brain as related to spiritual practices. For example, drugs that help increase serotonin slowly form many of the antidepressant drugs. A more rapid increase in serotonin can result from taking various hallucinogenic drugs such as LSD. Thus, serotonin is involved in affecting intense sensory experiences. 
• Serotonin also may increase dopamine release, which has been observed in meditation practice. Dopamine is also known to be associated with feelings of euphoria. 
• In Lecture 5, you learned about research that was performed by Dr. Dean Hamer, who was exploring the relationship between genes and religiousness. Recall that Hamer was looking at a particular gene that codes for the VMAT2 receptor. He found a signifi cant correlation between this gene and people’s feelings of self-transcendence. 
• The VMAT2 receptor is particularly involved in regulating dopamine and serotonin. Because these two neurotransmitters are highly implicated in religious and spiritual experiences, it may be no surprise that the gene Hamer studied is sometimes called the God gene. In one study in Lecture 5, dopamine was used to alter a nonbeliever’s perception of the world.
• The results from initial studies suggest many complex interactions. Individual practices and experiences may have different neurotransmitter effects. Dopamine and serotonin may work together or inhibit each other, depending on the practice or experience. The neurotransmitters also likely interact with the autonomic nervous system and, hence, other parts of the body. 
• It appears that neurotransmitters play a fundamental role when it comes to the spiritual brain; they may be involved in helping to make people religious—or not.
    Suggested Reading
Austin, Zen and the Brain.
Goodman, “The Serotonergic System and Mysticism.”
Kjaer, Bertelsen, Piccini, Brooks, Alving, and Lou, “Increased Dopamine Tone during Meditation-Induced Change of Consciousness.”
Newberg and Iversen, “The Neural Basis of the Complex Mental Task of Meditation.”
Streeter, Jensen, Perlmutter, Cabral, Tian, Terhune, Ciraulo, and Renshaw, 
“Yoga Asana Sessions Increase Brain GABA Levels.”
    Questions to Consider
1. How do the different chemicals in the brain—such as dopamine and serotonin—play a role in religious and spiritual phenomena?
2. Does the effect of spiritual experiences on neurotransmitters result in good or bad experiences? 
Stimulated States and Religious Experiences 
Lecture 14 
 
I
n this lecture, you will consider stimulated states from a neuroscientifi c perspective, and you will discover what these stimulated states teach us about spirituality and the human brain. You will learn that induced states help us gain a deeper understanding of the underlying biology of religious or spiritual states, but they raise even more interesting questions about the meaning and realness of these states—which lead to some fascinating issues that pertain to beliefs, reality, and the brain. 
Stimulating Religious or Spiritual States
• There are several different ways to create stimulated religious or spiritual states, and each of these approaches provides another piece of the puzzle toward our understanding of the spiritual brain. 
• After all, if we can understand the mechanism by which the stimulation occurs, it may tell us something about stimulated states in particular and religious and spiritual states more broadly. Stimulated states may also provide some interesting information regarding the realness of these experiences. 
• Meditation and prayer are methods for naturally stimulating religious experiences. We can study what happens in the brain when people meditate or pray and how that affects their experiences.
• These practices might be thought of as a top-down approach. They start by activating the frontal lobes during the attention-focusing element and then end up affecting other parts of the brain, such as other cortical areas—including the parietal and temporal lobes, the thalamus, the limbic system, and eventually the autonomic nervous system. By modifying the activity in the higher parts of the brain, the lower parts and the body are affected. The end result can be very profound spiritual or mystical experiences. 
• Similarly, we can study a practice such as speaking in tongues. In this practice, the brain is stimulated by the person engaging in intense prayer or worship. This affects the language areas of the brain, shutting down the normal language areas, and subsequently affects the limbic areas, thalamus, and basal ganglia. Again, the result is a very profound spiritual state. 
• These might also be regarded as more natural methods of stimulation. They are stimulated from within the brain itself without any external factors playing a role. 
• However, even most of these natural methods rely on some type of external stimuli. For example, if a person is praying in church, he or she might see the image of the cross, hear the sounds of the organ or people singing, or smell the incense burning. These are external stimuli that can include a variety of sensory systems. 
• These stimuli form part of the ritual process. The stimuli trigger the amygdala to pay attention to the stimulus, and that marks it as being important or something we should pay attention to. When this is coupled with the rhythmic elements of the ritual, the person experiences profound shifts in his or her cognition and emotions that surround the important perceived stimuli. 
• Natural practices—individual or in conjunction with practices such as meditation or prayer—can induce spiritual states. For example, states of starvation, sleep deprivation, or sensory deprivation can result in very profound experiences, especially when combined with meditation or prayer. 
• Starvation can change the way the brain utilizes energy. Sleep deprivation causes all sorts of changes in brain function and may make it susceptible to unusual experiences. Sensory deprivation can result in profound sensory experiences as the underlying brain electrical activity is interpreted as actual sensory experience. 

Lessons from Professor Newberg’s Research
he primary visual cortex is an area in the back of the brain—the occipital lobe—that receives the initial input from the eyes. In the visual system, there are some neurons that fi re only when they receive a stimulus that appears as a horizontal line, and there are other neurons that fi re only when they receive a stimulus that appears as a vertical line. 
Perhaps it is because of these two types of neurons that the cross is such a powerful symbol. Perhaps the cross is an effective symbol, at least in part, because it triggers a very strong response in the brain.
Based on this thinking, I constructed a study designed to look at the effect of symbols on the brain of religious and nonreligious people. I hypothesized that if there was something inherently powerful about certain symbols, then the variety of religious symbols would be limited.
I found several web pages that had hundreds of religious and spiritual symbols. There were lots of crosses used as religious symbols—and not just for Christianity. There were also a lot of stars and a fair amount of circles. However, there were no squares or triangles. What was it about stars and crosses, but not squares and triangles, that stimulated the brain in such a way that they made good religious symbols? 
We decided to select some of the most powerful religious symbols and compared them to nonreligious symbols. We also selected symbols with very positive or very negative emotional content. We then scanned people’s brains while they were looking at the symbols for only a few seconds.
Interestingly, the positive religious symbols activated the primary visual cortex. In fact, the religious symbols activated the primary visual cortex more than any other symbols. This seemed to support my hypothesis that these symbols stimulated the brain more. This would be a very exciting conclusion that supported the idea that certain types of symbols are more stimulating than others. It would also support the idea that the more powerful ones are more likely to become religious symbols because the effect on the primary visual system ultimately has a greater effect on the cortex. 
However, there was another interesting possibility. Because the symbols were so well known, perhaps the cortex actually changed the way in which the primary visual system worked. This, too, would have some profound implications because it would mean that our beliefs literally affect the way we perceive the world. This study is a great start in understanding how religious and spiritual ideas and experiences can be stimulated simply by a visual object. 
Researching Stimulated States
• Stimulated states are those that occur when the brain is affected by external stimulants, such as drugs. Some of the early work in this area involved patients undergoing brain surgery. Researchers found that when certain parts of the brain are touched with an electrode, the patient reports intense and vivid experiences that can sometimes have a spiritual quality.
• The parts of the brain that were particularly involved were the hippocampus and amygdala in the limbic system and also part of the temporal lobe. When these areas were stimulated, people reported very intense emotional states or intense visual experiences. Because these areas are involved in both emotions and memory, it was suggested that the direct electrical stimulation of them resulted in eliciting strong emotions or memories. 
• This led a researcher at Laurentian University in Canada named Michael Persinger to try to stimulate the temporal lobes using weak electromagnetic fi elds. Persinger’s work reveals that when people have their temporal lobes stimulated, they report different types of experiences—the most prominent of which is a “sensed presence.” In other words, they become aware of the proximity of an unseen entity. This experience may feel like there is another person, usually a comforting entity, in the room.
• Persinger’s apparatus has also been able to help induce other types of experiences that are spiritual or spiritual-like. Persinger’s work further supports the importance of the temporal lobe limbic structures in religious or spiritual experiences. 
Drugs and Other Stimulated Experiences
• Drugs can affect the physiology of the brain. LSD, cocaine, and amphetamines are all known to produce spiritual-like states. 
• LSD affects the serotonin system, fl ooding the brain with increased serotonin. This increased serotonin may be partly or wholly responsible for triggering intense experiences via the amygdala or hippocampus because these structures are highly susceptible to stimulation by serotonin. 
• Cocaine affects the dopamine systems, 
causing a substantial increase in dopamine Cocaine causes a very intense release of dopamine in the brain, which is part of what causes the “high” that results. 
levels in the basal 
ganglia. Brain-imaging studies show that this increase in dopamine is directly related to the euphoria obtained by taking cocaine. 
• Another drug, peyote, is used in American Indian religious practices, and evidence suggests that it may have been used for almost 5,000 years. It is known to bind to the serotonin receptors. It works similarly to LSD, but it is not clear yet why stimulating these serotonin receptors would result in the powerful hallucinatory effects that are associated with peyote. 
• Shamanic methods often use a variety of psychotropic agents that all appear to result in some type of altered state of consciousness. Given the reported experiences from different psychedelic experiences, scientists at Johns Hopkins University decided that it would be helpful to study the subjective nature of such experiences in a more systematic way. In particular, they studied the effects of the hallucinogenic drug psilocybin. 
• Psilocybin, in the form of mushrooms, has been used for centuries— possibly millennia—within some cultures in structured manners for divinatory or religious purposes.
• In this study, subjects were given psilocybin or methylphenidate, the common attention defi cit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) medication, in a random order. Psilocybin is known to act on the serotonin nervous system, particularly in the limbic areas. Subjects were carefully monitored and described a variety of terrifying, peaceful, amazing, spiritual, and transforming experiences. 
• Even two months later, the subjects rated the psilocybin experience as having substantial personal meaning and spiritual signifi cance and attributed to the experience sustained positive changes in attitudes and behavior. Interestingly, however, a large number of the subjects stated that they would not want to do it again. 
• This study is quite interesting, but it raises a variety of questions about the use of drugs and the study of drug-induced experiences. 
• The advantages of drug-induced experiences include that drugs are easy to use, there is a rapid response, they induce strong experiences, and there is the control of timing. However, the use of drugs still requires appropriate context. The disadvantages of druginduced experiences include uncontrollability, ease of integrating such experiences, misuse, and stabilizing gains.
• The biology of religious or spiritual states is very complex and involves many different brain regions and neurotransmitters. However, do these states tell us something about the causal nature of the experiences? 
• In the Western-based approach, we might argue that if we give a drug and the person has an experience, then the drug caused the experience, but is this the correct conclusion? 
• Stimulated states can be extremely intense and transformative experiences. They are not, however, experiences that can be verifi ed intersubjectively. In other words, they really can’t be verifi ed by anyone other than the individual who experiences them. Does this make them any less valuable or valid?
• If you take the Western scientifi c view, these stimulated states are just that—stimulated. They do not refl ect a real experience of the world but, rather, an experience colored by the effects of an external agent, such as an electric probe or a drug. 
• However, a spiritual person, and particularly a Shaman, might argue that the use of such agents are a way of opening up a door into the spiritual realm. A Shaman might say, for example, that mushrooms allow the brain to see the spiritual realm as it really is, and even though the spiritual state is caused by the mushroom, it is not a false state. 
    Suggested Reading
Goodman, “The Serotonergic System and Mysticism.”
Hill and Persinger, “Application of Transcerebral, Weak (1 microT) Complex Magnetic Fields and Mystical Experiences.”
Hofmann and Tart, eds, Psychoactive Sacramentals.
Horgan, “The God Experiments.”
Schultes, Hofmann, and Rätsch, Plants of the Gods.
    Questions to Consider
1. What are the ways that spiritual states can be elicited by purposeful stimulation of the brain?
2. Are stimulated spiritual states real or fake, and do they tell us something about the nature of reality? 
Near-Death Experiences and the Brain 
Lecture 15 
 
O
n a biological, psychological, and even cultural basis, researchers know that near-death experiences frequently share a set of core components; appear to be related to a variety of specifi c brain processes, including vision, emotions, and memory; and often have lifechanging consequences. In addition, near-death experiences can radically change a person’s beliefs. However, researchers do not know if these newfound beliefs are truly new or if they were somehow always there and the near-death experience simply helped the person access them. These uncertainties require a thorough evaluation of near-death experiences from a neuroscientifi c perspective—in spite of the challenges that lie ahead. 
Core Components of Near-Death Experiences
• To a researcher, there are many fascinating aspects to a near-death experience. Most remarkably, many near-death experiences simply transform the people who experience them. People come away from a near-death experience with a radically altered set of beliefs about themselves, the meaning in life, relationships—everything. How does this happen in an instant? 
• Basically, the common components of near-death experiences can be broken into three categories: what is seen, what is heard, and what is experienced. 
• What is seen includes a being of light or entering into the light (only about 10 percent of near-death experiences involve this), a dark tunnel, and an out-of-body experience.
• What is heard includes the noise surrounding the experience.
• What is experienced involves a few stages. The beginning of the near-death experience involves hearing the news of one’s own death, the review of life events, meeting people that the person 
 
did not know had died, the knowledge of one’s death, clarity of thought, anomalous experiences, out-of-body experiences, and seeing other events.
• Midway through the neardeath experience, the person senses a border, meets others, and starts to feel that it is time to come back to reality. Toward the end of the experience, there is a sense of ineffability, which is accompanied by feelings of peace and quiet.
• Near-death experiences typically occur when one is 
Some of the earliest reports of neardeath experiences were made by survivors of avalanches.  
 
near death. They are described in states of cardiac arrest, drowning, car accidents, and suicide. Interestingly, however, near-death experiences have even been reported in times of life-threatening situations, such as avalanches, even though the person was not actually near death. 
• Researchers have not found any correlation between the type of death and the likelihood of having a near-death experience. However, some studies suggest that the administration of drugs— either by the person in a suicide attempt or by doctors trying to save the patient—may lessen the chance of having a near-death experience. 
• Some hallucinogenic drugs produce experiences that have many characteristics of near-death experiences. However, drug experiences tend to be more heavily based upon sensory experiences, such as intense visions, beautiful colors, and seeing other beings. These are certainly part of near-death experiences, but near-death experiences also appear to have some other elements that are not typically found with drug states—such as the life review or the notion that it is time to go back. Furthermore, most near-death experiences result in powerful consequences for the individual in terms of how he or she thinks about death and life, which are not common with drug-induced states. 
• Although the majority of modern reports of near-death experiences are about very positive experiences, there are many examples of negative experiences.
• For example, in her book Otherworld Journeys, Carol Zaleski writes about the horrifi c accounts given by medieval men and women who had near-death experiences. These accounts include fi endish tortures, dismemberments, tearing and burning of fl esh, and other assorted horrors before the individual had a glimpse of heavenly glory. 
Studying Near-Death Experiences
• How can we study near-death experiences in a way that we can actually learn something about how they relate to the brain? Because the person is unresponsive, there is no way of knowing what the person is feeling or when it is happening. 
• In fact, it is even diffi cult to document that a person was, in fact, clinically dead during the experience. Even if you fi nd some interesting brain activity, how do you know what it might be related to? 
• Of course, one of the biggest problems in studying near-death experiences is that you never know when they are going to happen. You always hear about it after the fact. 
• There is no way to do brain scans on people at the moment of a car accident. However, you could try to study near-death experiences in environments in which they are more likely to occur. Environments such as emergency rooms or operating suites in which patients undergo life-threatening operations are possibilities. 
• However, even though a near-death experience is more likely to occur in one of these locations, because the person is near death, you can’t ask him or her what he or she is feeling or experiencing in the moment. 
• Even if we took a brain scan at the moment a person’s heart stopped, we don’t know which patterns of activity we should correlate with the experience itself. We can only make guesses and inferences. Some of these guesses might be educated guesses based on a variety of data—from the physiology of the dying process to drug-induced states to the experiences people describe. 
• With this in mind, there are many theories about the origin of the near-death experience, including that it involves the effect of drugs, hypoxia (an oxygen defi ciency), or strong autonomic activity. In addition, perhaps a near-death experience occurs as a result of the soul actually leaving the body.
• No explanation answers all aspects of near-death experiences, and there is no explanation for the long-term effects of near-death experiences.
• Perhaps the most interesting aspect of near-death experiences from a brain perspective is how they can be so life changing and transformative. People no longer fear death, and they have a new way of looking at life and relationships. People are more spiritual and less religious.
• The brain normally changes slowly over time, but in a fl ash of an instant during a near-death experience, people frequently change all the ways they think about themselves and the world. 
• Many people who have near-death experiences say things like: “I don’t think there is a God; I know there is a God.” However, one individual described the experience as being “bigger” than religion. It made her feel as if religion was not suffi cient to help encapsulate the near-death experience. 
• Furthermore, there are people who have had a near-death experience but have not been moved to a religious or spiritual conclusion. In fact, an atheist described an experience that was very similar to a positive near-death experience but then said, “It was an amazing experience to feel while my brain was dying.” For her, it was a purely material experience.
• One of the most amazing aspects of near-death experiences is the anomalous experience. People describe out-of-body states in which they not only feel like they fl oat outside of their body and up to the ceiling, but they also actually see and hear what is going on around them. Some have reported going into different rooms in the hospital and seeing what is going on there. 
• Another frequent anomalous occurrence is when people describe a meeting with others who have died—sometimes when they don’t know that the other person is actually dead. There are many researchers who have received such stories from people who have had a near-death experience.
Studying Anomalous Experiences
• A group of researchers have started a study attempting to confi rm or refute anomalous experiences. The approach is to put pictures up in emergency rooms in hospitals that are too high for people to see unless they fl oat out of their body and up to the ceiling. There are no results yet, but either way, the results could be very important. 
• In fact, such a study truly fascinates scientists—especially those who study the spiritual realm—because it has paradigm-shifting implications. If we can fi nd some kind of decisive evidence that a person’s awareness can somehow leave his or her body, that implies that something about us is more than simply the material body. Somehow, our consciousness, mind, soul, or spirit would be able to leave the material body and experience the world in a different way than science currently believes is possible. 
• Of course, the study would potentially raise more questions than it answers. For example, how is such a process possible? How do the material and nonmaterial relate to each other? Is there really a soul, or is this effect related to the nature of consciousness? This would imply that consciousness is able to extend beyond the brain and that maybe it even exists independently in the world alongside matter. These are fascinating possibilities, but we have to wait for the data. 
• Human beings have a lingering fascination with near-death experiences; we are interested in trying to understand if something exists beyond this life. 
• Perhaps, if we discover that there is some truth to anomalous experiences, we might fi nd ourselves facing a radical shift in our understanding of the material world, science, consciousness, and even the soul. 
    Suggested Reading
Beauregard, Courtemanche, and Paquette, “Brain Activity in Near-Death 
Experiencers during a Meditative State.”
Blackmore, Dying to Live.
Greyson and Bush, “Distressing Near-Death Experiences.”
Holden, Greyson, and James, eds, The Handbook of Near-Death Experiences.
Moody, Life after Life.
    Questions to Consider
1. What are the potential brain processes associated with neardeath experiences?
2. Can we use science to explore the anomalous aspects of neardeath experiences? 
The Believing Brain 
Lecture 16 
 
B
eliefs are important because they affect every part of our lives, and every part of our lives affects our beliefs. In other words, we must be very careful about our beliefs, constantly challenging them and questioning them. In addition, perhaps we should be more compassionate about other people’s beliefs, which are simply expressions of their brains’ best attempt at understanding the world. In this lecture, you will learn that our beliefs are shaped by the way the brain perceives, thinks, remembers, and experiences emotion. You will also learn that social consensus is another important factor that infl uences our beliefs.
Beliefs Have Tremendous Power 
• The placebo effect is the phenomenon whereby a placebo pill, which does not contain any active medication, improves a patient’s condition simply because the patient has the belief that it will be effective. 
• Modern medicine has a generally negative view about the placebo effect. Doctors tend to look at the placebo effect as unreal, but if it is very powerful, maybe we should try to understand it more. In fact, if the placebo effect works, why don’t we use it more often? 
• Most research studies have shown that the placebo effect works, on average, in about one-third of situations, and in some studies, the placebo effect is effective in as many as two-thirds of patients. This is particularly true in studies of psychiatric disorders such as depression or anxiety, in which the placebo works as well if not better than some antidepressant and antianxiety medications. 
• Given these fascinating statistics, some scientists have tried to unravel the mystery of the placebo effect. For example, brain-scan studies have shown that the beliefs that we engage as part of the placebo effect can have a powerful effect on our mind and body. 
• Beliefs have an impact on many aspects of our lives and, thus, we fi nd them in advertising, culture, politics, morality, and religion. Even though beliefs are all around us, we might wonder why we need them so much. Why does our brain create beliefs? In fact, why do we believe anything at all? 
• If the universe is everything that is out there, our brain only has access to a very small percentage of that everything. On top of that, the brain fi lters out much of what it receives so that what you are consciously aware of is a very small amount of the world. Therefore, we are left with trying to derive our entire understanding of the universe by working with a very tiny amount of information. 
• We need to establish beliefs to help us to navigate through the world effectively. The brain is a believing machine.
What Are Beliefs? 
• A belief may be defi ned as a feeling that something exists or is true, especially one without proof. In other words, a belief draws a distinction between things that can and cannot be proven. However, what constitutes “proof” is different for science, religion, theology, and philosophy.
• Belief can be defi ned biologically and psychologically as any perception, cognition, emotion, or memory that a person consciously or unconsciously assumes to be true. 
• The brain exists in an almost infi nite world. The brain takes in millions of pieces of information, but only a limited amount reaches consciousness. Many pieces remain in the subconscious.
• The brain likes to fi ll in perceptual gaps, and sometimes the brain makes mistakes. We can be made to see lines and shapes even though they are not really there. For example, there is an illusion that causes people to see a square when one does not really exist.
 
• Another illusion uses a fancy checkerboard pattern to make it look like there is a curvature to the lines of the board, even though each one of them is completely straight. In addition, the dragon illusion involves a statue that looks like a dragon that follows you with its eyes, but it actually remains perfectly still.
• On one level, the brain sometimes makes us believe that we see things that aren’t really there. It sometimes constructs a reality that, upon closer examination, turns out to be nothing more than an illusion. 
• Beyond the question of illusions, the brain is always constructing perceptions of the external world—but what does our brain do with those perceptions?
• Basically, it begins to think about them. These cognitive processes then help us interpret the perceptions by providing us beliefs about those perceptions. 
• Beliefs have a certain logic that makes sense to us, and cognition helps us fi nd the “proof.” We use cognition to help create beliefs and also to maintain them. • One of the tools that The most interesting optical illusions are 
the ones that involve complex patterns that 
cognition uses to build are diffi cult for the eye to decipher.
and maintain beliefs is memory. For example, the memory that someone once snubbed us at a party serves as “proof” for our belief that this individual is hostile to us and should therefore be avoided. 
How Reliable Is Memory?
In the 1980 presidential campaign, Ronald Reagan would sometimes cite the story of a World War II pilot whose plane had been hit by enemy fi re. He was going to jump from the plane, but one member of the crew was too injured to jump. The pilot said, “Never mind, we’ll ride it down together.”
• Reagan would sometimes have tears in his eyes while telling this story. However, it turns out this never happened in real life; instead, it was a scene from the movie Wing and a Prayer. Interestingly, Reagan’s brain made him think that it was something that really happened—and this happens to all of us.
• Just as our brains lead us to fi ll in gaps in our visual perception so that we sometimes see things that aren’t really there, our brains also fi ll in the gaps in our experiences. Cognition can actually grab bits and pieces of experiences and piece together a false story that nevertheless feels true to us—a story that we believe because we think we’re accurately remembering the way things happened. 
• Indeed, one of the reasons that memories—even false ones—can be so powerful is because they often have such strong emotions attached to them. Think of the Reagan example. Those tears in his eyes were real. The emotion was real, even if the memory was inaccurate. 
• Emotions are important for placing value on beliefs. Strong emotions elicit strong beliefs because our brain wants us to remember important things and forget unimportant things.
• Our brain assesses what is important—and, therefore, what is remembered and believed—based on the emotional content, which can be positive or negative. Emotions also help us defend beliefs.
• Perceptions and thoughts that do not have strong emotional content may never even reach consciousness.
How Are Beliefs Strengthened? 
• Beliefs are strongly infl uenced by the other individuals we interact with throughout life. Our parents help us form our initial beliefs, and our peers lead us to new beliefs in adolescence.
• Society leads to beliefs of whole populations—whether they are political, cultural, or religious—and group consensus heavily infl uences beliefs.
• Given the infl uences of our perceptions, emotions, thoughts, and social interactions, how do beliefs actually form and work in the brain? 
• Interneurons and neurotransmitters strengthen connections when we use them, and connections that are not used ultimately weaken. When we have an emotion or a thought that we focus on, the neural connections that support that belief strengthen. 
• In fact, if it is true that the simultaneous fi ring of neurons leads to increased connections between those neurons, then the more we get a few neurons to fi re together, the stronger the belief becomes. Repetition is, therefore, an essential element for forming and strengthening beliefs. 
• However, are there religious or spiritual activities that are repetitive? In fact, almost all religious rituals and practices are repetitive. This is why meditation and rituals work so well; they are very repetitious.
• To strengthen beliefs, it is important to tie beliefs to useful information and behaviors, emotionally support the beliefs that we hold, and reject beliefs that contradict those that we hold.
• These processes are true for all beliefs—including religious, social, political, and scientifi c beliefs—so the brain is a believing machine.
• Beliefs are constructed out of our perceptions, emotions, thoughts, and interpersonal interactions as each of these factors affect the very neural connections that form our beliefs. 
However, while the brain does a great job of formulating beliefs that work well for us and help us understand the world, beliefs are also fraught with many potential fl aws. The brain can make mistakes at many different levels while constructing its beliefs.
    Suggested Reading
Harris, Kaplan, Curiel, Bookheimer, Iacoboni, and Cohen, “The Neural Correlates of Religious and Nonreligious Belief.” Newberg and Waldman, Why We Believe What We Believe.
Shermer, The Believing Brain.
    Questions to Consider
1. How does the brain make beliefs about religion, politics, morals, and every aspect of the world?
2. What are the fl aws the brain has in making beliefs, and can we become better believers? 
The Brain’s Infl uence on Religious Ideas 
Lecture 17 
what our brain can do. 
Defi nitions and the Brain
of the human brain. tied to neuropsychology? What room is there for a soul? operational defi nitions. reality, or ultimate truth.
wellness) in the context of spiritual criteria. In addition, the means and methods of the search receive general validation and support from within an identifi able group of people.
• Would the brain of a sociologist, philosopher, or theologian come to the same defi nition? Would it rely on the same abstract concepts, such as search and sacred, binary comparisons of sacred and nonsacred, or even the notion of differentiating spirituality from religiousness and both positive and negative emotions? 
• Given how the brain might look at defi nitions, how might the brain look at more specifi c religious and spiritual concepts? 
How the Brain Turns Spiritual Experiences into Religious Ideas
• The previously mentioned defi nitions and descriptions provide a way to begin to understand spirituality and religion, and the following are some of the basic ways in which our brain processes information that also bears directly on religious and theological ideas. 
• The causal function is located in the region of the inferior parietal lobe, and it enables us to determine cause and effect. When the causal function is applied to the physical world, the result is the scientifi c method. When the causal function is applied to the human world, the result is social science. When the causal function is applied to the spiritual realm, the results are concepts related to God or ultimate reality.
• What would happen if our brain did not have a causality mechanism? How would we perceive God then? God could be perceived as being loving—but not as the cause of all things. Of course, what our brain thinks has no real bearing on what reality actually is. If we don’t believe in gravity, we still will fall down if we jump off a ladder. 
• The abstract function is located in the region of the superior temporal lobe and is closely associated with language. The abstract function allows for the categorization of things. When applied to 
 
the spiritual realm, the abstract function enables a discussion of various religious concepts related to religious practices, meaning, and morals and ethics. This function also provides the basis for rational thought by holding various representations of objects for analysis.
• The brain’s causal and abstract functions lead to specifi c kinds of concepts and ideas when they are applied to the nonphysical, or spiritual, realm. What about the other brain mechanisms? How do they shape and infl uence our religious ideas? 
• The binary function is located at the junction of the superior temporal and inferior parietal lobes. The binary function helps us to create a comparison of opposites. For example, it establishes our concept of good and evil, right and wrong, and heaven and hell.
• In religion, the basic opposite is God versus man. In fact, this is the fundamental problem in all religions. The mythic structure of religions attempts to resolve these opposites—by holistic functioning, for example.
• Scientifi cally, the holistic function allows us to look at the whole rather than the parts. Doctors in integrative medicine advocate the need to look at the whole person in terms of their biological, psychological, spiritual, and social domains. To truly heal someone, the holistic function of these doctors tells them to look at everything working as a whole.
• The holistic function appears to be partly related to right-brain function and may be related to the blocking of sensory information that occurs during practices such as meditation or prayer. This leads to an experience of things being considered as a whole. 
• Of course, the sense of wholeness or oneness can vary. In fact, there may be a unitary continuum of human experience and thought, including the emergence of the sense of oneness as a property of smaller processes, a oneness of God, and a oneness of all things.
• The concept of God as a unifying force is important to the sense of wholeness or oneness. In addition, there is a need to consider the individual characteristics of God as a part of the whole. This sense of oneness is also an important element in the creation of social cohesion.
• The opposite of the holistic function is the reductionist function, which is related to left-brain function and is located in the temporoparietal junction. This function attempts to break down things into their parts. 
• Theological development based on foundational myth is the basic reductionist function associated with religious thought. It starts with a basic story and breaks it down into many individual parts and interpretations.
• We see this as the basis of theology—including books such as the Talmud in Jewish thought—which takes the primary sacred text and stories and breaks them down into concrete ways so that we can understand them. 
When something cannot be reduced, it is possible to miss the big picture.
• The causal, abstract, binary, holistic, and reductionistic functions of the human brain all help us to process the 
enormous amount of data coming into our brains from Sacred texts, such as the Talmud, attempt to break down stories into their individual parts so our brain can understand them.
the external world. 
Relying on these functions, the brain is able to construct a reality that works for us as humans. 
• The important thing to remember is that these same functions that we apply to the physical world must also be applied to the spiritual realm. These functions allow us to form concepts about such notions as God, the soul, and the afterlife. 
• Two other brain functions that are crucial to the way we develop religious ideas are the quantitative function and the emotional function. The quantitative function is obviously used in mathematics and science, but it also relates to special numbers in religion— specifi cally, to the assignment of meaning to numbers.
• With all of these cognitive processes that our brain can use, perhaps the most important aspect of brain function that leads to religious and spiritual ideas is our emotional system. 
• We have a need to organize all of our thoughts based on some emotional value, which helps us establish a hierarchical ordering of thoughts and concepts. Our emotional system is theologically associated with emotions such as love, agape, joy, and awe.
• The Judeo-Christian idea of redemption emerges out of several brain processes, including the binary—being saved versus not being saved—and the abstract—understanding what redemption is in the fi rst place.
• The impact of redemption on the believer is more potent and durable because it involves an emotional component—not just the idea that God saves, in the abstract, but that concretely God redeems us (a people) or you (a person) from some form of oppression and bondage. Often, it’s the emotion aroused by an idea that gives it signifi cance and staying power among generations of believers. This makes sense from a neuroscientifi c perspective because the brain isn’t designed to be purely rational.
• Let’s revisit how the brain may help us to understand and respond to myths and rituals. Myth involves binary function and holistic function. Rituals enable an acting out of myth, which involves multiple sensory systems—including sight, sound, smell, and physical activity. In addition, there are both cognitive and emotional components.
• All of these elements affect the development of our own spiritual beliefs. The myths and rituals help the brain create all kinds of religious ideas, but if all of these different things—myths, rituals, and doctrines—have an impact on our various religious beliefs, then how can we begin to think about and defi ne the ideas that arise from some of the most powerful spiritual experiences? 
Describing Mystical Experiences
• There are several ways in which people have described powerful spiritual, or mystical, experiences. 
• A scholar named Walter Stace talked about extrovertive unitary experiences, and he defi ned them as having a unifying vision in which the person sees all things as one. This is related to the notion of the brain’s holistic process, which includes the concrete apprehension of the “one” as being something that is internal to us—something that we feel.
• There’s also the sense of an objective reality of the experience; it feels real to us. In addition, there are feelings of peace and of something that’s sacred.
• Some of these powerful experiences feel very paradoxical. They wreak havoc with our binary processes because suddenly things that seemed to be completely oppositional of each other are being brought together and are making sense to us. Ultimately, many people who have these experiences say they’re ineffable, or indescribable by language. If this is true, then maybe those areas that help with abstract thought and language are just not able to interact with these particular experiences. 
• What happens when we’re not able to process these experiences in the same way? Obviously, they’re going to lead to very different kinds of experiences and very different kinds of ideas than the ones that we normally have. 
• Stace also talked about other types of mystical experiences that include a unitary consciousness—a sense of pure consciousness or awareness in which all the person experiences is the experience itself.
• Stace also talks about mystical experiences as being nonspatial and nontemporal. This relates to the orientation part of the brain—the part of the brain that helps us feel spatial and temporal relations and how we relate to the world.
• All of these different processes of the brain come about in these very intense experiences. Then, they come together, and the person has to extract from them meaning and understanding.
• Religion is associated with many different characteristics—not just mystical ones. Religious experiences can include practices such as forgiveness, worship, prayer, Bible studies, and group ritual. Religion is also associated with feelings and behaviors related to awe, charity, love, and altruism and theological principles of morality, causality, numerology, ontology, and epistemology.
    Suggested Reading
Gay, ed, Neuroscience and Religion.
Mecklenburger, Our Religious Brains. 
Newberg, Principles of Neurotheology.
Newberg and Waldman, How God Changes Your Brain.
    Questions to Consider
1. How do specifi c brain processes, such as causality, infl uence our religious and spiritual beliefs?
2. Can we use brain studies to address questions such as whether we have free will? 
Revelation, Salvation, and the Brain 
Lecture 18 
I
n this lecture, you will examine the way that the brain is involved in helping people understand two important religious concepts: revelation and salvation. These two concepts are fundamental to the teachings of a wide range of religious traditions—both ancient and modern, Eastern and Western—and the brain appears to be an essential element in these two religious experiences. Through our newfound abilities to study the brain, it is possible for us to ask and answer a lot of fascinating questions about how and why human beings experience revelation and salvation. 
Defi ning Revelation and Salvation
• Revelation is the experience of receiving important information through active or passive communication with a supernatural or divine entity.
• Salvation is the deliverance of the soul from sin and its consequences. It may also be called deliverance or redemption from sin, which implies that—like revelation—salvation is experienced as being given by God. 
• How might science approach the experience and claims of revelation? If revelation is a way of receiving information from God, then we can start by asking how we receive information from anything—such as another person.
• The part of the brain that helps us comprehend what another person is saying to us is the verbal-conceptual area. When someone is talking to us, we hear the words, connect the words to our memory system, and ultimately use our abstract brain processes to make sense of what is said. 
• We can apply a similar scientifi c approach to revelation experiences. What do people hear when they receive a revelation, and how do they comprehend it? 
Experiencing Revelation
• One pathway of revelation is a verbal experience: God is perceived to communicate with human beings in a direct way that provides specifi c verbal content. Orthodox Judaism and traditional Christianity generally hold that the fi rst fi ve books of Moses were dictated by God in such a fashion. 
• Recall that our brain has the verbal abilities in its temporal lobe, and thus, language is one of the most effective ways for human beings to come to understand something. It would certainly make sense that our brain would be built in such a way to receive religious or spiritual information in a verbal manner. 
• Another path is nonverbal revelation, in which the person perceives something about God, but it is not based in language. It is based on the brain’s perceptions and abstract thought processes, but it is not specifi cally perceived in language. From the brain perspective, this is an interesting way that revelation occurs because we know that human beings can derive meaning and understanding from nonverbal communication. 
• In fact, much of how we communicate with other people is through nonverbal cues. We look at someone’s face or posture and glean a lot of information about them. The brain is designed to pick up on this type of information. In fact, nonverbal forms of communication might be much more important at times than verbal forms. 
• The rhythms, music, and actions of ritual are a crucial part of making meaning, so the brain can certainly derive knowledge in nonverbal ways, and revelation would theoretically be no exception. 
• The Aristotelian scholars of the medieval period espoused another way of receiving divine information. They held that revelation 
was the discovery of absolute truths about God through logical philosophical inquiry. In this way, the brain’s rational thought processes were considered to be the means toward revelation. 
• Where do our rational thought processes come from? We know that there are parts of the brain that think about causality, abstraction, and comparison in such a way that we can deduce new ideas, so this overall mechanism could be another possible way in which revelation occurs. 
• Others, such as the philosopher Baruch Spinoza, suggest that God reveals himself through creation, and therefore, we can learn about religion and God by observing nature. Thus, the use of our brain in scientifi c inquiry—through physics, cosmology, and other fi elds— is the basis of revelation. In other words, the ability to see causality in the world, explore the world through questioning, and use the reductionistic processes of the brain may not merely be the way we perform science; for the religious individual, this may also be the way we receive information from and about God. 
• Ultimately, regardless of how a person might think 
revelation occurs, if we Dutch Jewish philosopher Baruch 
Spinoza (1632–1677) believed that 
consider revelation in the God reveals himself through creation. context of the brain, we would likely conclude that revelation is the ability of the human brain to receive and be changed by a spiritual message. However, when we take a neuroscientifi c perspective on revelation, we also uncover some interesting questions. For example, what limitations might the brain place on the kind of information human beings can receive? How is the brain altered both during the revelation experience and in the transforming aftermath of that experience? 
• Several scholars have stressed that revelation occurs all the time by various mechanisms. If this is the case from a religious perspective, then the brain must be involved. Of course, revelation is more religiously, rather than neurologically, oriented. 
• However, the brain must interpret whatever information it perceives about God’s active presence in the world, and the neuroscientifi c perspective provides insights into issues pertaining to revelation that were previously only the domain of religion and theology. 
• For example, Christian theology has sometimes described a difference between communicable and incommunicable attributes of God. If human beings can only have access to communicable aspects of God, then there are specifi c limitations that are placed on the ability to perceive and understand God. 
• Communicable attributes are usually related to those things that human beings can potentially perceive for themselves, such as mercy, justice, wrath, and love. From the neuroscientifi c perspective, we can understand and study the biological underpinnings of these attributes. We can look at the emotional system of the brain and see how it interacts with our abstract thought processes as we engage in feelings of mercy, justice, wrath, or love. 
• Incommunicable attributes of God usually include those related to being omnipotent, eternal, infi nite, omniscient, and omnipresent— things that human beings simply are not. 
• The neurotheology perspective offers an explanation, though, as to why we can have some notion of the incommunicable concepts as well—even though we cannot truly understand them. After all, the brain does have some knowledge (omniscience), some idea of time (eternal), and some control over the universe (omnipotent). Thus, while the human brain cannot truly grasp the extent of these attributes, neurotheology would argue that they must be partially communicable at least insofar as the brain can provide a hint of these attributes, or at least abstractly conceptualize them. 
• The brain can use its processes such as the holistic, binary, or causal processes to interpret the world around us, but then God or religious information can only be considered in certain ways—such as through our senses, emotions, and cognitions. If that is the case, then there theoretically should be a limited number of neurological avenues by which the human brain can experience revelation. 
• It is likely that revelation is different for each individual’s brain and, hence, each individual. The brain plays a fundamental role in revelation experiences, and its capabilities and limitations may have an impact on the nature and type of experiences. 
Experiencing Salvation
• Depending on the religious tradition, salvation is considered to be caused either by the free will and grace of a deity (in theistic religions) or by personal responsibility and self-effort (in the yogic traditions of India, for example). Religions often emphasize the necessity of both personal effort—through repentance and asceticism—and divine action, such as grace. 
• The concept of salvation as the phenomenon of being saved by divine agency belongs mostly to Christianity, Judaism, and Islam— the major monotheistic religions. Analogous concepts within Indian religions, such as nirvana, are not exact equivalents to the concept of salvation in that they do not depend upon divine agency per se. However, almost all religions speak of a way of saving the person or saving the person’s soul. 
• Author Ernest Valea suggested three aspects that are important to consider in assessing the experience of salvation: the resources needed for attaining salvation, the actual way of getting saved, and the meaning of being saved. 
• These aspects are quite similar to scientifi c approaches to a variety of mechanistic questions. We often need to understand what is needed for a given physical phenomena, the mechanism by which it happens, and how we can understand the meaning of it. 
• First, what are the resources necessary for attaining salvation? The brain is probably one of those resources. For salvation to occur, the brain has to comprehend what is needed and go about helping the person obtain the necessary resources. Furthermore, the resources might refer to a certain emotional attitude—such as feeling sorrow for sin—or to certain doctrines to be followed. Access to these resources is also supported by the brain processes. 
• Second, what are the ways of getting saved? The brain helps us to understand what practices we must do, what beliefs we must hold, and what experiences we must have in order to be saved. If we have to do something such as behave in a particular way or do a practice such as prayer or meditation, it is the brain that helps us do it. 
• Third, what is the meaning of being saved? The brain uses its cognitive processes to derive meaning from all of our thoughts, feelings, and experiences. To do this, we utilize our causal, abstract, and emotional processes. In the context of salvation, the meaning is compared to the overall understanding of the spiritual tradition and its doctrines and goals. Importantly, the brain must somehow be able to identify salvation as something truly remarkable and beyond the normal part of our experiences. 
• In addition to applying the neuroscientifi c perspective to a general model of salvation like Valea’s, we can also apply this perspective to the teachings of specifi c faith traditions. 
• In Eastern traditions such as Buddhism or Sikhism, salvation appears to come from ending the cycle of suffering, death, and rebirth by attaining liberation and enlightenment. This occurs through intense contemplation and meditation and by moving one’s life toward a detachment from the body and physical world. 
 
Meditation and related contemplative practices appear to have a dramatic impact on the brain’s functioning both during meditation and after. These data support the notion that meditation practices result in a unique pattern of brain function and create an enduring response in the brain. It certainly seems conceivable that meditation can lead to a transformation of the person—one that is probably mediated in some way by the brain. 
• Neurotheology can be of great help in understanding these different approaches toward salvation and determine which methods appear to be most conducive from an integrated physiological and theological perspective. 
    Suggested Reading
Arzy, Idel, Landis, and Blanke, “Why Revelations Have Occurred on Mountains.”
Mecklenburger, Our Religious Brains. 
Newberg, Principles of Neurotheology.
    Questions to Consider
1. How does the brain enable us to exhibit behaviors that are frequently associated with religion, such as altruism or giving charity?
2. What is the brain process by which forgiveness occurs?
The Brain’s Infl uence on Religious Behavior 
Lecture 19 
 
T
his lecture focuses on three behaviors that are crucial to almost every religious tradition: altruism, empathy, and forgiveness. As you will learn from the scientifi c research that is presented in this lecture, neuroscience seems to make a real contribution to religious and theological discourse. In addition to showing the neurophysiological conditions that make such behaviors as altruism, empathy, and forgiveness possible, the research also offers evidence that religion can play an important role in shaping a more empathic and less antagonistic world. 
The Behavior Debate
• Even before the emergence of neuroscience, people were grappling with the relationship between our moral aspirations and our physical, or animalistic, nature. 
• In Summa Theologica, Thomas Aquinas engages the issue of human biology and the mind by distinguishing between the actus hominis and the actus humanus. 
• Similarly, the Jewish mystical perspective of the Kabbala posits the nefesh (animal part), the ruach (the spirit that helps distinguish good and evil), and the neshamah (higher soul but is related to intellect).
• In the 16th century, Desiderius Erasmus argued that the human being is the center of creation and that the measure of God’s goodness is that God created a world in which human beings were allowed to develop naturally. Thus, Erasmus insisted on a role for the human will and personal responsibility, as well as God’s grace, in achieving salvation.
• Martin Luther, who was considerably less optimistic about the human potential for good, argued that grace alone provides salvation for human beings. 
This debate centered on the ability of the human will to choose good behavior over bad and, ultimately, to steer the individual toward salvation. 
• It would be most interesting to consider how Luther and Erasmus might have responded to current neuroscience research regarding the nature of moral reasoning and the identifi cation of parts of the brain that appear to function as the “seat of the will.”
Neuroscience and Altruism
• In a very interesting study, an fMRI scan was performed on 20 students while they looked at different pictures that were designed to elicit feelings of compassion or feelings of 
pride. Compassion induction German theologian Martin Luther 
(1483–1546) believed that grace 
was associated with activation provides salvation for humans. of the midbrain—in a region that is activated during pain and the perception of others’ pain—and that has been implicated in parental nurturance behaviors. This type of compassionate feeling might be part of the altruism response. 
• Another study involved 22 students who were asked to imagine helping someone by easing their pain. The fMRI data showed that easing the pain of another was associated with increased activity in the basal ganglia, which is involved in reward pathways and is also strongly stimulated by dopamine. 
• These two studies combined show that the basis of altruism may have a lot to do with the pain areas of the brain and the emotional areas of the brain that help us to perceive another’s suffering. 
Activity in these areas may ultimately motivate altruistic behavior. 
 
Another study showed that giving oxytocin to subjects drives a response that promotes in-group trust and cooperation and defensive, but not offensive, aggression toward competing out-groups. 
• Oxytocin is a hormone that is released naturally in our body at very interesting times. It appears to be very important in helping us to establish an intense, loving relationship with another. It is released in women during birth and through the processes of nursing infants. It is believed to contribute greatly to the bond formed between the mother and infant. It is also released in both men and women during sexual orgasm—another moment of intense bonding. 
• The role of oxytocin is also noted in other animal species. Interestingly, there are two species of small rodent creatures called prairie voles. One species is monogamous, mating for life, while the other seems to never settle down and bond with another. The species that forms intense monogamous relationships has more oxytocin. 
• Oxytocin is important to creating loving bonds that support behaviors leading to intimate relationships and, ultimately, to altruism—which seems to be a fundamental part of human thought and behavior.
• Altruism may be expressed differently, depending on the physiological processes of our brain, but it is very important in helping us to establish bonds with others.
Neuroscience and Empathy
• An fMRI study conducted in 2010 by researchers at Northwestern University showed that empathy for in-group members is neurally distinct from empathy for humankind in general. This study involved 28 individuals: Half of them were African American, and the other half were Caucasian.
Participants in the study showed a greater response in the anterior cingulate cortex and bilateral insula (emotion areas) when observing the suffering of others—which clearly indicates that empathy for humankind activated the emotional areas of the participants’ brains. 
• However, in this study, African American individuals additionally recruited the medial prefrontal cortex when observing the suffering of members of their own social group. 
• Moreover, neural activity within the frontal lobe in response to pain expressed by in-group relative to out-group members predicted greater empathy and altruistic motivation for one’s in-group. 
• The results suggest that the brain processes associated with creating our sense of self underlie extraordinary empathy and altruistic motivation for members of one’s own social group. 
• Another study found that inferring the emotional state of someone who is not similar to us relies upon the same neural structures as having empathy for someone who is similar to us. In particular, the parts of our brain that are responsible for perceiving emotions in ourselves are important for developing empathy for those who are similar to us and those who are different from us. Empathy for those who are dissimilar to us requires added frontal lobe function in order to make these empathic inferences.
• In other words, this study suggests that it is easier to have empathy for those you know and feel similar to, but you can do it for others. This is a very interesting fi nding. In fact, it gives us a new neuroscientifi c basis for understanding a moral precept that is crucial to many religious traditions—namely, that you should love your enemies as well as your friends. 
• Research also shows that while empathy is to some degree an inherent human trait, it can also be affected by the frontal lobe and other cognitive processes. In other words, at least theoretically, empathy can be learned. This has implications for religious concepts because we can promote altruism and empathy via religious belief systems and practices.
Neuroscience and Forgiveness
• Forgiveness is a behavior that is even more fundamental than altruism and empathy to the great religious traditions of the world. Various cognitive processes are involved in this highly complex— and distinctly human—behavior. 
• Forgiveness is complex because it includes many intellectual and behavioral elements—including altruism, love, cognition, and empathy. However, if we look at the entire process of forgiveness from a neuroscientifi c perspective, we can identify certain core components that make the complexity a bit more intelligible. 
• The fi rst thing that has to happen in the forgiveness process is that you have to have something happen to you that requires forgiveness—which can be referred to as the injury to the self.
• Perceiving an injury to the self appears to require four elements: a sense of self, an expanded sense of self, an ability to evaluate the behavior of others as being injurious or benefi cial, and memory of the event in order to link that injury to the offending person.
• Ultimately, the forgiveness process involves the causal, binary, abstract, quantitative, and holistic processes of the brain in order to rework the equilibrium in a way that reestablishes the sense of self in the context of the injury. 
• The causal process identifi es the causative agent of the injury— who did it to us and what the injury caused. 
• The binary function provides information about good and bad, helping us to identify the injury and also the moral basis for it. 
The quantitative function provides a relative notion of greater than or lesser than and, thus, is important in evaluating the extent of the injury and ensuring that a balance is ultimately restored. 
• The abstract function helps us to manipulate religious, spiritual, moral, and legal concepts so that we can restructure in our mind how the injury occurred and how it is ultimately resolved. 
• The holistic function provides a reunifi cation of the balance that exists so that we can feel better about the new equilibrium that we are connected to. 
• While it is not a surprise that empathy, altruism, and forgiveness are associated with brain function, the results from various studies provide some insight on the specifi c emotional and cognitive processes involved. Signifi cantly, these studies support the notion that we can change our brain and our thoughts and behaviors. If religions promote such positive behavior, the behavior can become integrated in the brain’s functions more effectively.
    Suggested Reading
Hood, Hill, and Williamson, The Psychology of Religious Fundamentalism. 
McCullough, Pargament, and Thoresen, eds, Forgiveness.
Mecklenburger, Our Religious Brains.
Newberg and Waldman, How God Changes Your Brain.
    Questions to Consider
1. If a person has a revelatory experience, how does the brain help that person experience and interpret it?
2. If a person is saved, is his or her brain also saved?
How the Brain Changes God 
Lecture 20 
 
I
n this lecture, you will learn about how our brain shapes our beliefs about religion and God. You will learn that the different cognitive and emotional processes of the brain dramatically affect our beliefs of God. In addition, you will learn that there are fascinating ways of trying to understand what people actually think about when they think about God. Furthermore, you will learn how people’s thoughts about God relate to the brain processes that support those thoughts. 
What Is God Like?
• In 2006, Baylor University’s Institute for Studies of Religion published the results from their extensive study on religion and spirituality. More than 1,700 people participated in Baylor’s study, and each of them answered nearly 400 questions about religion and spirituality. 
• According to the results of the survey, the American public described four primary types of God: an authoritarian God, a critical God, a distant God, and a benevolent God. 
• Baylor’s research team noted the complexity of American religious beliefs. Among other things, the study concluded that gender and income affect the way we perceive God. For example, women in the study tended to select an “engaged” God, such as one who was either authoritarian or benevolent. In addition, the higher the income, the less likely the participant was to describe God as angry. 
• In short, when it comes to the question of what God is like, people have different answers, and these answers seem to be infl uenced by a variety of factors—both physiological and social. 
• From a neuroscience perspective, this is not surprising. When we think about how our brain processes religious and spiritual 
 
information, we must also realize that its capabilities and limitations have a profound impact on how we understand religion and God. 
• Of course, the way our brain represents the outside world to us has no necessary correspondence with the world as it actually is. The same is true for any spiritual reality, and in particular, the same is true for God. 
• Whether or not there is a God, and regardless of what attributes God might have, each of our brains interprets this information for us, and our interpretations are constrained by the structure and function of the brain. In other words, we make of God what our brains allow us to make of God. 
• Moreover, even though people do share a number of similar perspectives, their experiences differ. As a result, each person’s interpretation of reality—and of God—is bound to be, to some degree, unique. 
• How does the brain think about God? What is going on in our brain when we try to imagine or articulate what God is like? Can neuroscience help us understand how our brain shapes our personal image of who God is? 
• Much of the research in this area is subjective because people who are studied are often asked what they personally think or feel, but it also helps us get at the underlying neurophysiology.
• Ultimately, there are many ways of approaching the concept of God, including religious, theological, anthropological, sociological, artistic, cultural, and—of course—neuroscientifi c ways.
• The different cognitive functions of the brain that help us to perceive the world are also important not only in understanding basic religious ideas and behaviors, but also in understanding the more specifi c ideas about God.
Shaping Our Notions of God
• We can turn to our brain processes to try to understand the tremendous variety of beliefs about God. The cognitive functions that we have considered include the holistic function and its counterpart, the reductionistic function. We have also dealt repeatedly with the causal, abstractive, and binary functions, among others. 
• The holistic function of the brain involves the parietal lobes and is responsible for the sense of the oneness of God and the oneness of all things. The concept of God as a unifying force is important. There is a need for us to consider the individual characteristics of God as part of the whole.
• Many people, no matter how holistically they think about God, still envision God in a humanized manner. They think of God as a super person—the old man with a beard in the clouds, much like Michelangelo’s vision on the Sistine Chapel—because our brain has specialized areas for seeing and interpreting faces. Thus, it is no surprise that we treat God, to some extent, like another person. 
• By involving the brain’s visual areas in the way we think about God, we’re able to make God more accessible—easier for us to understand—but this process of visualization also limits what God can be for us. When we give God a human face, it makes it easier for us to understand the concept of God.
• Brain-scan studies show that conversational prayer treats God like we treat another person, activating our social areas of the brain in the parietal lobe.
• Our emotions tell us what is important and what is not. They allow us to communicate properly, and ultimately, they shape our beliefs. How do we think about God emotionally?
• In the Baylor study, emotions play an important role because some view God in a negative emotional way, and others view God in a positive emotional way. 
• Emotions are also important for how we express and understand language. In fact, we need emotions to interpret what people are saying, and we have specifi c brain areas that help with the emotional infl ections in language. 
• Language helps us understand religious concepts, and of course, language is a part of rituals, myths, and prayer. We must use language to understand sacred texts and to explain religion, spirituality, and God. How do we use language, and how does our language limit our understanding of God?
• For many, God is indescribable. This is an interesting description because it implies that a particular thought—God—cannot be relegated to any clear language. Language is crucial for our understanding of God, but it also presents specifi c problems because it is so diffi cult to fully describe God. 
• Another fascinating element of different religious traditions, specifi cally with regard to how we act and think about God, has to do with willfulness or surrender. How do we understand God’s will? 
• The feeling of willfulness comes from the frontal lobes. Do we have free will? Do we control our thinking about God? What do we think God wants us to do in terms of our behaviors and thoughts?
• Is God something we should surrender ourselves to? By surrendering themselves, some individuals fi nd a new understanding of God and a new relationship with God. Thus, the act of surrendering becomes an important way for some people to change their beliefs about God. 
Our Brain and the Existence of God
• The brain believes that the things it perceives are real. We assign reality based on the degree to which something seems real. In conjunction with the binary operator, we can establish existence from nonexistence.
• Why do some believe God exists and others do not? Regardless of your beliefs, it is the brain that draws the line between a belief that God does or does not exist. For example, research has shown that there are differences in the brain scans of atheists contemplating God. For them, the brain is not able to activate in the same way as a religious person’s brain—largely because they do not have a clear sense of God’s existence.
• It remains unclear why we think anything exists or does not exist, but through research, we can explore questions such as: What does God look like? What does God feel like? What is God’s personality? How are these attributes related to our own? 
• For example, when researchers asked participants about what they think God looks like, 60 percent drew abstract or nature scenes, 20 percent drew faces, and 15 percent were blank. However, a blank response did not always mean “no answer.” Of atheists, 50 percent left it blank.
• The Baylor study found that Americans believe in four principle types of God: an authoritarian God, a critical God, a distant 
 
Many research studies have brought up the important idea of whether the way in which our brain thinks about God has something—or even anything—to do with what the actual nature of God is. 
God, and a benevolent God. These four types proceed along two dimensions: spatial and emotional. Could there be a fi fth type of God—a mystical God? 
    Suggested Reading
Baylor Institute for Studies of Religion, “American Piety in the 21st Century.”
Deacon, The Symbolic Species. 
Lauglin, McManus, and d’Aquili, Brain, Symbol, and Experience.
Murphy, Ellis, and O’Connor, eds, Downward Causation and the Neurobiology of Free Will.
Newberg and Waldman, How God Changes Your Brain.
    Questions to Consider
1. Do specifi c brain processes infl uence our perception of God?
2. What limitations does the brain place on our ability to conceive of and relate to God?
How God Changes the Brain 
Lecture 21 
 
I
n this lecture, you will learn how God and religion change your brain. Change might come about through spiritual practices, as a result of longheld beliefs, or even from a religious experience. Scientifi c research is helping us understand how certain beliefs and practices lead to positive changes in the brain while others lead to negative changes. Based on that research, perhaps we can fi nd ways to create more positive experiences— which arguably are benefi cial not only for the individual, but also for society as a whole. 
How Do Spiritual Practices Change the Brain? 
• Perhaps the most effective way of assessing the way religion shapes the brain is to study specifi c spiritual practices. One way is to combine imaging and other scientifi c measures with subjective and phenomenological evaluation. For example, longitudinal fi ndings compare meditators with nonmeditators over a long period of time.
• In a study of Kirtan Kriya and memory, researchers recruited older individuals with memory problems but no history of prior meditation. They were taught Kirtan Kriya meditation, which derives from the Kundalini yoga tradition. It is considered to be one of the fundamental meditation practices. In fact, one yoga master suggested that if you have to learn only one meditation practice, this is the one to learn. 
• The practice involves two different elements: chanting the sa-ta-nama mantra, which incorporates primal sounds into the meditation, and making fi nger movements called mudras. 
• Researchers scanned the brains of participants before and after eight weeks of training and tested their memory using a variety of neuropsychological tests, including tests of verbal memory, 
 
visual attention and task switching (referred to as the trails test), psychological state, and spirituality.
In addition, they compared the Kirtan Kriya group to a group listening to music. The results were fascinating on a number of levels. 
• Cognitively, people in the Kirtan Kriya group performed, on average, about 10 percent better on the verbal memory task and the trails test after the eight weeks of training. This suggests that the meditation program improved memory. Furthermore, the improvements in memory were correlated with changes in activity in the frontal lobes and thalamus. 
• Perhaps the most important changes were in their emotional state. People practicing Kirtan Kriya were found to have signifi cant reductions of 10 to 20 percent in stress, anxiety, depression, and fatigue. These changes correlated with changes in activity in the limbic and emotional control centers of the brain. 
• If a secular version of a meditation practice that people did for 12 minutes per day for eight weeks causes these kinds of changes, imagine what kind of changes occur when people engage in a religious or spiritual tradition for many years. The effects should be profound. 
• On the scans, researchers discovered some fascinating changes. They found an overall increase in the frontal lobes—not just during the practice, but even at rest. They also noticed a change in the thalamus. 
• A small study of fi ve people doing Iyengar yoga meditation was conducted to evaluate the effects of a three-month yoga program on brain function. Researchers found similar increased frontal lobe activity after the program.
• These are not the only studies that show the impact of spiritual practices on brain function. Several studies of people who have had intense religious or spiritual experiences show that those experiences have a direct impact on the brain.
• For example, a study from the University of Montreal asked 15 patients who had near-death experiences to meditate on their experience of the light while in the fMRI scanner. The results showed increased activity in the brainstem, prefrontal cortex, right superior parietal lobule, and insula.
• The University of Montreal group also did a study involving 15 Carmelite nuns, who were asked to mentally relive the most intense mystical experience of their lives. When they did, fMRI scans showed increased activation in the orbitofrontal cortex, temporal cortex, parietal lobules, caudate, prefrontal cortex, anterior cingulated, and brainstem. 
• However, while these studies are fascinating, an important question remains: Were the states studied the same as the actual experiences? 
What Happens When God Gets Angry? 
• Thus far, the studies that we have evaluated appear to be generally positive effects of spiritual experiences. However, as wonderful and positive as religion and religious experiences can be, there are a great many examples of negative experiences. 
• People can struggle with their religious beliefs, or they may have a positive experience but struggle to incorporate it into their spiritual belief system.
• Negative perspectives on God can be very detrimental. In the individual, negative views of God can cause stress, anxiety, and depression. 
• Negative thoughts activate the brain structures that are associated with negative emotions and create a stress response. The more 
the brain thinks negative thoughts, the stronger those neuronal connections become. In other words, hatred leads to more hatred. 
Many ancient sacred texts are full of violent confl icts. For example, the Inquisition was rooted in religious beliefs. While religion may not always be the root cause of a confl ict, those fi ghting frequently turn to their religious beliefs to support them. They feel that God is on their side. 
• What is the difference in the brain between those who are violent and hateful and those who are not? There is some evidence in the study of violent criminals, for example. When these individuals have their brains scanned, usually one of two results are seen: Either they have reduced frontal lobe function or increased limbic system function.
• The hypothalamus regulates our rage response, and while it is diffi cult to image the hypothalamus, this structure is also likely involved when people feel fear or hatred. In addition, the more a person focuses on hateful or violent ideas, the more they become a part of the brain’s connections. Rituals designed to enhance such feelings also augment these negative emotions. 
Can We Foster the Compassionate Side of God? 
• Religion can foster great compassion. History abounds with examples of individuals whose religious beliefs moved them to perform acts of great charity and kindness.
• What is the difference between someone who is religious and enormously compassionate and someone who is religious and very hateful? Can neuroscience help to clarify which practices and beliefs foster more compassion and social cohesion? 
• Positive emotions activate brain areas that are involved with happiness and reward. Positive emotions lower the stress response and improve memory and behavior.
• A number of research projects have attempted to improve compassion among people through meditation and related practices. For example, the Institute of Noetic Sciences and a group of researchers affi liated with the Transcendental Meditation Program have led some controversial studies. 
• Several thousand meditators have been brought into cities such as Washington, DC, and crime rates dropped by about 25 percent. In a particular study, weekly violent crime was measured by the Uniform Crime Reporting Program of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Violent crimes include homicide, rape, aggravated assault, and robbery. These data were obtained from the District of Columbia 
Metropolitan Police Department for 1993 as well as for the preceding fi ve years (1988–1992).
• The results showed a decrease in violent crime associated with the weeks 
that they brought together about 4,000 meditators in the The way in which religion shapes the brain can be studied by analyzing the brains of meditators and nonmeditators.
region. Of course, there have been a variety of critiques of this study. For example, were the crime measurements appropriate? Could there have been other factors that affected the results, such as weather or more police?
• What if such an experiment could be confi rmed? What would it tell us about how our brain can be utilized in a compassionate way to not only affect itself, but also to affect the world around us? 
• Research can also help us to determine the most effective practices to help foster compassion. We can learn whether meditation, prayer, 
or other practices have the same or greater effects on the brain and emotions. 
We might even conceive of creating specifi c practices that take advantage of the data available to create a healthier, more positive experience of religion or spirituality. For example, we might create a practice that helps to enhance communication between two people. A brief meditation that involves dialogue between two individuals fosters intimacy and is shown to be useful in group and individual settings.
    Suggested Reading
Ashbrook and Albright, The Humanizing Brain.
Beauregard and Paquette, “Neural Correlates of a Mystical Experience in Carmelite Nuns.”
Newberg and Waldman, How God Changes Your Brain.
Newberg, Wintering, Khalsa, Roggenkamp, and Waldman, “Meditation Effects on Cognitive Function and Cerebral Blood Flow in Subjects with Memory Loss.”
Newberg, Wintering, Waldman, Amen, Khalsa, and Alavi, “Cerebral Blood 
Flow Differences between Long-Term Meditators and Non-Meditators.”
    Questions to Consider
1. How do religious and spiritual ideas have an impact on the brain?
2. Why do some people develop compassion while others develop hatred as part of their religious beliefs?
Why God Won’t Go Away 
Lecture 22 
 
T
he brain functions in specifi c ways toward self-maintenance and self-transcendence, and religion provides powerful mechanisms to accomplish these goals. Thus, the functions of religion map very well onto the functions of the brain. Because of this, the brain is likely to hold onto religious beliefs and ideas very strongly—regardless of whether they are accurate or right. Unless the brain undergoes some fundamental change in the way it works and what it does for us, it would seem that religion and God are not going to go away for a very long time.
The Dialogue between Science and Religion
• Despite the supposed end of religion at the end of the 19th century, religion is experiencing a resurgence in many different arenas, including in the context of integrating science with traditional belief systems. 
• Many traditional religions are maintaining their strength. The numbers show that about 80 to 85 percent of people in the world identify with some religion. 
• In the United States, large percentages of people believe in heaven and hell, angels, and God. In fact, recent polls indicate that about 81 percent of Americans believe in heaven while approximately 75 percent believe in angels.
• Religions are adaptive and continue to bring in new people. In addition, there is a growing interest in the relationship between science and religion. 
• Traditional religions are generally intrigued by science—
specifi cally if it supports religious practices—but they are careful about how science handles religion.
 
• Various religious groups are generally supportive of the dialogue between science and religion, but they may want to utilize scientifi c information to prove their views.
• Religious groups might also be interested to see if brain information can be used to improve spirituality and liturgy. In the past, liturgy and ritual was probably based on doctrine—but also trial and error. For example, clergy members tried different songs or prayers in certain ways and observed the reaction of the participants. 
• This is not a very systematic approach, but we may fi nd ways using science that can determine practices that do work better, depending on the goal. For example, if an entire liturgy is comprised of music, prayers, and stories, could we consider a study that might show how effective each element is?
• In today’s world, we often fi nd people stating that they are spiritual but not religious, and there are a number of groups and movements that support this approach. Some of these are referred to as new-age ideologies, but there is tremendous variability in their beliefs. 
• Many of these ideologies have some common elements, such as they generally like everything to work out, so they usually put a positive spin on things—including the intersection between science and religion. They are interested in proving some of their ideological concepts, which include ideas about consciousness and even psychic types of phenomena. 
• In addition to these more spiritually oriented interests in science and religion, science itself is taking a renewed interest in the topic. While science has a strong cadre of materialists, there is increasing interest in how science may be used to help better understand religion. This has led to a wealth of research studies.
• The overall perspective is that science is interested in studying humanity and because religion (or spirituality) is such an important 
part of humanity, it would make sense for science to actively pursue this topic. 
Some scientists are merely interested in seeing how far science can go and what happens when it bumps up against religion. Scientists exploring boundary issues such as quantum mechanics, cosmology, or neuroscience recognize the possible importance of spiritual concepts.
• In the fi eld of medicine, there is also growing interest in spirituality. This interest in religion is refl ected in the biomedical literature, where the number of research articles on the interplay between faith and human physiology has increased dramatically over the past 25 years. 
• Among nurses and doctors, there is a growing realization that we need to incorporate spirituality into patient care, but others are concerned about the appropriate use of religion in relation to health care.
Self-Maintenance and Self-Transcendence 
• From a neuroscientifi c perspective, religion affects the brain and mind. There are many structures and functions of the brain, but generally, it seems that the brain has two basic functions or goals: self-maintenance and self-transcendence.
• The self-maintenance function of the brain is very broad. It incorporates all of the things that our brain does to help us survive, including eating, drinking, mating, and simply navigating the complex and sometimes threatening world in which we live. 
• The self-maintenance function is also the function that helps us avoid dangers—by enabling the fi ght or fl ight response, for example. To some degree, the abilities of this function are similar to the adaptive advantages of religion. Ultimately, a spiritual brain appears to help us survive. 
• Research on the relationship between religion and health have generally shown that religion is benefi cial to our physical and mental health. In this way, religion supports the primary brain function of self-maintenance.
However, self-maintenance is only part of the story because an organism doesn’t merely maintain one steady, unalterable state or condition throughout life. People change, and as a result, the brain must have the ability to change and adapt as well. 
• To some extent, self-transcendence is part of self-maintenance because, presumably, an adaptable brain will handle the many vagaries of the world more effectively. The brain needs to be able to change and adapt, and self-transcendence refers to the brain’s ability to do this. 
• As we grow up and go through our lives, we learn new ideas and behaviors, meet new people, and continue to develop as a person. From a physiological perspective, the brain maintains a sense of self-identity even as it processes and adapts to all the changes in a human life.
• The brain has the ability to change itself by rewiring the connections between neurons and possibly even changing the function of the neurons in a process referred to as neuroplasticity. 
• Recall that the brain can strengthen or weaken connections. Thus, there is a certain degree of stability within the brain and its connections. This allows us to be who we are throughout our entire lives. However, the brain also has fl exibility, variability, and changeability. This allows us to transcend ourselves from one moment of life to the next. 
• Evolutionarily, we should theoretically be transcending toward something that is even more adaptive—if not actually better—but the issue is that we don’t always know what is adaptive. The brain keeps trying new ideas, new beliefs, and new behaviors. Through learning and trial and error, the brain begins to fi gure out the best ways to manage itself through life. However, it is important to realize that the brain is more interested in adaptability and surviving than accuracy.
It seems that religion may be a powerful source of self-transcendent activity. The primary tenet of most religions is to better ourselves. Religions generally provide a system of morals, set of practices, and set of beliefs that we are to strive toward. This means that religion is providing a framework for change.
• As the brain ponders how and why to change in the future, religions tell human beings to try to be more kind, to be more charitable, and to strive to do good.
• Religions often provide specifi c rites of passage, including birth rituals, childhood rituals, marriage rituals, adult rituals, and death rituals. Religions appear to realize the process of change that human beings experience throughout their lives. Religions help to put this change into context. 
 
In the Christian faith, when babies are baptized, they become offi cial members of the Christian church.
 
• There are certain religious and spiritual experiences that might be the pinnacle of self-transcendence. These mystical experiences— sometimes called salvation or enlightenment—are a powerful source of self-transcendence. The experience is frequently perceived as the person changing into an entirely new state of being.
• These experiences are also associated with neurophysiological processes. However, much of the neurophysiological description is somewhat speculative because it is almost impossible to know when someone is going to have a transcendent experience, and when they are having it, we can’t interrupt them because that would disrupt the entire experience. However, we can infer a lot based on the studies of practices such as meditation and prayer because these practices are known to induce mystical states. 
• Mystical states appear to be associated with profound changes in the autonomic nervous system. Recall that one of the areas that is involved in meditation and prayer practices is the parietal lobe, or the orientation area. There is evidence that during such practices, neuronal information may be blocked from reaching this orientation area, resulting in a decrease in activity in this structure. 
• If the structure normally provides us with our sense of self, then decreased activity may be associated with a loss of the sense of self. However, we might also expect that the greater the decrease in activity, the greater the loss of the sense of self and the greater the person begins to feel connected to, or at one with, God or some ultimate reality. 
• If this is the case, there may actually be a continuum—a unitary continuum—along which different transcendent states occur. There may even be an absolute unitary state in which the individual completely loses his or her sense of self and feels that everything is incorporated into a total oneness. In fact, such a mystical state may refl ect the ultimate self-transcendence.
    Suggested Reading
Beauregard and O’Leary, The Spiritual Brain.
d’Aquili, “Senses of Reality in Science and Religion.”
———, “The Neurobiological Bases of Myth and Concepts of Deity.” d’Aquili, Lauglin, and McManus, The Spectrum of Ritual.
McNamara, ed, Where God and Science Meet.
Newberg, d’Aquili, and Rause, Why God Won’t Go Away.
    Questions to Consider
1. What is it about the relationship between religion and the brain that results in religion not going away?
2. How is religion or spirituality fundamentally linked with the human brain?
The Mystical Mind 
Lecture 23 
different spiritual traditions and the brain itself. 
Oneness, Unity, and the Brain
sense of tranquility or peace. 
nervous system. oneness of the cosmos? system, which includes areas involved with dopamine; the insula, which helps us perceive our emotions; and the social areas. In addition, some studies have suggested that the parietal lobe is decreased, which may go back to the original notion of connecting the self with another. 
• The brain may not only be spiritual in so far as it can have spiritual experiences, but it may actually be mystical. First, there are good reasons for calling the brain mystical just by looking at the physical structure of the brain. The brain works by integrating 
biological, psychological, social, and spiritual In addition to basic brain functions, other brain processes play a role in very profound spiritual experiences.
elements. All of these things together make up who we are. Thus, the brain is intensely integrated. It is a oneness made up of billions of neurons and molecules to provide a generally unifi ed view of reality.
• The brain is also intensely integrated with the world around us. In fact, we have trouble truly knowing where the brain ends and the world begins.
• Consciousness and subjective experience are intimately tied to the biological workings of the brain, but we have no clear way of describing how this happens. This indescribability of how a physical brain relates to a spiritual mind is very similar to the kinds of paradoxical and ineffable descriptions we see arising from mystical experiences.
 
In addition, because we are forever trapped within our own consciousness, we may never fi gure out how this relationship occurs. It remains a fundamental mystery—just like the nature and elements of mystical experiences. 
• Finally, and perhaps most obviously, we can call the brain mystical because the brain is clearly capable of having mystical experiences. Indeed, people have been having mystical experiences throughout time and across a wide range of cultures. 
Mystical Experiences and the Brain
• If it is possible to apply science as a way of gaining new insights into the nature of religion, spirituality, and mysticism, then the scientifi c study of the spiritual brain could have tremendous implications for how religious ideas and even theology arise from or are associated with profound spiritual experiences such as mystical ones. This is one area in which the exciting new fi eld known as neurotheology may contribute.
• As we explore the potential links between mystical experience and the brain, we might be able to better understand the nature of these experiences and also how the brain interprets and incorporates such experiences into belief systems. In addition, such an analysis may provide a unique perspective on philosophical and theological concepts such as morality, causality, ontology, and epistemology. 
• A variety of different cognitive processes are involved in much of how religious and spiritual experiences are perceived and interpreted subjectively. These experiences are then converted—along with our memories, sensations, emotions, and social interactions—into a set of beliefs.
• The causal function of the brain is responsible for the notion that the oneness is somehow causing the material universe to come into existence, and if the experience is perceived as God, then the mystical understanding of God is such that God causes the universe. 
With the holistic function, not only is the universe experienced as a oneness, but this notion also can become the prevailing tenet of a spiritual tradition such as Buddhism or Hinduism. 
• The binary function of the brain differentiates the mystical reality from the everyday reality we experience. This requires some way to address how these two perspectives on reality are related.
• The emotional value of the brain might allow you to experience the mystical as a mixture of awe or joy.
Mystics and God
• The conclusion of the mystics is that God is by nature unknowable. God is not an objective fact or an actual being; God is, in fact, the absolute, undifferentiated oneness that is perceived to be the ground of all existence. 
• When we understand this concept that the mystics claim regarding God, then we conceive of God using the extremes of our brain’s functions. However, the mystical experience, although indescribable, is for some reason experienced as deeply connecting the individual with his or her notion of God. It makes the experience completely and wholly tangible. 
• If we turn to the comforting images of a personal, knowable God—a God who exists apart from the rest of creation as a distinct, individual being—then we tend to conceive of God via the standard brain mechanisms that include emotions, thought, and behaviors. However, mystics feel that they can form an intimate union with God, which is the notion that God is not around us but within us.
• There is another fundamentally important aspect of these mystical experiences. For people having them, the mystical experience of reality is extremely real. Because of this, it changes the way they look at reality in general, and it changes their life in particular. Mystical experiences are known to result in a feeling of enlightenment, which changes the entire way a person thinks. 
The following is a quote of a woman’s transformative spiritual experience.
o “I was lost; I had no sense of God’s direction. Everything was dark. I cried out—nothing. Finally, God asked me if I would do anything he asked. I surrendered everything, including my faith and my salvation. In an instant, God returned everything to me, transformed. He liberated me. From that day forward, a new relationship existed between God and me—but I am not attached to doctrine, dogmas, rituals. I see God’s action all around me. I cry easier at the joy of what I see, I sing spontaneously, and I have found myself and my beliefs continually expanding, becoming more inclusive, more universal.”
• The realness and intensity of this experience, combined with the emotions and the sense of connectedness, brought this individual to a very different and new way of conceiving of herself, her relationship with God, and her relationship with the rest of the world. In this way, her beliefs have changed dramatically. 
• One can get a sense about how different religious or spiritual beliefs might actually come about as the result of such an experience. Her initial religious beliefs were of a distant, and to some degree critical, God. Everything was negative and dark. However, as the result of the experience, God is seen as a liberator and one that connects with the person without religious doctrine or ritual.
• Theologically, this would lead to a notion of God as directly interacting with a person’s personal life in a loving manner rather than being distant. This refl ects an overall shift in the function of the orientation part of the brain from a sense of distance to closeness.
• God is also not viewed as critical, but as related to joy, and thus, the limbic system has changed its overall perspective. The experience leads to a new set of beliefs that are related to changes in personal orientation, surrender, and emotions.
Thus, understanding the brain provides new insights into how a person’s beliefs—and perhaps a religion’s beliefs or doctrines— may be related to profound spiritual experiences. Such insights may lead to a new understanding of fundamental questions related to theology, philosophy, and epistemology, but they also tell us about the brain—a brain that apparently is far more changeable than perhaps we ever imagined.
• However, no matter how much the brain changes, the one fascinating constant is that the brain keeps telling us that it is seeing reality clearly. For this individual, her initial reality was that of a distant God, and now it is of a close and intimate God—but the brain treated both of these ideas as if they were reality. 
    Suggested Reading
Beauregard and O’Leary, The Spiritual Brain. d’Aquili and Newberg, The Mystical Mind.
Newberg, Principles of Neurotheology.
    Questions to Consider
1. How is the brain associated with mystical experiences?
2. Can mystical experiences tell us something about how our brains perceive reality?
 
Reality and Beyond 
Lecture 24 
and somehow fi nd the new paths that will lead toward the answers. 
Knowing States and Reality
that our brain may be the problem. 
things that are not there. brains of experts have produced. 
We might also divide our perceptions of reality into particular states, many of which we have all experienced. These states can be called primary knowing states because whenever we are in one, we tend to feel that we know that it is real.
The state of reality that you are in right now, for example, feels very real to you, and you have a very good sense that you know what is going on. In addition, there are no other experiences of reality that you have.
• When you are dreaming, you are also in a primary knowing state. Every other state of reality is relegated to an inferior experience of reality, and you deal with your dream as if it is unquestionably real. Of course, the moment you wake up and are back in baseline reality, your usual immediate reaction is to acknowledge that you have been dreaming, and then the dream state is immediately relegated to an inferior experience of reality. 
• How are these primary knowing states formed A dream state is an example of a knowing state that involves the perception of irregular relationships between multiple objects.
in the brain? It appears that they are experienced along three different dimensions that refl ect three basic brain processes. 
• The fi rst brain process is our perceptual process, which enables us to perceive the world, or reality. Our perceptions can lead us to see the things or objects in the world in two very distinct ways. The fi rst way is to perceive lots of different things in the world. In other words, we see multiple objects. The second way is to perceive no discrete objects. In this way, everything in reality is perceived as a unifi ed oneness. This probably is associated with the quantitative function, which tells us that there are lots of things or only one thing. 
The second brain process is our causal process, which tells us how things in the world relate to each other—either in some kind of rational or regular way or in some type of illogical or bizarre way. 
• The third brain process involved in primary knowing states is our emotional process. Broadly speaking, we can have either a positive, negative, or neutral emotional view of reality. It is our limbic system that prompts us to have one of these emotional set points. 
• If you combine these three processes, there are a number of possible knowing states. For example, we might have a knowing state in which we perceive a reality with multiple objects, that are logically connected to each other, and we might have a neutral emotional attitude toward that reality. On the other hand, we might perceive a reality with multiple objects, but they are illogically related to one another, and we have a negative emotional attitude. 
Possible Knowing States and the Brain
• The fi rst group of knowing states involves a perception of reality with multiple discrete objects. These objects, such as your room or house, can be related to each other through the causal process of the brain in regular ways. This regularity is what allows science to work toward an understanding of what is typically called our baseline reality, which is the state that most of us are in most of the time. We typically perceive this reality as having an overall neutral emotional value. Overall, we see the world as simply existing. 
• There are two knowing states, however, that are slightly different from baseline reality. They do involve the same multiple objects, and these objects do have logical relationships between them, but the individual takes either a very positive or a very negative emotional view of this reality.
If the limbic system provides an individual with an overwhelmingly positive view of reality, the result is a perceptual state associated with an elated sense of being. The individual experiences joy because the universe is perceived as being fundamentally good.
There is a sense of purposefulness to all things and to humankind’s place within the universe. This purposefulness is not derived logically; it is simply intuited because of the positive emotional state.
• Although this state may have a sudden onset, it can last for many years and even for the rest of the person’s life. People in this state are not psychotic—nor do they have any defi nite emotional or mental disorder. In most respects, they perceive reality in the same way as those of us in baseline reality, but they simply have a different emotional understanding of this perception. 
• By contrast, some people experience a knowing state in which the common perception of multiple objects with regular relationships is associated with a profoundly negative emotional tone. It is a state of exquisite sadness and futility and involves the sense of the incredible smallness of humankind within the universe and the suffering inherent in the human condition.
• There are at least three different perceptions of reality. This experience of reality involves multiple objects that interact in a predictable causal fashion—but it can be perceived in a neutral, positive, or deeply negative emotional fashion.
• Because emotion is crucial to the way the brain constructs reality, it is accurate to say that these aren’t just three different perceptions of reality; instead, they are three different realities in which the brain can live. 
• There are the knowing states that involve the perception of multiple discrete objects that relate to one another in irregular or bizarre ways. Examples include dream states, drug-induced states, and diseases such as schizophrenia. The knowing states that involve 
 
irregular relationships can be associated with either negative, positive, or neutral emotion. 
• There are the knowing states that involve the perception of a unitary reality—a reality in which everything is regarded as a singular oneness. When dealing with unitary reality, we need to drop the categories of regular and irregular relationships. There is only one object in this knowing state, so there are no relationships between multiple objects. 
• While there may be many other states that have a signifi cant feeling of unity, these are different from the state in which the person experiences the totality of everything as being completely unifi ed. 
• It is possible to have a mystical experience that is on the unitary continuum (from Lecture 22) but that doesn’t attain the fullness of the absolute unitary state, which represents a state described in many religious traditions as nirvana, absolute reality, the oneness of God, or absolute unitary being. 
• This unitary state probably has a neurophysiological correlate in that the areas of the brain that help to perceive objects, the self, and space and time probably have diminished function. Theoretically, the perception of a unitary reality might also be perceived in either a positive, negative, or neutral way. 
• A knowing state that involves the perception of absolute oneness is clearly in the realm of the spiritual—and maybe the mystical— brain. Beyond this, more than any other knowing state, this particular state challenges our very notion of what is real.
• The absolute unitary state has a very peculiar aspect to it. Because there is no perception of any particular objects, there is no experience of the self. Because of this, those who experience this state have the perception of going beyond their own ego’s thoughts and even beyond their own brain. However, such a notion seems highly contrary to the notion that the brain is what perceives our reality. 
Whenever you are in one primary knowing state, you perceive that state to represent reality above all other states. When you wake up from a dream, the dream seems less real. However, this is not the case with the absolute unitary state. When a person experiences this state, not only do they perceive it to be real when they are in it, but even when they are no longer in it, the brain keeps telling them that that experience represented the true reality. In fact, the experience is usually described as being more real than every other reality experience. 
• We have this experience that seems to supersede all other experiences of reality. Is there a way we could scientifi cally prove what is real—or if whether what is inside our brain correlates with external reality? Perhaps, but science hasn’t fi gured out how to do an experiment that would allow us observe the human brain observing its own function and, simultaneously, being aware of its own thought processes, for example.
• Up to this point, humanity seems to have taken one of two approaches: the scientifi c approach, which typically tries to reduce reality to measurable, material quantities; and the spiritual approach, which seems to culminate in this mystical experience that is beyond the reach of science. 
• Perhaps, however, there’s a third option. Maybe our best chance of understanding reality—indeed, of understanding ourselves—lies in taking an integrated approach to this problem that allows the spiritual perspective to inform the scientifi c perspective, and vice versa.
    Suggested Reading
Beauregard and O’Leary, The Spiritual Brain. d’Aquili and Newberg, The Mystical Mind.
Newberg, Principles of Neurotheology.
    Questions to Consider
1. If we assume that the brain processes everything we perceive in reality, then scientifi cally and philosophically, can we ever really know if what we think inside our brains is accurate with what is real on the outside?
2. How might knowledge obtained through both science and spiritual approaches provide information about the true nature of reality?
 
Bibliography
 
Andresen, Jensine, and Robert Forman, eds. Cognitive Models and Spiritual Maps. Bowling Green, Ohio: Imprint Academic, 2000. An excellent compilation of articles discussing how various cognitive models of brain function are related to specifi c aspects of spirituality.
Arzy, Shahar, Moshe Idel, Theodor Landis, and Olaf Blanke. “Why Revelations Have Occurred on Mountains: Linking Mystical Experiences and Cognitive Neuroscience.” Medical Hypotheses 65, no. 5 (2005): 841– 845. Reviews how current cognitive neuroscience ideas relate to various types and aspects of mystical experiences.
Ashbrook, James, and Carol Albright. The Humanizing Brain: Where Religion and Neuroscience Meet. Cleveland, OH: Pilgrim Press, 1997. One of the early works of neurotheology. Attempts to construct an approach in which religion and neuroscience are integrated from a primarily Christian perspective.
Austin, James. Zen and the Brain. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999. An excellent overview of brain function, particularly of neurotransmitters and how they relate to meditation and other types of spiritual practices.
Azari, Nina, Janpeter Nickel, Gilbert Wunderlich, Michael Niedeggen, Harald Hefter, Lutz Tellmann, Hans Herzog, Petra Stoerig, Dieter Birnbacher, and Rudiger Seitz. “Neural Correlates of Religious Experience.” European Journal of Neuroscience 13, no. 8 (2001): 1649–1652. An interesting research study that shows differences in the brain between religious and nonreligious recitation.
Baylor Institute for Studies of Religion. “American Piety in the 21st Century: New Insights to the Depth and Complexity of Religion in the US.” http://www.baylor.edu/content/services/document.php/33304.pdf. A very thorough and controversial evaluation of religious and spiritual attitudes among Americans, providing interesting data on the various concepts of God and religion.
Beauregard, Mario, and Denyse O’Leary. The Spiritual Brain. New York: HarperCollins, 2007. A book description of new neuroimaging studies of Carmelite nuns and their spiritual experiences. Explores the overall relationship between spirituality and the brain. 
Beauregard, Mario, and Vincent Paquette. “Neural Correlates of a Mystical Experience in Carmelite Nuns.” Neuroscience Letters 405, no. 3 (2006): 186–190. Describes a research study that found specifi c changes in the brain associated with the recollection of spiritual experiences in Carmelite nuns.
Beauregard, Mario, Jerome Courtemanche, and Vincent Paquette. “Brain Activity in Near-Death Experiencers during a Meditative State.” Resuscitation 80, no. 9 (2009): 1006–1010. Describes a research study that found specifi c changes in the brain associated with the recollection of neardeath experiences.
Benson, Herbert. Timeless Healing: The Power and Biology of Belief. New York: Scribner, 1996. Describes the more practical aspects of the relationship between beliefs and health.
Blackmore, Susan. Dying to Live: Science and Near-Death Experiences. London: HarperCollins, 1993. Describes some of the original research exploring the nature and elements of near-death experiences.
Boyer, Pascal. Religion Explained. New York: Basic Books, 2002. Provides an interesting perspective on the nature and explanation for religious and spiritual phenomena, particularly from an evolutionary and also neuroscientifi c perspective.
Campbell, Joseph, and Bill Moyers. The Power of Myth. New York: Anchor, 1991. A classic book on the elements and nature of myth and how myth has had an impact on humanity.
Cardena, Etzel, Steven Lynn, and Stanley Krippner, eds. Varieties of Anomalous Experience: Examining the Scientifi c Evidence. New York: American Psychological Association, 2004. An excellent edited book on the study of a vast array of different anomalous experiences, including mystical, drug-induced, out-of-body, and paranormal experiences.
d’Aquili, Eugene. “Human Ceremonial Ritual and the Modulation of Aggression.” Zygon 20, no. 1 (1985): 21–30. An early attempt at understanding the nature of rituals and how their physiological effects may lead to an increase or decrease in aggression.
———. “Senses of Reality in Science and Religion.” Zygon 17, no 4 (1982): 361–384. An early work on how the brain processes our experience of reality and how that relates to religious and spiritual beliefs as well as epistemology.
———. “The Biopsychological Determinants of Religious Ritual Behavior.” Zygon 10, no. 1 (1975): 32–58. An early article on how biology and brain function are related to religious ritual and the effects of ritual on the human person.
———. “The Myth-Ritual Complex: A Biogenetic Structural Analysis.” Zygon 18, no. 3 (1983): 247–269. Explores the relationship between the development of myth and the elaboration of myth into ritual practices in a variety of religious and spiritual traditions.
———. “The Neurobiological Bases of Myth and Concepts of Deity.” Zygon 13, no. 4 (1978): 257–275. Explores the potential relationship between neuroscience and different concepts of God in an attempt to link specifi c brain functions to particular elements of the human understanding of God.
d’Aquili, Eugene, and Andrew Newberg. The Mystical Mind: Probing the Biology of Religious Experience. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1999. Describes some of the initial research on the brain and spiritual experiences in an attempt to integrate neuroscience and spirituality in the context of neurotheology.
d’Aquili, Eugene, Charles Lauglin, and John McManus. The Spectrum of Ritual: A Biological Structural Analysis. New York: Columbia University Press, 1979. An excellent edited volume on the nature of rituals—from animal to human and from simple to complex religious rituals.
Deacon, Terrance. The Symbolic Species: The Co-Evolution of Language and the Brain. New York: Norton, 1998. An excellent description of how language has evolved in human beings and how the development of language relates to the evolutionary development of the human brain. 
Dennett, Daniel. Breaking the Spell: Religion as a Natural Phenomenon. New York: Penguin, 2007. Argues for the natural development of religions from an evolutionary perspective and cites evidence of possible scientifi c causes of religions.
Dewhurst, Kenneth, and A. W. Beard. “Sudden Religious Conversions in Temporal Lobe Epilepsy.” British Journal of Psychiatry 117 (1970): 497– 507. A case report of several patients with temporal lobe epilepsy and their religious conversion experiences in one of the fi rst descriptions relating seizures to religious experience.
Duke University’s Center for Spirituality, Theology, and Health. “Latest Religion and Health Research Outside Duke.” http://www. spiritualityandhealth.duke.edu/resources/pdfs/Research%20-%20latest%20 outside%20Duke.pdf. An excellent repository of articles relating to spirituality and health, ranging in all aspects of mental and physical health studies.
Fowler, James. Stages of Faith: The Psychology of Human Development. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1981. An excellent review of how spirituality develops in human beings throughout the lifespan by postulating a progression from childhood-oriented beliefs to more universal beliefs later in life.
Gay, Volney, ed. Neuroscience and Religion. Plymouth, UK: Lexington Books, 2009. An excellent edited volume of articles directly relating neuroscientifi c concepts to religion—including such concepts as causality, morality, and the soul.
Goodman, Neil. “The Serotonergic System and Mysticism: Could LSD and the Nondrug-Induced Mystical Experience Share Common Neural Mechanisms?” Journal of Psychoactive Drugs 34, no. 3 (Jul–Sep 2002): 263–272. Reviews current evidence linking the neurotransmitter serotonin to the hallucinogenic effects of LSD and elements of mystical experiences, arguing for a similar neurophysiological basis.
Grassie, William, ed. Advanced Methodologies in the Scientifi c Study of Religion and Spirituality. Philadelphia, PA: Metanexus Institute, 2010. A collection of articles regarding scientifi c method and its capabilities and limitations in evaluating different aspects of religious and spiritual phenomena.
Greyson, Bruce, and N. E. Bush. “Distressing Near-Death Experiences.” Psychiatry 55 (1992): 95–110. Describes the reports of negative aspects of near-death experiences, including negative emotions and terrifying experiences during near-death experiences.
Hall, Daniel, Keith Meador, and Harold Koenig. “Measuring Religiousness in Health Research: Review and Critique.” Journal of Religion and Health 47, no. 2 (2008):134–163. A review and critique of various measurement techniques currently in use in the study of the relationship between religion and health—pointing to their strengths, limitations, and future directions.
Harris, Sam, Jonas Kaplan, Ashley Curiel, Susan Bookheimer, Marco Iacoboni, and Mark Cohen. “The Neural Correlates of Religious and Nonreligious Belief.” PLoS One 4, no. 10 (October 1, 2009): e0007272. A neuroimaging study showing that religious and nonreligious beliefs appear to involve the same brain areas, thus providing interesting data with regard to the nature of different types of belief systems. 
Heller, David. The Children’s God. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988. An interesting review of children’s experiences and concepts of God and religion, describing emotional, experiential, and cognitive elements.
Hill, D. R., and Michael Persinger. “Application of Transcerebral, Weak (1 microT) Complex Magnetic Fields and Mystical Experiences: Are They Generated by Field-Induced Dimethyltryptamine Release from the Pineal Organ?” Perceptual and Motor Skills, 97, no. 3, pt. 2 (December 2003): 1049–1050. An interesting research study describing how magnetic fi elds applied to different parts of the brain might trigger mystical-type experiences and whether these might also be related to the release of the hallucinogenic compound dimethyltryptamine.
Hofmann, Albert, and Charles Tart, eds. Psychoactive Sacramentals: Essays on Entheogens and Religion. San Francisco, CA: Council on Spiritual Practices, 2001. A compilation of articles describing the use and experience of using various psychoactive substances in the context of religious and spiritual traditions.
Holden, Janice, Bruce Greyson, and Debbie James, eds. The Handbook of Near-Death Experiences: Thirty Years of Investigation. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger Publishers, 2009. An excellent review of the current research on near-death experiences, including studies on the nature and components of such experiences, their relationship to different near-death states, their associated anomalous experiences, and possible explanations for their existence.
Hood, Ralph, Peter Hill, and W. Paul Williamson. The Psychology of Religious Fundamentalism. New York: Guilford Press, 2005. Reviews a variety of issues pertaining to the psychology of religious fundamentalism— including how and why people migrate to such strong feelings—focusing on particular religious groups.
Horgan, John. “The God Experiments.” Discover Magazine 27, no. 12 (December 2006): 52–57. Reviews current research that explores ways of understanding the relationship between the brain and religious and spiritual experiences, focusing on imaging studies and also studies in which such experiences are directly stimulated.
Kjaer, Troels, Camilla Bertelsen, Paola Piccini, David Brooks, Jorgen 
Alving, and Hans Lou. “Increased Dopamine Tone during MeditationInduced Change of Consciousness.” Cognitive Brain Research 13, no. 2 (April 2002): 255–259. One of the few neuroimaging studies that explores the relationship between a neurotransmitter and meditation practice, showing that meditation is associated with an increased release of dopamine. 
Koenig, Harold. “Research on Religion, Spirituality, and Mental Health: A Review.” Canadian Journal of Psychiatry 54, no. 5 (May 2009): 283–291. An updated review on a variety of aspects related to religion and mental health, including disorders, treatment implications, and specifi c religious traditions. 
Koenig, Harold, ed. Handbook of Religion and Mental Health. San Diego, CA: Academic Press, 1998. An excellent review of all aspects related to religion and mental health, including disorders such as depression and schizophrenia, treatment implications, and specifi c religious traditions. 
Koenig, Harold, Michael McCullough, and David Larson. Handbook of Religion and Health. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001. An excellent review of all aspects related to religion and physical health, including diseases such as cancer and heart disease, effects on health and mortality, treatment implications, and specifi c religious traditions. 
Lauglin, Charles, John McManus, and Eugene d’Aquili. Brain, Symbol, and Experience. 2nd ed. New York: Columbia University Press, 1992. An earlier work relating brain function to the development of symbols, language, and myth in human history with particular emphasis on the relationship with religious and spiritual development. 
Lee, Bruce, and Andrew Newberg. “Religion and Health: A Review and Critical Analysis.” Zygon 40, no. 2 (June 2005): 443–468. A thorough review of the relationship between religion and health, including both positive and negative effects.
McCullough, Michael, Ken Pargament, and Carl Thoresen, eds. Forgiveness: Theory, Practice, and Research. New York: The Guilford Press, 2000. One of the fi rst detailed reviews of forgiveness, including its nature, process, and effects as well as its relationship to religious and spiritual traditions. 
McNamara, Patrick, ed. Where God and Science Meet. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2006. A three-volume set that includes a variety of topics related to the brain and religious and spiritual phenomena such as mystical experiences, the belief in God, rituals, and morality.
Mecklenburger, Ralph. Our Religious Brains. Woodstock, VT: Jewish Lights Publishing, 2012. Describes how religion is related to the brain—with an emphasis on religious experience, the need for religious community, and the importance of faith.
Mohr, Sylvia, and Philippe Huguelet. “The Relationship between Schizophrenia and Religion and Its Implications for Care.” Swiss Medicine Weekly 134 (June 26, 2004): 369–376. Describes current research and ideas relating schizophrenia to religious and spiritual experiences and beliefs with a focus on potential implications for the management of these patients.
Moody, Raymond. Life after Life. New York: HarperCollins, 2001. One of the original books describing the research and nature of near-death experiences and the implications for both science and the afterlife.
Murphy, Nancey, George Ellis, and Timothy O’Connor, eds. Downward Causation and the Neurobiology of Free Will. Berlin and Heidelberg, Germany: Springer, 2009. Describes the relationship between causality, the brain, and free will—showing how the three might be related and in what causal direction as well as considering potential moral and religious implications.
Newberg, Andrew. Principles of Neurotheology. London: Ashgate, 2011. A thorough analysis of current neuroscientifi c methods and fi ndings as they relate to religious and spiritual phenomena with the goal of creating a more integrated approach relating the brain and such phenomena.
Newberg, Andrew, and Jeremy Iversen. “The Neural Basis of the Complex Mental Task of Meditation: Neurotransmitter and Neurochemical Considerations.” Medical Hypotheses 61, no. 2 (2003): 282–291. A thorough review and theory of the neurochemical basis of meditation practices, including the importance of different brain structures and neurotransmitters such as glutamate, serotonin, and dopamine.
Newberg, Andrew, and Mark Waldman. How God Changes Your Brain. New York: Ballantine, 2010. Describes current research on the relationship between the brain and religious beliefs—particularly those surrounding God—with an emphasis on neuroscientifi c and other studies that evaluate the short- and long-term effects.
———. Why We Believe What We Believe. New York: Free Press, 2006. One of the few books that details the nature of the neurophysiological basis of different belief-making processes—such as sensory, emotional, and cognitive processes—with a focus on religious and spiritual beliefs. 
Newberg, Andrew, and Stephanie Newberg. “A Neuropsychological Perspective on Spiritual Development.” In Handbook of Spiritual Development in Childhood and Adolescence, edited by Eugene Roehlkepartain, Pamela King, Linda Wagener, and Peter Benson. London: Sage Publications, Inc., 2005. Describes a potential model of spiritual development based on the development of the human brain throughout the life cycle with an emphasis on how the differential development of brain processes and functions may relate directly to different religious and spiritual expressions. 
Newberg, Andrew, Eugene d’Aquili, and Vince Rause. Why God Won’t Go Away. New York: Ballantine, 2001. Describes initial brain-imaging studies of different religious and spiritual practices such as meditation and prayer and explores the evolutionary and neuroscientifi c correlates of religion.
Newberg, Andrew, Nancy Wintering, Dharma Khalsa, Hannah Roggenkamp, and Mark Waldman. “Meditation Effects on Cognitive Function and Cerebral Blood Flow in Subjects with Memory Loss: A Preliminary Study.” Journal of Alzheimer’s Disease 20, no. 2 (2010): 517–526. One of the fi rst longitudinal neuroimaging studies showing an acquired, long-term effect of meditation practice on brain function and a subsequent effect on cognition.
 Newberg, Andrew, Nancy Wintering, Mark Waldman, Daniel Amen, Dharma Khalsa, and Alavi Alavi. “Cerebral Blood Flow Differences between LongTerm Meditators and Non-Meditators.” Consciousness and Cognition 19, no. 4 (2010): 899–905. A study that demonstrated a functional difference in the brain between those individuals who had practiced meditation or prayer for many years compared to those who had not.
Paloutzian, Ray, and Crystal Park, eds. The Handbook of the Psychology of Religion. New York: Guilford Publications, Inc., 2005. A thorough review of the psychological correlates of religion, including an evaluation of pathological conditions such as depression and anxiety, developmental issues, treatment applications, and potential implications for religion itself.
Schultes, Richard, Albert, Hofmann, and Christian Rätsch. Plants of the Gods: Their Sacred, Healing, and Hallucinogenic Powers. Rochester, VT: Healing Arts Press, 2001. A thorough description of the nature of psychoactive plant compounds used in various spiritual traditions, focusing on their potential use for eliciting spiritual experiences, hallucinatory experiences, and healing. 
Shermer, Michael. The Believing Brain: From Ghosts and Gods to Politics and Conspiracies—How We Construct Beliefs and Reinforce Them as Truths. New York: Times Books, 2011. An interesting description of the various aspects of human belief and how they relate to the brain—with an emphasis on religious and spiritual beliefs. Also, a discussion on political, moral, and social beliefs.
Streeter, Chris, J. Eric Jensen, Ruth Perlmutter, Howard Cabral, Hua Tian, Devin Terhune, Domenic Ciraulo, and Perry Renshaw. “Yoga Asana Sessions Increase Brain GABA Levels: A Pilot Study.” Journal of Alternative and Complementary Medicine 13, no. 4 (May 2007): 419–426. A study that demonstrated that yoga meditation practice was associated with an increase in GABA, a primary inhibitory neurotransmitter in the brain.
Wilson, David Sloan. Darwin’s Cathedral: Evolution, Religion, and the Nature of Society. Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2003. Describes the relationship between religion and society from an evolutionary perspective, discussing the possible adaptive advantage of religious beliefs and practices. 
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