Showing posts with label 정약용. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 정약용. Show all posts

2023/11/08

목민심서 - 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전

목민심서 - 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전




목차 숨기기처음 위치
개요
내용
현대 사회에서 영향력
같이 보기
각주
참고 자료
외부 링크

목민심서
1개 언어

문서
토론

읽기
편집
역사 보기
도구
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위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.




목민심서
牧民心書
저자 정약용
국가 조선
언어 한국어 (한문)
발행일 1818년(순조 18년)


《목민심서》(牧民心書)는 1818년(순조 18년)에 정약용지방관을 비롯한 관리의 올바른 마음가짐 및 몸가짐에 대해 기록한 행정지침서로 《여유당전서(與猶堂全書)》 권 16~29에 수록된 책이다.[1]

크기가 가로 15.0cm, 세로 22.0cm의 서책으로 1818년에 처음 만들어졌다. 현재 장서각에 일부 소장되어 있고 필사본(49권 16책중 7~9권 1책)은 단국대학교 퇴계기념도서관에 소장되어 있다.[2]
개요[편집]

《목민심서》는 목민관으로 불리는 지방 수령이 지켜야 할 지침(指針)을 밝히면서 관리들의 폭정을 비판한 저서이다. 
부임(赴任)·율기(律己, 자기 자신을 다스림)·봉공(奉公)·애민(愛民)·이전(吏典)·호전(戶典)·예전(禮典)·병전(兵典)·형전(刑典)·공전(工 典)·진황(賑荒)·해관(解官, 관원을 면직함)의 12편으로 나누었다.

각 편은 다시 6조로 나누어 모두 72조로 편제되어 있다. 

부패의 극에 달한 조선 후기 지방의 사회 상태와 정치의 실제를 민생 문제 및 수령의 본무(本務)와 결부시켜 소상하게 밝히고 있는 명저이다. 

이 책은 다산이 57세 되던 해에 저술한 책으로서, 그가 신유사옥으로 전라도 강진에서 19년간 귀양살이를 하던 중 풀려난 해인 1818년(순조 18)에 완성된 것이다.

《목민심서》는 다산 정약용이 지방관의 윤리적 각성과 농민 경제의 발전을 다룬 것으로, 
강진에 귀양 가 있는 동안 저술한 책이다.
 주요 내용은 지방의 관리로서 수령이 백성들을 위해 해야 할 일을 조선과 중국의 역사서를 비롯한 여러 책에서 뽑은 것들이다. 
조선시대에는 중앙정부의 행정력이 지방에까지 고루 미치기 어려웠기 때문에 
수령들이 행정뿐만 아니라 사법권도 가지고 있었고 그 권한이 막강하였다.

이런 수령이 백성을 잘 다스리는 법을 목민심서는 담고 있다. 
부임하는 일에서 시작해서 청렴하고 검소한 생활을 하는 법, 
자기 자신을 바르게 하는 법, 공적인 일을 수행하는 법, 백성을 사랑하는 것, 
아전들을 단속하는 법, 세금, 예절, 군사, 재판, 
그리고 흉년에 백성을 구제하는 법, 그리고 퇴임하는 일을 기술하였다.

이 책 역시 국가 재정의 기반이 되는 농민의 생산과 경제에 초점을 두었다. 
수령 직무 54개 조 중에서 가장 어려운 일을 전정(田政)으로 보고 양전에서의 각종 폐해를 지적하면서 그 개혁 방안을 전론(田論)에서 결론지었다. 정약용은 조세 관리에서 농민과 국가의 중간에서 이루어지는 협잡을 제거하자는 방향에서 개혁을 논한다.

그와 함께 그 시정책의 하나로 공물(貢物) 제한을 들고 대동법의 모순 확대를 지적하였다. 
그는 여러 가지 모순을 제거하는 데 제도적 개혁과 법으로의 구속을 기본으로 하지만, 국가 재정의 정비, 관료들의 절약과 청백(淸白) 사상에 따른 윤리적 제약과 함께 관리의 합리화에서도 그것을 찾고자 하였다.[1]


내용[편집]

내용은 모두 12강(綱)으로 나누고, 각 강을 6조로 나누어 모두 72조로 되어 있다. 먼저, 제 1편의 부임(赴任), 제 2편의 율기(律己), 제 3편의 봉공(奉公), 제 4편의 애민(愛民)은 지방관의 기본자세에 대해 논했는데, 지방관은 백성과 가장 가까운 직책이기 때문에 그 임무가 중요하므로 덕행, 신망, 위신이 있는 적임자를 임명해야 하며, 청렴과 절검(節儉)을 생활신조로 명예와 부(富)를 탐내지 말고, 뇌물을 받지 말아야 하며, 백성에 대한 봉사정신을 바탕으로 국가의 정령을 두루 알리고, 민의를 상부에 잘 전달하며 백성을 사랑하는 애휼(愛恤)정치에 힘써야 한다고 하였다.

다음으로 제 5편의 이전(吏典), 제 6편의 호전(戶典), 제 7편의 예전(禮典), 제 8편의 병전(兵典), 제 9편의 형전(刑典), 제 10편의 공전(公典)은 《경국대전》의 6전을 기준으로 지방관이 실천해야 할 정책을 논했다. 즉 이전의 경우, 아전(衙前), 군교(軍校), 문졸(門卒)의 단속을 엄중히 하고 지방관의 보좌역인 좌수별감의 임용을 신중히 할 것을 당부하였다.

호전은 전정, 세정, 부역을 공평하게 운영하고, 권농, 흥산(興産)에 힘쓰며, 예전에서는 예법과 교화, 흥학(興學)을 강조하였다. 병전에서는 당시 민폐가 심하였던 첨정, 수포의 법을 폐지하고 군안을 다시 정리하며 평소에 군졸을 훈련시킬 것을 논하였다. 형전은 형옥(형벌과 감옥)의 신중을, 공전은 산림, 천택(川澤), 영전의 합리적 운영을 제시하였다. 마지막으로 진황(賑荒)과 해관(解官) 2편은 빈민구제의 진황정책과 지방관이 임기가 끝나 교체되는 과정을 쓴 것이다. 아래는 12강에서 제시된 기본 덕목이다.[1]


현대 사회에서 영향력[편집]

10년간의 노력끝에 신진여류작가 황인경씨가 펴낸 5권 분량에 소설 《목민심서》는[3] 1992년 초판이 서점가의 베스트셀러[3] 반열에 올랐고, 발행된 이래 650만 부의 판매 신화를 기록하며 많은 독자에게 감동을 주었다.[4] 목민심서를 소재로 한 그의 이 작품은 누구나 한번은 읽어야 하는 국민소설로 자리매김하였다는 평가를 받고 있다.[4]

같이 보기[편집]




참고 자료[편집]《목민심서》, 정약용 지음, 김기태 엮음, 청목사(2002년)
「한권으로 읽는 조선왕조실록」, 실학의 최고봉 정약용, 박영규 저, 웅진닷컴(2004년, 421~449p)
「매천야록」, 갑오년(1894, 고종 31년) 전, 황현 저, 허경진 역, 서해문집(2006년, 51~62p)
이 문서에는 다음커뮤니케이션(현 카카오)에서 GFDL 또는 CC-SA 라이선스로 배포한 글로벌 세계대백과사전의 "〈실학의 융성〉" 항목을 기초로 작성된 글이 포함되어 있습니다.
외부 링크

2023/11/07

우리역사넷 4. 실학파의 일본 인식 - 정약용, 일본 고학파 유학을 연구하다

우리역사넷

하우봉

정약용(丁若鏞, 1762∼1836)은 18세기 후반과 19세기 전반기를 살았던 인물로 기호계 남인이었다. 사상적으로 볼 때 그는 성호 학파의 학맥을 계승하였으면서도 북학파 실학자와 교유하였고, 그 이전 여러 유파(流派)의 실학사상을 수용하여 실학을 집대성한 인물로 평가되고 있다. 그는 대외관에서도 이익, 안정복의 민족주의적 관념과 북학파 실학자의 개방적 세계관을 수용하여 발전적으로 통합하였다고 할 수 있다. 이익의 영향을 가장 많이 받은 정약용은 일본의 기술, 제도, 문화 수준 등에 대해 선배 실학자들보다 폭넓은 관점에서 언급하였으며 긍정적인 평가를 내리고 있다. 특히 일본 고학파 유학을 본격적으로 연구하였으며, 그런 과정 속에서 일본 문화에 대한 독특한 인식을 갖게 되었다. 일본에 관한 정약용의 저술에는 『일본고(日本考)』, 『비어고(備禦考)』, 『민보의(民堡議)』, 『논어고금주(論語古今注)』 등이 있고, 시문집에도 적지 않은 기록을 남겼다.

확대보기
정약용 초상

이상의 저술에 나타난 정약용의 일본 인식의 특징을 정리하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 객관적 관점에서 일본 사회와 문물의 변화를 인식하였다. 그는 명분론적 관념과 전통적 일본관에서 벗어나 일본 문물을 보려고 하였으며, 국제 정치의 현실을 이해하려고 노력하였다. 그가 인종적·지리적 관념에 바탕을 둔 기존의 중국 중심적 화이관에서 탈피한 것은 ‘탁발위론(拓跋魏論)’, ‘동호론(東胡論)’ 등의 논설(論說)에 선명히 나타나 있다. 이러한 그의 개방적인 국제 관념은 당연히 청나라에 대해서뿐 아니라 일본에도 적용되었다.

둘째, 정약용은 일본의 기술 문명과 문화 수준, 나아가 사회 제도의 특성과 발전된 면모에 대해 긍정적으로 평가하면서 장점을 수용해야 한다고 강조하였다. 그는 일본의 기술 수준에 대해 “일본이 옛날에는 우리나라보다 기술 수준이 낮았으나 당시에 이르러 중국과 직접 교류하면서 기술을 도입한 결과 부국강병(富國强兵)을 이루었고, 기술 수준이 중국과 대등하게 되었으며, 우리나라를 능가하기에 이르렀다.”고 주장하였다.151) 특히 무기 면에서 조선과 일본의 차이가 현저한 것으로 인식하였다.152)

한편 문화 면에서도 정약용은 일본의 새로운 변화에 주목하면서 특히 일본 유학의 발전을 지적하였다.

돌이켜 보건대 일본은 본래 백제를 통하여 서적을 얻어 보았는데 처음에는 매우 몽매(蒙昧)하였다. 그런데 중국의 장쑤(江蘇), 저장(浙江) 지방과 직접 교역을 하면서부터 중국의 좋은 책을 사 가지 않은 것이 없었다 한다. 또 일본에는 과거 제도의 폐단이 없었으므로 지금에 와서는 그들의 학문이 우리나라를 능가하게 되었으니 심히 부끄러운 일이다.153)

일본은 이제 걱정할 필요가 없다. 내가 그들이 이르는바 고학 선생인 이토 씨의 글과 오규 선생, 다자이 쥰(太宰純) 등이 논한 경전 해석을 읽어 보니 모두가 그 수준이 찬연(燦然)하였다. 이것을 통해 볼 때 일본은 이제 우려할 필요가 없다는 사실을 알게 되었다. 논의한 것에 간혹 왜곡된 것도 있지만 일본의 문화적 분위기가 성숙되어 있음이 틀림없다. ……문화가 우세하게 되면 군사적인 침략 같은 경거망동(輕擧妄動)을 하지 않는다. 저 몇 사람 유학자들의 경전과 예(禮)에 관해 논한 바가 이와 같으니 그 나라에는 반드시 예의를 숭상하고 먼 장래까지 고려하는 인물이 있을 것이다. 따라서 일본은 이제 침략할 염려가 없다고 하는 것이다.154)

정약용은 일본의 과학 기술과 유교 문화를 통해 일본의 변화를 인식하고 그 수준에 대해 사실보다 과장되게 평가하였다. 그는 고학파 유학자들 의 경전 주석(經傳註釋)을 보면서 그들의 탈(脫)주자학 또는 반(反)주자학적 경서 해석에 상당히 공감을 느꼈던 듯하다. 그러한 탈주자학적인 경전 해석은 그가 깊이 모색하고 있던 방향이었던 것이다. 그 결과 일본 고학파 유학자들의 『논어』 주석에 공감한 나머지 전반적인 일본 유학의 수준이나 일본 사회의 유교화 수준을 긍정적으로 보았고, 나아가 조일 관계도 낙관적으로 인식하였던 것이다.

셋째, 일본 문화에 대한 이해와 관련하여 특기할 사실은 정약용이 일본 고학파 유학자들의 저술을 본격적으로 연구하였으며, 그의 『논어』 주석서인 『논어고금주』에 그들의 학설을 인용하였다는 점이다. 정약용 이전의 지식인 가운데에서도 일본 유학자들의 서적을 보고 관심을 보인 이가 전혀 없지는 않았다. 예컨대 이익이나 안정복도 야마자키 안사이 학파의 유학자들을 소개하였고, 고학파 유학자인 이토 진사이의 『동자문』을 보고 논평하였다. 그러나 그들은 적극적인 관심을 가지고 검토한 것은 아니었으며, 일본 유학의 전체적 수준이나 고학파 유학의 주장에 찬성한 것도 아니었다. 따라서 정약용 이전의 조선 지식인이 이해한 일본 유학은 초보적인 것이었고, 그것에 대한 평가도 긍정적인 것은 찾아보기 힘들다. 전반적으로 볼 때 조선시대 지식인들은 일본 유학을 깊은 학문적 호기심을 가지고 연구할 대상으로까지 생각하지 않았던 것 같다. 그러나 정약용은 고학파 유학자들의 『논어』 주석서를 본격적으로 연구하였으며, 『논어고금주』에서 그들의 주석을 중요한 비중으로 인용하였다. 또 그들의 학설을 비판과 함께 수용하였는데, 이는 조선 지식인 가운데에서 찾아보기 힘든 예이다. 이것은 일본을 이적시하고 야만시하던 당시 조선 지식인의 소중화 의식에서 탈피한 정약용의 열린 세계관과 철저한 학자적 정신의 산물이라고 할 수 있다. 그뿐 아니라 이것은 조선 후기의 조일 문화 교류사, 나아가 동아시아의 유학 사상사 전반에 걸쳐서도 중요한 의미를 지닌다.

정약용이 『논어고금주』에서 인용하고 있는 고학파 유학자들의 주석은 이토 진사이 3개소, 오규 소라이 50개소, 다자이 슌다이(太宰春臺, 다자이 쥰) 148개소로 상당히 큰 비중을 차지한다. 『논어고금주』를 분석해 보면 그는 고학파 유학자들의 학설을 수용하기보다 훨씬 많이 비판하였다. 그러나 훈고적·고증적 측면에서는 그들에게 적지 않은 도움을 받았던 것으로 보인다.155)

넷째, 이와 같은 일본의 유교 문화에 대한 긍정적인 평가와 그에 따른 한때의 일면적이고 낙관적인 일본 인식과 달리, 말년에 정약용은 일본의 재침 가능성을 점치며 위기의식을 느꼈다. 그 결과 『일본고』, 『비어고』, 『민보의』 등의 저술을 통해 일본에 대한 종합적인 이해를 시도하였고, 일본의 재침에 대한 대비책을 제시하였다. 따라서 그는 안정복보다 자료의 방대성, 대책의 구체성과 치밀성 면에서 진전된 면모를 보여 주고 있다.


2023/11/04

Jeong Yak-yong - Wikipedia

Jeong Yak-yong - Wikipedia

Jeong Yak-yong

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jeong Yak-yong
Korean name
Hangul
Hanja
Revised RomanizationJeong Yak-yong
McCune–ReischauerChŏng Yagyong
Art name
Hangul
Hanja
Revised RomanizationDasan
McCune–ReischauerTasan
Courtesy name
Hangul
Hanja
Revised RomanizationMiyong or Songbo
McCune–ReischauerMiyong or Songbo
Posthumous name
Hangul
Hanja
Revised RomanizationMundo
McCune–ReischauerMundo

Jeong Yak-yong (Korean정약용; also Chong Yagyong) was a Korean agronomist, philosopher, and poet. He is also known by his art name Dasan (다산lit. tea mountain). He was one of the greatest thinkers in the later Joseon period, wrote highly influential books about philosophy, science and theories of government, held significant administrative positions, and was noted as a poet. He was a close confidant of King Jeongjo and his philosophical position is often identified with the Silhak school, and his concerns are better seen as explorations of Neo-Confucian themes.

Jeong was born in Namyangju (then Gwangju), Gyeonggi Province, where he also died. He spent 18 years in exile in Gangjin CountySouth Jeolla Province, from 1801 until 1818, on account of his membership of the Southerners faction, and also because of his elder brother's Catholic faith. Korean Catholics sometimes claim that Jeong was baptized with the name John Baptist, but there is no documentary proof of this.

Jeong Yak-yong came from the Naju Jeong clan. At birth he was given the courtesy title (初字 choja) Gwinong (歸農), and later he was also known by the courtesy names Miyong (美鏞) and Songbu (頌甫)美庸); among his art names were Sa-am (俟菴), Tagong (籜翁), Taesu (苔叟), Jahadoin (紫霞道人), Cheolmasanin (鐵馬山人), Dasan (茶山), Yeoyudang (與猶堂, the name of his house).

Biography[edit]

Family history[edit]

Dasan's father was Jeong Jae-won (丁載遠, 1730–1792). His eldest brother Yak-hyeon (若鉉, 1751–1821) was the son of a first wife, while Jeong Yak-jong, Yak-jeon (若銓, 1758–1816), and Yak-yong were the sons of their father's second wife, Suk-in (淑人, 1730–1770) from the Haenam Yun family. There was one daughter from this second marriage. Four other daughters were later born of a third marriage.

Dasan's father's family traced their descent back to Jeong Ja-geup (丁子伋, 1423–1487) who in 1460 first took a government position under King Sejo. Eight further generations then followed his example. Jeong Si-yun (丁時潤, 1646–1713) and his second son Do-bok (道復, 1666–1720) were the last of the line, since the Southerners’ faction to which the family belonged lost power in 1694. Si-yun retired to a house in Mahyeon-ri to the east of Seoul (now known as Namyangju) in 1699, which was to be Dasan's birthplace. His eldest son, Do-tae (道泰) lived there and was Dasan's direct ancestor. The Southerners remained excluded from official positions until a brief period that began during the reign of King Jeongjo, when Dasan's father was appointed magistrate of Jinju county, thanks to his strong links with the powerful Chae Je-gong, who rose until he was appointed third state councillor in 1788. In 1762, the execution of Crown Prince Sado by his father the king shocked Jeong Jae-won that he withdrew from official life and returned to his home in Mahyeon-ri. This explains the courtesy name Gwi’nong (‘back to farming’) his father gave Dasan, who was born in the same year. As a result, Dasan grew up receiving intense intellectual training from his now unoccupied father.[1]

The source of Dasan's intellectual interests can be traced to the influence of the great scholar Udam Jeong Si-han (愚潭 丁時翰, 1625–1707) of the same clan, who taught Jeong Si-yun briefly and was then the main teacher of Dasan's ancestor Jeong Do-tae as well as his brother Do-je (1675–1729). One of the most significant thinkers in the next generation was the philosopher-scholar Seongho Yi Ik and he saw Udam as the authentic heir of Toegye Yi Hwang. Jeong Do-je transmitted the teachings of Udam to the next generations of the family and so they were passed to Dasan's father and Dasan himself.

Similarly, Dasan's mother was descended from the family of the famous Southerner scholar-poet Gosan Yun Seon-do (孤山 尹善道, 1587–1671). Yun's great-grandson Gongjae Yun Du-seo (恭齋 尹斗緖, 1668–1715), well known for his skills as a painter, was Dasan's maternal great-grandfather. He and his elder brother were close to Seongho Yi Ik and his brothers, and are credited with reviving the study of the Six Classics, as well as the thought of Toegye.[2]

Early life[edit]

By the age of 6, Dasan's father was impressed by his powers of observation. By the age of 9 he had composed a small collection of poems. In 1776, Dasan was married to Hong Hwabo of the Pungsan Hong clan, the daughter of a royal secretary; in that year he moved to Seoul, where his father received an appointment in the Board of Taxation after the accession of King Jeongjo. When he was 15, Dasan was introduced to the writings of Seongho Yi Ik by one of his descendants, Yi Ga-Hwan (李家煥, 1742–1801) and his brother-in-law Yi Seung-hun and he was deeply impressed, resolving to devote his life to similar studies. In 1783, Dasan passed the chinsagwa (literary licentiate examination), which allowed him to enter the Sungkyunkwan.

In 1784 the king was deeply impressed by the “objectivity” of Dasan's replies to a set of questions he had formulated. This was the start of an increasingly close relationship between the king and Dasan. After the promotion of Chae Je-gong in 1788, Dasan took top place in the daegwa (higher civil service exam) in 1789 and was offered a position in the Office of Royal Decrees, together with 5 other members of the Southerner faction. This alarmed members of the opposing ‘Old Doctrine’ faction, who soon realized the extent to which the Southerners were being influenced, not only by the Practical Learning introduced to China from Europe, but by Roman Catholicism itself.

In 1784, Yi Byeok, a scholar who had participated in meetings to study books about the Western (European) Learning, starting in 1777, talked with Dasan about the new religion for the first time in 1784 and gave him a book about it. Whatever his own response may have been, and there is no proof that he ever received baptism, Dasan's immediate family was deeply involved in the origins of the Korean Catholic community. His older sister was married to Yi Seung-hun, the Korean who was first baptized as a Catholic in Beijing in 1784 and played a leading role in the early years of the Church's growth. The oldest of Jeong Jae-won's sons, Yak-hyeon, was married to a sister of Yi Byeok. Another daughter, from a third marriage, later married Hwang Sa-yeong (1775–1801), author of the notorious Silk Letter. Dasan's older brother, Jeong Yak-jong (Augustinus) was the leader of the first Catholic community and one of the first victims of the purge launched against Southerners, but especially against Catholics, in 1801, after the sudden death of King Jeongjo.

In 1789, Yun Ji-chung, one of the first baptized and a cousin to Dasan on his mother's side, had gone to Beijing and received confirmation. Rome had forbidden Catholics to perform ancestral rituals and this was now being strictly applied by the Portuguese Franciscan bishop of Beijing Alexandre de Gouvea. When his mother died in 1791, Yun therefore refused to perform the usual Confucian ceremonies; this became public knowledge, he was accused of impiety and was executed. Some Koreans who had at first been sympathetic, horrified by the Church's rejection of hallowed traditions, turned away. Jeong Yak-yong may well have been among them.[3]

Royal Service[edit]

Dasan was particularly interested in civil engineering. In 1792, the king, impressed by a pontoon bridge he had designed, asked him to design and supervise the construction of the walls for the Hwaseong Fortress (modern Suwon), which surrounded the palace where the king would live when he visited the new tomb he had constructed for his father. Dasan produced radically new techniques and structures, drawing on European, Chinese and Japanese sources. In 1794, after several promotions, the king appointed him as secret envoy to Gyeongi province, investigating reports of corruption.

Dasan's most important task in 1795, the 60th anniversary of the birth of Crown Prince Sado, was to help the King decide on a new honorary title for his father. This was a fraught enterprise, the Prince's supporters were members of what was called the Expediency subfaction while his main enemies were members of the Principle subfaction. The Southerners were strong supporters of the King's wish to honor Sado highly and the King was more than grateful. However, he then found it prudent to send Dasan away from court for a time, appointing him to be superintendent of the post station at Geumjeong, South Pyeongan province.

Here, he provided clear proof of his rejection of Catholicism by doing everything possible to persuade the Catholics working there to renounce their faith, and in particular to perform ancestral rites. Almost certainly, it was the Catholics’ rejection of Confucian ritual that had turned him against them. In 1796, he was brought back to Seoul and promoted but his many enemies continued to accuse him of supporting the pro-western Catholics and he preferred to take up a position as county magistrate at Goksan in Hwanghae province.

In 1799 he even withdrew to his family home but was summoned back to Seoul by the king in 1800.[4]

Exile[edit]

In the summer of 1800, King Jeongjo died suddenly. The new king, King Sunjo, was still only a child of 11 and power fell into the hands of the widow of King Yeongjo, often known as Queen Dowager Kim or Queen Jeongsun. Her family belonged to the factions opposed to the reformist, often Catholic, Namin group and she had been powerless during Jeongjo's reign. She launched an attack on the Catholics, who were denounced as traitors and enemies of the state. Jeong Yak-jong, the older brother of Jeong Yak-yong, was the head of the Catholic community, and was one of the first to be arrested and executed, together with Yi Seung-hun, in the spring of 1801. His eldest son, Jeong Cheol-sang, was executed a month later.

As Jeong Yak-jong's younger brother, Jeong Yak-yong was exiled for some months in Janggi fortress in what is now Pohang, having been found, after interrogation under torture, not to be a Catholic believer. However the Silk Letter Incident of 1801 ensured his further exile: Hwang Sa-yeong, married to one of Dasan's younger sisters, had written a letter to the bishop of Beijing, giving a detailed account of the persecutions, and asking him to bring pressure on the Korean authorities by asking for Western nations to send warships and troops to overthrow the Joseon government so that Korea would be subject to China,[5] where Catholicism was permitted. The carrier of this letter (written on a roll of silk wrapped round his body) was caught and its contents ensured the continuing persecution of Catholics.

The persecution intensified and if it had not been clear that Jeong Yak-yong and Jeong Yak-jeon were not Catholic believers, they would have been executed. Instead they were exiled together, parting ways at Naju, from where Jeong Yak-jeon journeyed on to the island of Heuksando, Yak-yong taking the road to Gangjin where he spent eighteen years in exile. His exile began in the last days of 1801, on the 23rd day of the eleventh lunar month, the 28th of December in the solar calendar. On that day, he arrived in Gangjin, South Jeolla Province. The newly arrived exile had little or no money and no friends, he found shelter in the back room of a poor, rundown tavern kept by a widow, outside the East Gate of the walled township of Gangjin, and there he lived until 1805. He called his room “Sauijae” (room of four obligations: clear thinking, serious appearance, quiet talking, sincere actions).

By 1805 Dowager Queen Kim had died and the young king had come of age and had put an end to the violence against Catholics. Three hundred had been killed and many of the rest were exiled or scattered, or had stopped practising. Jeong Yak-yong was free to move about the Gangjin area and in the spring of 1805 he walked up the hill as far as Baeknyeon-sa Temple, where he met the Venerable Hyejang, the newly arrived monk in charge of the temple, who was about ten years younger than himself. They talked and it seems that Hyejang only realized who his visitor was as he was leaving. That night he forced him to stay with him and asked to learn the I Ching from him. They quickly became close companions.

Later the same year, Hyejang enabled Dasan to move out of the tavern and for nearly a year he lived in Boeun Sanbang, a small hermitage at the nearby Goseong-sa temple, which was under Hyejang's control. Finally, in the spring of 1808 he was able to take up residence in a house belonging to a distant relative of his mother, on the slopes of a hill overlooking Gangjin and its bay. It was a simple house, with a thatched roof, but it was there that the exile spent the remaining ten years of his exile, until the autumn of 1818. This is the site now known as “Dasan Chodang.” The hill behind the house was known locally as Da-san (tea-mountain) and that became the name by which he is best known today, Dasan. Here he taught students who lodged in a building close to his, forming a close-knit community, and he wrote. In his study he accumulated a library of over a thousand books.[6]

During his exile he is said to have written 500 volumes. This needs qualifying, since one “work” might fill nearly 50 volumes of the standard size, but he certainly wrote a vast quantity, some 14,000 pages, mainly in order to set out clearly a fundamental reform program for governing the country correctly according to Confucian ideals. During the years of exile he concentrated first on the Book of Changes (Yi Ching), writing in 1805 the Chuyeoksajeon. A reflection on the Classic of Poetry followed in 1809. He wrote on politics, ethics, economy, natural sciences, medicine and music. After his return from exile, Dasan published his most important works: on jurisprudence Heumheumsinseo (1819); on linguistics Aeongakbi (1819); on diplomacy Sadekoryesanbo (1820); on the art of governing Mongminsimseo and on administration Gyeongsesiryeong (1822).

Dasan remained in exile in Gangjin until 1818, when he was allowed to return to his family home near Seoul. Attempts to bring him back into government service were blocked by factional politics. He used Yeoyudang as his final pen-name, it was the name of the family home where he lived quietly, near the Han River, until he died in 1836, on his sixtieth wedding anniversary. The main sources for his biography are the two versions of his own ‘epitaph,’ Jachan myojimyeong, and a chronological biography Saam seonsaeng yeonbo composed by his great-grandson Jeong Gyu-yeong using no longer extant records.[7]

Dasan and the 19th-century tea revival[edit]

Jeong Yak-yong had been living in Gangjin for several years when the Ven. Hyejang arrived from Daeheung-sa temple to take charge of Paengnyeon-sa. During those years, spent in a poor inn with very little money, Dasan's health had suffered from the low nutritional value of his food. He suffered from chronic digestive problems. Dasan and Hyejang first met on the 17th day of the 4th month, 1805, not long after Hyejang's arrival. Only a few days after, Dasan sent a poem to Hyejang requesting some tea leaves from the hill above the temple; it is dated in the 4th month of 1805, very soon after their meeting.[8]

This poem makes it clear that Dasan already knew the medicinal value of tea and implies that he knew how to prepare the leaves for drinking. It has often been claimed that Dasan learned about tea from Hyejang but this and a series of other poems exchanged between them suggests that in fact Hyejang and other monks in the region learned how to make a kind of caked tea from Dasan.

This would make him the main origin of the ensuing spread of interest in tea. In 1809, the Ven. Cho-ui from the same Daeheung-sa temple came to visit Dasan in Gangjin and spent a number of months studying with him there.[9] Again, it seems more than likely that Cho-ui first learned about tea from Dasan, and adopted his very specific, rather archaic way of preparing caked tea. After that, it was the Ven. Cho-ui who, during his visit to Seoul in 1830, shared his tea with a number of scholars. Among them, some poems were written and shared to celebrate the newly discovered drink, in particular the Preface and Poem of Southern Tea (南茶幷序) by Geumryeong Bak Yeong-bo.[10]

After this, Cho-ui became especially close to Chusa Kim Jeong-hui, who visited him several times bringing him gifts of tea during his exile in Jeju Island in the 1740s. A letter about Dasan's method of making caked tea has survived, dated 1830, that Dasan sent to Yi Si-heon 李時憲 (1803–1860), the youngest pupil taught by him during his 18 years of exile in Gangjin: “It is essential to steam the picked leaves three times and dry them three times, before grinding them very finely. Next that should be thoroughly mixed with water from a rocky spring and pounded like clay into a dense paste that is shaped into small cakes. Only then is it good to drink.”[11]