Spirituality, Mind-Body, Gender, Ecology, Ageing, Peace, Scrapbook (in English and Korean)
 | 이 글의 정확성과 사실 여부에 대해 논란이 있습니다. (2021년 4월 10일) |
쇼와 국가주의(일본어:
일본에서는 천황제 파시즘(일본어:
청일전쟁과 러일전쟁의 승리로 일본 제국은 서구 제국주의 열강의 반열에 합류했다. 일본은 19세기에 서방 국가들이 강제한 불평등조약들을 개정하기 위해서는 자신들도 서방 국가들처럼 식민제국을 수립하고 그것을 유지하기 위한 강력한 군사력이 필요하다고 판단했다.
자유민권운동과 다이쇼 데모크라시로 일본은 자유민주주의 체제가 수립되었지만, 민주주의는 재벌이 사회 자본을 독점한 정치경제적 상황의 해결에 무능을 나타냈다. 이에 환멸한 사람들에게 군부가 부패한 정치꾼들의 대안으로 조명되었다. 군부는 민주주의 내각이 군비를 제한하고 군을 통제하려 하는 것을 국가안보에 대한 위협으로 판단했고, 군사력 확충을 위해 국가가 산업을 직접 통제하는 것을 선호했다. 또한 좌익사상의 발흥을 막기 위한 국가주도의 사회복지에도 관심이 있었다.
사실 재벌의 독점체제는 메이지 시대에 급속한 경제성장을 추구하는 과정에서 국가가 조장한 것이었다. 이것을 국가가 주도해서 재편하는 과정은 유럽 파시즘의 코포라티즘 정격과 피상적 유사성이 있다.
일본의 천황제 파시즘론은 전후민주주의 사상가인 마루야마 마사오가 1946년 발표한 『초국가주의의 논리와 심리』를 기원으로 한다.[1] 마루야마는 여기서 파시즘을 “반혁명의 가장 첨단적이고 가장 전투적인 형태”라고 정의하고,[2] 이탈리아 파시즘과 독일의 나치즘은 의회제 사회의 대중운동에 의한 “아래로부터의 파시즘”이었지만, 일본의 파시즘은 군부와 관료가 주도한 “위로부터의 파시즘”이라고 규정했다.[3] 이로부터 1970년대까지 마루야마를 따르는 시각이 대세가 되었다.[4][5][6]
천황제 파시즘론에 따르면, 천황제 파시즘은 다음 세 단계에 걸쳐 형성되었다.[7]
Careful attention to the history of the Special Higher Police, and particularly to their use by Prime Minister Tōjō Hideki against his enemies even further to his political right, reveals that extreme rightists, fascists, and practically anyone deemed to pose a threat to the Meiji constitutional order were at risk.
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| Statism in Shōwa Japan |
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Statism (國家主義, Kokka Shugi)[a] was a political syncretism of extreme political ideologies in Japan, developed over a period of time from the Meiji Restoration. It is sometimes also referred to as Emperor-system fascism (天皇制ファシズム, Tennosei Fascism),[1] Japanese fascism (日本のファシズム, Nihon no Fascism) or Shōwa nationalism.
This movement dominated Japanese politics during the first part of the Shōwa period (reign of Emperor Hirohito). It was a mixture of ideas such as Japanese ultranationalism, militarism, fascism, and state capitalism, that were proposed by several contemporary political philosophers and thinkers in Japan.
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With a more aggressive foreign policy, and victory over China in the First Sino-Japanese War and over Imperial Russia in the Russo-Japanese War, Japan joined the Western imperialist powers. The need for a strong military to secure Japan's new overseas empire was strengthened by a sense that only through a strong military would Japan earn the respect of Western nations, and thus revision of the "unequal treaties" imposed in the 1800s.
The Japanese military viewed itself as "politically clean" in terms of corruption, and criticized political parties under a liberal democracy as self-serving and a threat to national security by their failure to provide adequate military spending or to address pressing social and economic issues. The complicity of the politicians with the zaibatsu corporate monopolies also came under criticism. The military tended to favour dirigisme and other forms of direct state control over industry, rather than free-market capitalism, as well as greater state-sponsored social welfare, to reduce the attraction of socialism and communism in Japan.
The special relation of militarists and the central civil government with the Imperial Family supported the important position of the Emperor as Head of State with political powers and the relationship with the nationalist right-wing movements. However, Japanese political thought had relatively little contact with European political thinking until the 20th century.
Under this ascendancy of the military, the country developed a very hierarchical, aristocratic economic system with significant state involvement. During the Meiji Restoration, there had been a surge in the creation of monopolies. This was in part due to state intervention, as the monopolies served to allow Japan to become a world economic power. The state itself owned some of the monopolies, and others were owned by the zaibatsu. The monopolies managed the central core of the economy, with other aspects being controlled by the government ministry appropriate to the activity, including the National Central Bank and the Imperial family. This economic arrangement was in many ways similar to the later corporatist models of European fascists.
During the same period, certain thinkers with ideals similar to those from shogunate times developed the early basis of Japanese expansionism and Pan-Asianist theories. Such thought later was developed by writers such as Saneshige Komaki into the Hakkō ichiu, Yen Block, and Amau doctrines.[2]
The 1919 Treaty of Versailles did not recognize the Empire of Japan's territorial claims, and international naval treaties between Western powers and the Empire of Japan (Washington Naval Treaty and London Naval Treaty) imposed limitations on naval shipbuilding which limited the size of the Imperial Japanese Navy at a 10:10:6 ratio. These measures were considered by many in Japan as the refusal by the Occidental powers to consider Japan an equal partner. The latter brought about the May 15 incident.
Based on national security, these events released a surge of Japanese nationalism and ended collaboration diplomacy which supported peaceful economic expansion. The implementation of a military dictatorship and territorial expansionism were considered the best ways to protect the Yamato-damashii.
In the early 1930s, the Ministry of Home Affairs began arresting left-wing political dissidents, generally to extract a confession and renouncement of anti-state leanings. Over 30,000 such arrests were made between 1930 and 1933. In response, a large group of writers founded a Japanese branch of the International Popular Front Against Fascism and published articles in major literary journals warning of the dangers of statism. Their periodical, The People's Library (人民文庫), achieved a circulation of over five thousand and was widely read in literary circles, but was eventually censored, and later dismantled in January 1938.[3]
Ikki Kita was an early 20th-century political theorist, who advocated a hybrid of statism with "Asian nationalism", which thus blended the early ultranationalist movement with Japanese militarism. His political philosophy was outlined in his thesis Kokutairon and Pure Socialism of 1906 and An Outline Plan for the Reorganization of Japan (日本改造法案大綱 Nihon Kaizō Hōan Taikō) of 1923. Kita proposed a military coup d'état to replace the existing political structure of Japan with a military dictatorship. The new military leadership would rescind the Meiji Constitution, ban political parties, replace the Diet of Japan with an assembly free of corruption, and would nationalize major industries. Kita also envisioned strict limits to private ownership of property, and land reform to improve the lot of tenant farmers. Thus strengthened internally, Japan could then embark on a crusade to free all of Asia from Western imperialism.
Although his works were banned by the government almost immediately after publication, circulation was widespread, and his thesis proved popular not only with the young officer class excited at the prospects of military rule and Japanese expansionism but with the populist movement for its appeal to the agrarian classes as well.
Shūmei Ōkawa was a right-wing political philosopher, active in numerous Japanese nationalist societies in the 1920s. In 1926, he published Japan and the Way of the Japanese (日本及び日本人の道, Nihon oyobi Nihonjin no michi), among other works, which helped popularize the concept of the inevitability of a clash of civilizations between Japan and the west. Politically, his theories built on the works of Ikki Kita, but further emphasized that Japan needed to return to its traditional kokutai traditions to survive the increasing social tensions created by industrialization and foreign cultural influences.
Sadao Araki was a noted political philosopher in the Imperial Japanese Army during the 1920s, who had a wide following within the junior officer corps. Although implicated in the February 26 Incident, he went on to serve in numerous influential government posts, and was a cabinet minister under Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe.
The Japanese Army, already trained along Prussian lines since the early Meiji period, often mentioned the affinity between yamato-damashii and the "Prussian Military Spirit" in pushing for a military alliance with Italy and Germany along with the need to combat Marxism. Araki's writing is imbued with nostalgia towards the military administrative system of the former shogunate, in a similar manner to which the National Fascist Party of Italy looked back to the ancient ideals of the Roman Empire or the NSDAP in Germany recalled an idealized version of First Reich and the Teutonic Order.
Araki modified the interpretation of the bushido warrior code to seishin kyōiku ("spiritual training"), which he introduced to the military as Army Minister, and the general public as Education Minister, and in general brought the concepts of the Showa Restoration movement into mainstream Japanese politics.
Some of the distinctive features of this policy were also used outside Japan. The puppet states of Manchukuo, Mengjiang, and the Wang Jingwei Government were later organized partly following Araki's ideas. In the case of Wang Jingwei's state, he himself had some German influences—prior to the Japanese invasion of China, he met with German leaders and picked up some fascist ideas during his time in the Kuomintang. These, he combined with Japanese militarist thinking. Japanese agents also supported local and nationalist elements in Southeast asia and White Russian residents in Manchukuo before war broke out.
Seigō Nakano sought to bring about a rebirth of Japan through a blend of the samurai ethic, Neo-Confucianism, and populist nationalism modelled on European fascism. He saw Saigō Takamori as epitomizing the 'true spirit' of the Meiji ishin, and the task of modern Japan to recapture it.
Ikki Kita and Shūmei Ōkawa joined forces in 1919 to organize the short-lived Yūzonsha, a political study group intended to become an umbrella organization for the various right-wing statist movements. Although the group soon collapsed due to irreconcilable ideological differences between Kita and Ōkawa, it served its purpose in that it managed to join the right-wing anti-socialist, Pan-Asian militarist societies with centrist and left-wing supporters of a strong state.
In the 1920s and 1930s, these supporters of Japanese statism used the slogan Showa Restoration (昭和維新, Shōwa isshin), which implied that a new resolution was needed to replace the existing political order dominated by corrupt politicians and industrialists, with one which (in their eyes), would fulfil the original goals of the Meiji Restoration of direct Imperial rule via military proxies.
However, the Shōwa Restoration had different meanings for different groups. For the radicals of the Sakurakai, it meant the violent overthrow of the government to create a national syndicalist state with more equitable distribution of wealth and the removal of corrupt politicians and zaibatsu leaders. For the young officers, it meant a return to some form of "military-shogunate" in which the emperor would re-assume direct political power with dictatorial attributes, as well as divine symbolism, without the intervention of the Diet or liberal democracy, but who would effectively be a figurehead with day-to-day decisions left to the military leadership.
Another point of view was supported by Prince Chichibu, a brother of Emperor Shōwa, who repeatedly counselled him to implement a direct imperial rule, even if that meant suspending the constitution.[4]
In principle, some theorists proposed Shōwa Restoration, the plan of giving direct dictatorial powers to the Emperor (due to his divine attributes) for leading the future overseas actions in mainland Asia. This was the purpose behind the February 26 Incident and other similar uprisings in Japan. Later, however, these previously mentioned thinkers decided to organize their own political clique based on previous radical, militaristic movements in the 1930s; this was the origin of the Kodoha party and their political desire to take direct control of all the political power in the country from the moderate and democratic political voices.
Following the formation of this "political clique", there was a new current of thought among militarists, industrialists and landowners that emphasized a desire to return to the ancient shogunate system, but in the form of a modern military dictatorship with new structures. It was organized with the Japanese Navy and Japanese Army acting as clans under command of a supreme military native dictator (the shōgun) controlling the country. In this government, the Emperor was covertly reduced in his functions and used as a figurehead for political or religious use under the control of the militarists.[citation needed]
The failure of various attempted coups, including the League of Blood Incident, the Imperial Colors Incident and the February 26 Incident, discredited supporters of the Shōwa Restoration movement, but the concepts of Japanese statism migrated to mainstream Japanese politics, where it joined with some elements of European fascism.
Early Shōwa statism is sometimes given the retrospective label "fascism", but this was not a self-appellation. When authoritarian tools of the state such as the Kempeitai were put into use in the early Shōwa period, they were employed to protect the rule of law under the Meiji Constitution from perceived enemies on both the left and the right.[5]
Some ideologists, such as Kingoro Hashimoto, proposed a single-party dictatorship, based on populism, patterned after the European fascist movements. An Investigation of Global Policy with the Yamato Race as Nucleus shows the influence clearly.[6]
These geopolitical ideals developed into the Amau Doctrine (天羽声明, an Asian Monroe Doctrine), stating that Japan assumed total responsibility for peace in Asia, and can be seen later when Prime Minister Kōki Hirota proclaimed justified Japanese expansion into northern China as the creation of "a special zone, anti-communist, pro-Japanese and pro-Manchukuo" that was a "fundamental part" of Japanese national existence.
Although the reformist right-wing, kakushin uyoku, was interested in the concept, the idealist right-wing, or kannen uyoku, rejected fascism as they rejected all things of western origin.[citation needed]
Because of the mistrust of unions in such unity, the Japanese went to replace them with "councils" (経営財団, keiei zaidan, lit. "management foundations", shortened: 営団 eidan) in every factory, containing both management and worker representatives to contain conflict.[7] This was part of a program to create a classless national unity.[8] The most famous of the councils is the Teito Rapid Transit Authority (帝都高速度交通営団, Teito Kōsoku-do Kōtsū Eidan, lit. "Imperial Capital Highspeed Transportation Council", TRTA), which survived the dismantling of the councils under the US-led Allied occupation. The TRTA is now the Tokyo Metro.
The Kokuhonsha was founded in 1924 by conservative Minister of Justice and President of the House of Peers Hiranuma Kiichirō.[9] It called on Japanese patriots to reject the various foreign political "-isms" (such as socialism, communism, Marxism, anarchism, etc.) in favor of a rather vaguely defined "Japanese national spirit" (kokutai). The name "kokuhon" was selected as an antithesis to the word "minpon", from minpon shugi, the commonly-used translation for the word "democracy", and the society was openly supportive of totalitarian ideology.[10]
One particular concept exploited was a decree ascribed to the legendary first emperor of Japan, Emperor Jimmu, in 660 BC: the policy of hakkō ichiu (八紘一宇, all eight corners of the world under one roof).[11]
This also related to the concept of kokutai or national polity, meaning the uniqueness of the Japanese people in having a leader with spiritual origins.[6] The pamphlet Kokutai no Hongi taught that students should put the nation before the self, and that they were part of the state and not separate from it.[12] Shinmin no Michi enjoined all Japanese to follow the central precepts of loyalty and filial piety, which would throw aside selfishness and allow them to complete their "holy task."[13]
The bases of the modern form of kokutai and hakkō ichiu were to develop after 1868 and would take the following form:
The concept of the divine Emperors was another belief that was to fit the later goals. It was an integral part of the Japanese religious structure that the Tennō was divine, descended directly from the line of Ama-Terasu (or Amaterasu, the Sun Kami or Goddess).
The final idea that was modified in modern times was the concept of Bushido. This was the warrior code and laws of feudal Japan, that while having cultural surface differences, was at its heart not that different from the code of chivalry or any other similar system in other cultures. In later years, the code of Bushido found a resurgence in belief following the Meiji Restoration. At first, this allowed Japan to field what was considered one of the most professional and humane militaries in the world, one respected by friend and foe alike.[citation needed] Eventually, however, this belief would become a combination of propaganda and fanaticism that would lead to the Second Sino-Japanese War of the 1930s and World War II.
It was the third concept, especially, that would chart Japan's course towards several wars that would culminate with World War II.
During 1940, Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe proclaimed the Shintaisei (New National Structure), making Japan into a "National Defense State". Under the National Mobilization Law, the government was given absolute power over the nation's assets. All political parties were ordered to dissolve into the Imperial Rule Assistance Association, forming a one-party state based on totalitarian values. Such measures as the National Service Draft Ordinance and the National Spiritual Mobilization Movement were intended to mobilize Japanese society for a total war against the West.
Associated with government efforts to create a statist society included creation of the Tonarigumi (residents' committees), and emphasis on the Kokutai no Hongi ("Japan's Fundamentals of National Policy"), presenting a view of Japan's history, and its mission to unite the East and West under the Hakkō ichiu theory in schools as official texts. The official academic text was another book, Shinmin no Michi (The Subject's Way), the "moral national Bible", presented an effective catechism on nation, religion, cultural, social, and ideological topics.
Imperial Japan withdrew from the League of Nations in 1933, bringing it closer to Nazi Germany, which also left that year, and Fascist Italy, which was dissatisfied with the League. During the 1930s Japan drifted further away from Western Europe and the United States. During this period, American, British, and French films were increasingly censored, and in 1937 Japan froze all American assets throughout its empire.[14]
In 1940, the three countries formed the Axis powers, and became more closely linked. Japan imported German propaganda films such as Ohm Krüger (1941), advertising them as narratives showing the suffering caused by Western imperialism.
Japanese statism was discredited and destroyed by the failure of Japan's military in World War II. After the surrender of Japan, Japan was put under Allied occupation. Some of its former military leaders were tried for war crimes before the Tokyo tribunal, the government educational system was revised, and the tenets of liberal democracy were written into the post-war Constitution of Japan as one of its key themes.
The collapse of statist ideologies in 1945–46 was paralleled by a formalisation of relations between the Shinto religion and the Japanese state, including disestablishment: termination of Shinto's status as a state religion. In August 1945, the term State Shinto (Kokka Shintō) was invented to refer to some aspects of statism. On 1 January 1946, Emperor Shōwa issued an imperial rescript, sometimes referred as the Ningen-sengen ("Humanity Declaration") in which he quoted the Five Charter Oath (Gokajō no Goseimon) of his grandfather, Emperor Meiji and renounced officially "the false conception that the Emperor is a divinity". However, the wording of the Declaration – in the court language of the Imperial family, an archaic Japanese dialect known as Kyūteigo – and content of this statement have been the subject of much debate. For instance, the renunciation did not include the word usually used to impute the Emperor's divinity: arahitogami ("living god"). It instead used the unusual word akitsumikami, which was officially translated as "divinity", but more literally meant "manifestation/incarnation of a kami ("god/spirit")". Hence, commentators such as John W. Dower and Herbert P. Bix have argued, Hirohito did not specifically deny being a "living god" (arahitogami).
Careful attention to the history of the Special Higher Police, and particularly to their use by Prime Minister Tōjō Hideki against his enemies even further to his political right, reveals that extreme rightists, fascists, and practically anyone deemed to pose a threat to the Meiji constitutional order were at risk.
| 政治シリーズ記事からの派生 |
| ファシズム |
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皇室制度における結束主義（こうしつせいどにおけるけっそくしゅぎ）とは、第二次世界大戦終結までの日本の皇室制度による体制や社会が結束主義の一種であったとする視点による用語。1946年に丸山眞男が著書『超国家主義の論理と心理 他八篇』所収「超国家主義の論理と心理」で使用した[1]。1970年代まで一定の地位を占めたが、ポストモダンの多面的な研究が進んだ1980年代以降には反論意見が相次いだ[2]。
「天皇制ファシズム」または「日本ファシズム」との表現が使用されたのは、主に第二次世界大戦終結後からである。日本ファシズム連盟は小規模な政党であった。新体制運動はヨーロッパのファシズム運動の影響を受け、大政翼賛会につながったが、天皇の輔弼を掲げたもので一党独裁を掲げたものではなかった。五来欣造は、1931年にイタリア、フランス、ドイツ、イギリス、ロシアを回り、1932年に「ファッショか共産主義か」という講演を行っており、1933年に講演録が発行された[3]。この講演の中で、ソ連の共産主義即ち無産階級による利己主義の失敗とイギリス、イタリア、ドイツにおけるファッショ（結束）の台頭を引いて、「ファッショとは階級的の利己主義に対する弾圧であって、国民経済の統一と、階級の調和を行うものであるとこう言うことができる」「ヨーロッパは無産階級の利己主義、即ち世界大戦以来、労働者の勢力、無産階級の勢力が余りに強くなって、資本を食い荒らして遂に行き詰まった。これに対して反動的に起こったものは今日のファッショ運動である。そういう意味においてファッショは、階級的利己主義に対して、国民本位の政治、即ち全体主義を主張している次第である」「階級の利益だけを計れば、国の窮乏となって、労働階級それ自身も、又遂に衣食の欠乏を来すという事実を、我等はかのロシアにおいて現実に見るのである」と述べている[3]。
1932年の五・一五事件後、昭和天皇は犬養毅首相の後継推薦を行う元老西園寺公望に対し、「ファッショに近き者は絶対に不可なり」と要望を述べた[4]。
1932年10月、小笠原長生は著書「昭和大暗殺史」で以下のように述べた。
各国には、各国の国情に応じたファシズムが生じなくてはならぬ。即ち、我国においては、日本化したファッショが生まれる（中略）世界的に称されているファッショが、日本の武士道によってでっちあげられたものでなくてはならぬ。— 『昭和大暗殺史』序文、芳山房、1932年10月
1946年、丸山眞男は「超国家主義の論理と心理」[5]で、「ファシズム」を「反革命のもっとも先鋭的な、もっとも戦闘的な形態」と定義して[6] 、イタリアやドイツのファシズムは議会制社会下の大衆運動による「下からのファシズム」であったが、日本のファシズムは軍部や官僚による「上からのファシズム」であったとした[1]。この「日本ファシズム論」は広く影響を与え、特に1940年代から1970年代に類似または関連した見解が多く登場した[7][8][9]。
なお「ファシズム」という用語や概念の定義や範囲には多数の議論があり、学術的な合意は無い。
第一の段階は、準備期で、ちょうど世界大戦の終わった頃から満州事変頃に至る時期を「民間における右翼運動の時代」といってよく、年代でいうと大正8年（1919年）・9年（1920年）から昭和6年（1931年）頃まで。
第二段階は、成熟期で、満州事変前後から二・二六事件に至る時期で、前期の運動が軍部勢力の一部と結託して、ファシズム運動の推進力となり、徐々に国政の中心を占めるようになる段階・過程である。また、3月事件、錦旗事件[10]、血盟団事件、五・一五事件、神兵事件、士官学校事件、相沢事件、そして二・二六事件等に至るファッショのテロリズムが次々と勃発した時期である。年代的にいうと昭和6年（1931年）頃から昭和11年（1936年）に至る。
第三期は、日本ファシズムの完成時期で、官僚・重臣等の半封建的勢力と独占資本やブルジョア政党との間に、軍部が上からの露わな担い手として、不十分ながらも連合支配体制を作り上げた時期である。年代的にいうと昭和11年（1936年）の二・二六事件以後粛軍の時代から昭和20年（1945年）の敗戦までである[11]。
第二次世界大戦終結までの日本の社会や体制を「天皇制ファシズム」または「日本ファシズム」とみなすかどうかは、肯定論と否定論が存在する。
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| 포털: 정치학 |
황실제도에 있어서의 결속주의 (이렇게 쓰세이도에 있어서의 굵게 쿠슈기)란, 제2차 세계대전 종결까지의 일본 의 황실 제도 에 의한 체제나 사회가 결속주의 의 일종이었다고 하는 시점에 의한 용어. 1946년에 마루야마 마사오 가 저서 「초국가주의의 논리와 심리 외 팔편」소수 「초국가주의의 논리와 심리」에서 사용했다[1 ] . 1970년대까지 일정한 지위를 차지했지만, 포스트모던의 다면적인 연구가 진행된 1980년대 이후에는 반론의견이 잇따랐다[2 ] .
「천황제 파시즘」 또는 「일본 파시즘」이라는 표현이 사용된 것은 주로 제2차 세계대전 종결 후부터 이다 . 일본 파시즘 연맹은 소규모 정당이었다. 신체제운동 은 유럽의 파시즘운동의 영향을 받아 대정익찬회로 이어 졌지만, 천황 의 가려움 을 내건 것으로 일당 독재를 내건 것은 아니었다. 고래 울조는 1931년에 이탈리아, 프랑스, 독일, 영국, 러시아를 돌고, 1932년에 「패셔인가 공산주의인가」라고 하는 강연을 실시하고 있어, 1933년에 강연록이 발행되었다[3 ] . 이 강연 중, 소련의 공산주의 즉 무산계급에 의한 이기주의의 실패와 영국, 이탈리아, 독일에 있어서의 패셔(결속)의 대두를 끌어, “패셔는 계급적인 이기주의에 대한 탄압이며, 국민경제의 통일과 계급의 조화를 이루는 것이라고 이렇게 말할 수 있다” “유럽은 무산계급의 이기주의, 즉 세계대전 이후 노동자의 세력, 무산계급의 세력이 너무 강해져 자본 이에 반동적으로 일어난 것은 오늘날의 패셔 운동이다.그런 의미에서 패셔는 계급적 이기주의에 대해 국민 본위의 정치, 즉 전체주의를 주장한다. 계급의 이익만을 계측하면, 나라의 빈곤이 되어, 노동계급 그 자체도, 마침내 의식의 결핍을 온다는 사실을, 우리들은의 러시아에서 현실에 본다 그렇다고 말한다 [3]。
1932년의 5·15사건 후, 쇼와 천황 은 개양인 총리의 후계 추천을 실시하는 원로 서원사 공망 에 대해, 「 패셔 에 가까운 사람은 절대로 불가능하다」라고 요망을 말했다 [4] .
1932년 10월, 오가사와라 장생 은 저서 「쇼와 대암살사」에서 다음과 같이 말했다.
각국에는 각국의 국정에 따른 파시즘이 생겨야 한다. 즉, 일본에서는 일본화된 패셔가 태어나는(중략) 세계적으로 칭해지고 있는 패셔가 일본의 무사도에 의해 쫓겨난 것이어야 한다.— '쇼와대암살사' 서문, 요시야마보, 1932년 10월
1946 년 마루야마 마사오 는 "초국가주의 논리와 심리" [5] 에서 "파시즘"을 "반혁명의 가장 날카로운 가장 전투적인 형태"로 정의하고 [6] 이탈리아와 독일의 파시즘은 의회제 사회하의 대중운동에 의한 「아래로부터의 파시즘」이었지만, 일본의 파시즘은 군부나 관료에 의한 「위로부터의 파시즘」이었다고 했다[1 ] . 이 「일본 파시즘론」은 널리 영향을 주고, 특히 1940년대부터 1970년대에 유사 또는 관련한 견해가 많이 등장했다[7][8] [ 9 ] .
또한 "파시즘"이라는 용어나 개념의 정의나 범위에는 다수의 논의가 있으며, 학술적인 합의는 없다.
제1단계는 준비기로, 딱 세계대전이 끝난 무렵부터 만주 사변경에 이르는 시기를 「민간에 있어서의 우익운동의 시대」라고 해도 좋고, 연대라고 하면 다이쇼 8년(1919년 )・9년( 1920년 )부터 쇼와 6년( 1931년 )경까지.
제2단계는 성숙기로 만주사변 전후부터 2·26사건에 이르는 시기로 전기의 운동이 군부세력의 일부와 결탁하여 파시즘운동의 추진력이 되어 서서히 국정의 중심을 차지하게 되는 단계·과정이다. 또한 3월 사건 , 금기 사건 [10] , 혈맹단 사건 , 5·15 사건 , 신병 사건 , 사관학교 사건 , 아이자와 사건 , 그리고 2·26 사건 등에 이르는 패셔의 테러리즘이 잇달아 발발했다 시기이다. 연대적으로 말하면 쇼와 6년(1931년)경부터 쇼와 11년( 1936년 )에 이른다.
제3기는 일본 파시즘의 완성 시기로 관료·중신 등의 반봉건적 세력과 독점자본과 부르주아 정당과의 사이에 군부가 위에서 드러나는 담당자로서 불충분하면서도 연합 지배 체제를 만들어 한 시기이다. 연대적으로 말하면 쇼와 11년(1936년)의 2·26사건 이후 숙군의 시대부터 쇼와 20년(1945년)의 패전까지이다 [ 11 ] .
제2차 세계대전 종결까지 일본의 사회나 체제를 '천황제 파시즘' 또는 '일본 파시즘'으로 간주할지 여부는 긍정론과 부정론이 존재한다.
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