Contents
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS........... iii
NOTES ON TRANSLITERATION........................... iv
INTRODUCTION.................................. 1
I. Genealogy of Studying Ibn Arabī: Scholarly Methodology......... 7
1. Muslim Scholars........................................................ 7
2. Pioneers of Islamic Studies........................................ 15
II. The Divine Names in the Oneness of Existence.... 20
1. The Historical Development of the Concept of tajallī (self-disclosure) in Sufism
2. The Concept of tajallī in the Oneness of Existence....... 23
3. Kāshānī’s Introduction to the Divine Names..... 29
III. The Self-disclosure of Existence in Ibn Arabī’s Theory of the Divine Names34
1. The Divine Mercy and Its Presence............ 35
2. The Lord as a Divine Name and Its Divine Presence......... 42
3. The Presence of the Divine Names in the Perfect Man............. 48
IV. The Perfect Man as a Spiritual Authority............... 53
1. The Position of the caliph in Fuṣūṣal-ḥikam
2. Muḥammad and the Metaphysical Foundation of the Perfect Man............. 59
3. Human Perfection through Sainthood: the Heirs of the Prophet......... 63
Conclusion......................... 69
The
American University in Cairo
School of Humanities and Social Sciences
THE DIVINE NAMES
IN
IBNʿARABĪ’S THEORY OF
THE ONENESS OF EXISTENCE
A Thesis Submitted to
The Department of Arab and Islamic
Civilizations
For the Degree of Master
of Arts
By
MAKOTO SAWAI
Under the Supervision of Dr. Saiyad Nizamuddin Ahmad
September/2014
The
American University in Cairo
THE DIVINE NAMES
IN
IBNʿARABĪ’S THEORY OF
THE ONENESS OF EXISTENCE
A Thesis
Submitted by
MAKOTO
SAWAI
To the
Department
September/2014
In partial
fulfillment of the requirements for
The degree
of Master of Arts
Has been
approved by
Dr. Saiyad Nizamuddin Ahmad
Thesis Committee
Advisor____________________________________________
Affiliation: Assistant
Professor, The Department of Arab and Islamic Civilizations,
American
University in Cairo
Dr. Adam Talib
Thesis Committee
Reader____________________________________________
Affiliation: Assistant
Professor, The Department of Arab and Islamic Civilizations,
American
University in Cairo
Dr. ʿAbd al-Rahman Salem
Thesis Committee Reader____________________________________________
Affiliation: Associate
Professor, The Department of Islamic History, Cairo University
__________________
__________
__________________
____________
Dept. Chair Date Dean of HUSS Date
Contents
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS................................................. iii
NOTES ON TRANSLITERATION....................................... iv
INTRODUCTION
.................................................................................................................................
1
I.
Genealogy of Studying Ibn
ʿArabī: Scholarly Methodology
................................................... 7
1. Muslim Scholars .......................................................................................................................
7
2. Pioneers of Islamic Studies
..................................................................................................
15
II. The Divine Names in the Oneness of Existence
.................................................................... 20
1. The Historical Development of the Concept of tajallī (self-disclosure) in Sufism ..........
20
2. The Concept of tajallī in
the Oneness of Existence
........................................................... 23
3. Kāshānī’s Introduction to the Divine Names.....................................................................
29
III. The Self-disclosure of Existence in Ibn ʿArabī’s
Theory of the Divine Names ............... 34
1. The Divine Mercy and Its Presence
.....................................................................................
35
2. The Lord as a Divine Name and Its Divine Presence
........................................................ 42
3. The Presence of the Divine Names in the Perfect Man
.................................................... 48
IV. The Perfect Man as a Spiritual Authority
............................................................................ 53
1. The Position of the caliph in Fuṣūṣ
al-ḥikam
...................................................................... 54
2. Muḥammad and the Metaphysical Foundation of the Perfect Man
.............................. 59
3. Human Perfection through Sainthood: the Heirs of the Prophet
.................................. 63
Conclusion .......................................................................................................................................
69
Appendix
I: The Distribution Chart of tajallī in Laṭāʾif al-iʿlām fī ishārāt ahl
al-ilhām ...... 71
Appendix II: The List of the Divine Names in
the Works of Islamic Thought .............................. 72
Bibliography ....................................................................................................................................
79
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to
express my deepest appreciation to my thesis committee chair, Dr. Saiyad
Nizamuddin Ahmad, who has guided me to this new academic sphere of Islamic
philosophy. I received much intellectual stimulation through discussion with
him in the classroom and private study. Without his sincere guidance, this
thesis would not have been possible. I would like to thank my committee members, Dr.
Adam Talib and Dr. ʿAbd al-Rahman Salem. Their academic advice is one of the
most beneficial in my studies at the American University in Cairo, and it has
meant that they have needed to spare much time for me. Thanks to their academic
advice, I could go forward towards a higher level of study. In addition,
Professor Dr. Steffen Stelzer, Chair of the department of Philosophy, and his
wife Dr. Sanaa Makhlouf have given me many academic suggestions as well as supported
my academic life in Cairo. Dr. Catarina Belo and Dr. Jason Blum, faculty
members of the department of Philosophy, offered suggestions to me through
discussions about Islamic thought. All their scholarship and encouragement will
be the treasures in my academic life.
Professor Iwayumu Suzuki, Chair of
the department of Religious Studies in Tohoku University kindly continues to
encourage me to study abroad, and he supports me in Japan.
Professor Shigeru Kamada of the Institute
for Advanced Studies on Asia in the University of Tokyo has directed me from
the time I started to study Islam. I thank both my research instructors in
Religious Studies and Islamic Studies.
Furthermore, I am grateful for the
financial support from the Tenrikyo Ichiretsukai Foundation and the University
fellowship from the American University in Cairo, which supported my two-year
course of studying and research. Moreover, I am grateful to Ms. Maggie Daoud,
Ms. Marwa Sabry, and Ms. Noha Shawky, and their wonderful arrangements whenever
I go to the department office. Michael Stark, my dear friend, was willing to
read and check my thesis.
Lastly, I am also thankful to my
parents who encouraged me and prayed for me throughout the time of my
research.
Finally yet importantly, this
thesis is heartily dedicated to the people whom I mention above, and all others
who support what I am.
NOTES ON TRANSLITERATION
The English transliteration in this thesis
is based mainly on the system of the International
Journal of Middle East Studies (IJMES).
The exception to this is that tā’ marbūṭah (ة)
in idāfah is rendered as t, and the final tā’ marbūṭah is represented as h
(e.g. ḥaqīqah Muḥammadiyyah).
b |
|
|
꞊ |
|
ب |
z |
|
꞊ |
|
ز |
f |
꞊ |
|
ف |
t |
|
|
꞊ |
|
ت |
s |
|
꞊ |
|
س |
q |
꞊ |
|
ق |
th |
|
|
꞊ |
|
ث |
sh |
|
꞊ |
|
ش |
k |
꞊ |
|
ك |
j |
|
|
꞊ |
|
ج |
ṣ |
|
꞊ |
|
ص |
l |
꞊ |
|
ل |
ḥ |
|
|
꞊ |
|
ح |
ḍ |
|
꞊ |
|
ض |
m |
꞊ |
|
م |
kh |
|
|
꞊ |
|
خ |
ṭ |
|
꞊ |
|
ط |
n |
꞊ |
|
ن |
d |
|
|
꞊ |
|
د |
ẓ |
|
꞊ |
|
ظ |
h |
꞊ |
|
ه |
dh |
|
|
꞊ |
|
ذ |
ʿ |
|
꞊ |
|
ع |
w |
꞊ |
|
و |
r |
|
|
꞊ |
|
ر |
gh |
|
꞊ |
|
غ |
y |
꞊ |
|
ي |
Long ا or ىٰā
ū و
ī ي
Doubled ־ِ يiyy (final form ī )
־ُ
وuww (final form ū)
Diphthongs و aw
ى ay
Short ־َa
u ־ُ
i ־ِ
INTRODUCTION
The aim of this M.A. thesis is to elucidate the theory of the divine names in Islamic philosophy and mysticism (Sufism) according to Ibn ʿArabī’s theory of the Oneness of Existence. Muḥyī al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿAlī b. Muḥammad b. al-ʿArabī (d. 638/1240), commonly known as Ibn ʿArabī, is a great thinker in Islamic thought as well as the founder of the school of Waḥdat al-wujūd (Oneness of Existence). His masterpieces are Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam (The Bezels of Wisdom) and al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah (The Meccan Revelations) which are well known though he wrote many other works during his life.[1] Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam is a magnum opus in the intellectual history of Islam that has influenced the thinkers of posterity, especially Sufis, philosophers, Shiʿa scholars, as well as intellectuals in the contemporary world, whether Sunnī, Shīʿī, or non-Muslim. There have been many commentaries written on Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam by scholars of the Oneness of Existence (i.e. Ibn ʿArabīʼs school) and they continue to be written even to this day. This thesis will therefore look at this work mainly, because its influence on Islamic philosophy has been as significant as its secondary literature has been heterogeneous.
The divine names (asmāʾ Allāh al-ḥusnā), the main topic of
this thesis, function as one of the ways by which human beings, as limited
beings, know God who is the Creator.
These divine names are found in the Qurʾān: “The most
beautiful names belong to God: so call on him by them” (Q7:180).[2] Since God
has the most beautiful names, the gap between the Creator and the created comes
to be seen more clearly. Based on Ḥadīth that God has ninety-nine names, the
history and context of the adoption of the divine names has been discussed.[3] These
ninety-nine divine names selected from the Qurʾān represent divine attributes.
Though such names are based on the description of God in the Qurʾān, one should
recognize that the divine names are not limited but rather unlimited. Thus,
there are some differing opinions regarding the names of which Muslim scholars
ought to choose.
Based on the above-mentioned
background of the divine names in Islam, the present work will focus on the
theory of the divine names in the school of the Oneness of Existence. I would
like to focus especially on Fuṣūṣ
al-ḥikam written by Ibn ʿArabī and commentaries on it such as Sharḥ Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam (The Commentary of the Bezels of Wisdom)
by ʿAbd al-Razzāq al-Kāshānī (d. 730/1329), Dāwūd Qayṣarī (d. 751/1350), and
Nūr al-Dīn al-Jāmī (d. 892/1492).4
Overview of the Divine Names in Islamic Thought
In the intellectual history of Islam, the first
school that speculatively argued for the divine names is the Muʿtazili
theological group. They called themselves “the people of (divine) justice and
oneness” (ahl al-ʿadl wa-l-tawḥīd)
and claimed orthodoxy for themselves. With regard to the well known discussion
about the Muʿtazila, there is the theory of the createdness of the Qurʾān.
Muʿtazili theologians denied the general thought prevailing in Islamic
community by refuting the idea that the Qurʾān had been eternally with God from
the everlasting past. This debate is closely related to the question of the
nature of God, which follows the question of His attributes that are inherent
to God such as word (kalām) and power
(quwwah), and the divine names which
indicate the divine attributes.
Thereafter, the theme of the divine
names came to be treated in a sophisticated way in Islamic theology (ʿilm al-kalām) related to divine
attributes. In the theological group of the Ashʿariyyah, Abū al-Ḥasan
al-Ashʿarī (d. 324/935-6) discusses the divine names in order to clarify the
divine attributes in al-Ibānah ʿan uṣūl
al-diyānah (The Exposition of the
Religious Principles). Later, Abū al-Qāsim ʿAlī b. al-Ḥasan b. Hibat Allāh
Thiqat al-Dīn b. ʿAsākir (d.
571/1176), commonly known as Ibn
ʿAsākir, writes an apology of his theology in Tabyīn
Abū al-Ḥusayn Muslim, Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim, (Riyadh: Dār al-Salām
li-l-Nashr wa-l-Tawzīʿ, 000), p. 1167.
4 Concerning
the commentary of Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam,
some problems is pointed out about the commentary written by Muʾayyad al-Dīn
Jandī (690/1 91). The edition is published under the edition by Jalāl al-Dīn
Āshtiyānī (19 1-2005), but he could not finish his editorial process. One of
his students Ibrāhīmī Dīnānī did it instead of him so problems are found in the
edition. For this reason, we do not use it in our edition.
kadhib al-muftarī fī-mā nusiba ilā al-Imām Abū al-Ḥasan al-Ashʿarī (The Exposition of the Calumniator’s Deceit concerning what is Ascribed to the Imām Abū al-Ḥasan al-Ashʿarī).[4] In this period, the theological view of the divine names was linked with Sufism by means of the intellectual combination of the divine names between Ashʿarī theology and Sufism. Abū al-Qāsim al-Qushayrī (d. 418/1072) explains the divine names in Sharḥ Asmāʾ Allāh al-ḥusnā (The Commentary of the Most Beautiful Divine Names). Moreover, Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī (d. 505/1111) studies them in al-Maqṣad al-asnā fī sharḥ asmāʾ Allāh al-ḥusnā (The Most Brilliant Contemplation concerning the Commentary of the Most Beautiful Divine Names) and al-Iqtiṣād fi-l-iʿtiqād (The Moderation in Belief). Both are Sufis as well as theologians, and their theological speculation is based on their Sufism, and vice versa. Historically, the divine names are the topic of Islamic theology developed in a speculative attempt to seek God. In this sense, they distinguish the concept of name in general from that of the divine name. Ghazālī’s argument is philosophical and speculative so that the sophisticated controversy about the names themselves reaches a peak in the period of Ghazālī. The discussion of the divine names in Ashʿarī theology has had a great influence on Ibn ʿArabīʼs thought on the Oneness of Existence.
In the intellectual history of
Islamic mysticism (Sufism) and philosophy, Ibn ʿArabī and scholars in his
school developed a fusion between the idea of emanation (fayḍ) and the divine names. The former is ascribed to later
Platonism,[5] whereas
the latter is ascribed to the original source of the Qurʾān and Ḥadith, as well
as the relationship between Islamic theology and Sufism. The fundamental idea
which unites these various ideas together in Ibn ʿArabīʼs thought is the
Perfect Man (al-insān al-kāmil). In
other words, it is possible to say that the theory of the divine names also one
of the tools to discuss the aspect of human perfection. In the previous stage
of this discussion, there is a philosophical interrogative “What is a name?”
Ibn ʿArabī and the scholars of his school start from this question, and argue it by a synthesis of Greek philosophy and Islamic doctrine based on the Qurʾān and Ḥadīth. As we discuss in detail, for example, there is a verse which states that God taught Adam the names of all things (Q2:31). The organic fusion between later Platonism and Islamic ideas based on the Qurʾān and Ḥadīth leads to the idea in Oneness of Existence: “The Muḥammadan Reality” (al-ḥaqīqah al-Muḥammadiyyah) and the “Perfect Man”. In this sense, their discussion is regarded as one of the development of Platonism, as well as the new interpretations of the Qurʾān.
Sources
The above-mentioned Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam[6] and al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah[7] are the
primary sources upon which this research is based. I would like to analyze Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam in its entirety. At the
same time, this analysis is made sequentially by using commentaries written by
scholars on Ibn ʿArabī’s school of the Oneness of Existence. It is useful in
the academic study of Ibn ʿArabī to refer to those texts in order to understand
ambiguous words or phrases more clearly.[8]
In the case of Kāshānī’s Sharḥ Fuṣūṣ
al-ḥikam, for example, his commentary is regarded as the one which shows
the most straightforward understanding of Ibn ʿArabī’s ideas. The
characteristic feature of Kāshānīʼs commentary is that he tends to provide the
structure of the thought of Ibn ʿArabī. It is useful for the reader of his
commentary to understand the ideas of Ibn ʿArabī, but it also has a potential
problem: Kāshānīʼs explanation may possibly over simplify the ideas of
Ibn ʿArabī. This means that Kāshānī clarifies what
Ibn ʿArabī often leaves ambiguous. Thus, one must compare Kāshānī with others
in order to avoid this problem, and to show the different interpretations of
the same original text.
Concerning al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah, I have used the
first edited work published in 1876 at Cairo as the main text,10
referring to the manuscript under the name al-Fath
al-makki in Evkaf Müzesi (No. 1845-1876, 4750 folios), and other previous
publications. In the analysis of al-Futūḥāt
al-makkiyyah, I would like to restrict my analysis to the divine names (the
558th chapter).11
Moreover, there are some Arabic
sources for comprehensive analysis in this thesis: glossaries of technical
terms such as Kāshānī’s Iṣṭīlāḥāt
al-ṣūfiyyah (The Glossary of Sufism).
This work is a well known glossary
for the novice of the Sufi path and Islamic philosophy. As
Kāshānī is good at summarizing the essence of Ibn
ʿArabī’s thought, he concisely defines the terminologies and ambiguous words in
the Sufi tradition. Moreover, I use Laṭāʾif
al-iʿlām fī ishārāt ahl al-ilhām (The
Subtleties of Notification in the Signs of People of Inspiration) as a
complement to Kashānī’s work.12 This work has more technical terms
and detailed explanation than Iṣṭīlāḥāt
al-ṣūfiyyah so it can help in gaining a clearer understanding of the
terminology. In spite of this advantage, previous scholars of Islamic studies
have not used the latter work because of the unavailability of it. This MA
thesis treats both works, which are useful for understanding the definition of
“name” in the theory of the Oneness of Existence. In
10
Concerning the main text in the analysis, we should
bear in mind that there are at least two versions published though the same
printed matters are used. This is because the numbers of index before the main
text are different in both versions.
11
Ibn ʿArabī, al-Futūḥāt
al-makkiyyah (vol. ), ( airo: Dār
al- ibāʿah, 1876), pp. 215-421. 12 Though this work is published
under the name of Kāshānī, it is not sure that the work is his. This lexicon is
attributed to Kāshānī in the critical edition by Majīd Hādīʿ Zādah. As Bakri
Aladdin points out, however, there are some candidate authors of the book: Kāshānī,
Qūnawī, and Saʿīd al-Farghānī (d. 700/1300). Brockelman attributes the
authorship to Kāshānī and Qūnawī. In the critical edition of Wujūd al-ḥaqq written by ʿAbd al-Ghānī
al-Nābulsī (d. 11 3/1731), Aladdin claims that Farghānī is the author of Laṭāʾif
al-iʿlām fi-l-ishārāt ahl al-ilhām. He reaches this idea based on the
manuscript survey in the library of Istanbul. In addition to it, the
description of wujūd in Farghānī’s
commentary to Muntahā al-madārik (the
commentary to Taiyya al-kubra) is the
same as that about wujūd in Laṭāʾif
al-iʿlām fī al-ishārāt ahl al-ilhām though there are some minor
differences.
ʿAbd
al-Ghānī al-Nābulsī, al-Wujūd al-ḥaqq,
ed. Bakri Aladdin, (Damascus: Institut Français de Damas, 1995), pp. 40-41.
In the Subject-Guide to the Arabic Manuscripts in the British Library,
however, this work is traced to
Kāshānī and of anonymous author.
Aladdin’s proof that the author of the work is Farhānī is not valid. However,
there is no stable proof that the author is Kāshānī, so this thesis deals with Laṭāʾif al-iʿlām fī ishārāt ahl al-ilhām
in order to understand the meaning of the technical term more clearly.
The British
Library Oriental and India Office Collections, Subject-Guide to the Arabic Manuscripts in the British Library, ed.
C. F. Baker (London: British Library, 2001),
p. 165 & p. 172.
addition to them, Kitāb
al-Lumaʿ fi-l-taṣawwuf (The Book of
Flashes in Sufism) by Abū Naṣr ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAlī Sarrāj (d. 378/988), and al-Risālah al-Qushayriyyah by Qushayrī
also have an important role as Sufi dictionaries. They also help us to
understand how Sufi terminology is defined and how it changed gradually in a
historical transition from classical Sufism to philosophical Sufism. Such
dictionaries of Sufism will allow us to understand the historical transition of
Sufi terminology such as tajallī (self-disclosure).
At the same time, usage of such dictionaries will make the background of the
Oneness of Existence better known, and will facilitate deeper analysis of the
concept.
I. Genealogy of Studying Ibn ʿArabī: Scholarly Methodology
Ibn ʿArabī has almost always been the center of
controversy in Sufism even during his lifetime in the thirteenth century. After
his death, people who followed his ideas or admired him came to call him by the
honorific titles of Muḥyī al-Dīn (the
Revivifier of the Religion), or al-Shaykh
al-Akbar (the Greatest Master). On the other hand, some who criticized him
harshly came to call him the derogatory title of Mumīt al-Dīn (the Killer of the Religion). These two perspectives
on Ibn ʿArabī show that there has been a big gap with regard to the evaluation
of his thought.
1. Muslim Scholars
Islamic mysticism or Sufism called taṣawwuf has been controversial from the
formative period to the present. This movement of seeking spiritual knowledge
of Islam started in Baghdad in the Abbasid period in the 9th century[9], and
rapidly spread in Muslim society together with saint (walī, pl. awliyā’)
veneration. The reason for which Sufism was accepted by the masses is that it
offers a “dynamic” understanding of Islam through physical practice and
mystical experience. It is natural to contrast Sufi practice to Islamic law or
speculative theology, which was limited to intellectuals. Sufism thus had a
significant role in revitalizing the spiritual dimension of Islam.
At the same time, however, such
spirituality was always likely to be persecuted and regarded as heretical. This
is because the act of being a Sufi is not in accordance with Islamic law, or
their “intoxicated” expressions are viewed as blasphemy against God. Abū
al-Mughīth al-Ḥusayn b. Manṣūr b. Maḥammā al-Bayḍāwī al-Ḥallāj (d. 309/922) is
a noted example of a persecuted Sufi as he was executed for his famous words “I
am the Truth” (anā al-ḥaqq). The
opponent of Sufism thinks that this phrase is a blatant claim of divine status,
which is strictly forbidden in Islamic doctrine. In the period after him, Sufi
mystics were always in an awkward position because of the “aftereffect” of
Ḥallāj. After him, some people who discussed Sufism classified Ibn ʿArabī as an
heir of this disputed position in Sufism. Thus, the illustration of Ibn ʿArabī
depends on how a speaker or writer describes him in terms of his or her own
religious view.
Muḥammad b. Saʿīd b. Muḥammad b.
al-Dubaythī (d. 637/1239) described Ibn ʿArabī in al-Mukhtaṣar al-muḥtāj ilay-hi (The
Short Excerpt which is Needed), which is his biographical dictionary (ṭabaqāt).
This work is named like this because it is an excerpt from his History of Baghdad (Tārīkh Baghdād) for his own usage. Subsequently, Muḥammad b.
ʿUthmān al-Dhahabī (d. 748/1348)[10], an
outstanding Iraqi historian, compiled his biographical dictionary under the
title of al-Mukhtaṣar al-muḥtāj ilay-hi
min Tārīkh Abī ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad ibn Saʿīd ibn Muḥammad Ibn al-Dubaythī (The Short Excerpt which is Needed from the
History of Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. Saʿīd b. Muḥammad b. al-Dubaythī). In
spite of the fact that Dhahabī surely read the work written by Ibn Dubaythī, he
depicted Ibn ʿArabī differently in Mizān
al-iʿtidāl fī naqd al-rijāl, which is his own biographical dictionary.
Thus, I would like to consider both
contrasting descriptions related to the same specific person.
Muḥammad
b. ʿAlī b. Muḥammad Ibn al-ʿArabī Abū ʿAbd Allah al-Maghribī: He visited Baghdad in 608 A.H. [11] The one
who gives him victorious position is the way of people of the Reality (ahl al-ḥaqīqah)[12],
and he has involved in [spiritual] practice and dedication. He had companions
and followers. I am acquainted with the group. Indeed, he had dreams, and I
read about him in Baghdad: “He (Ibn ʿArabī) narrated you, that is, Muḥammad b.
Qāsim b. ʿAbd al-Karīm al-Fāsī, al-Salafī, al-Qāsim b. al-Faḍl, and Muḥammad b.
al-Ḥusayn al-Sulamī.[13] Then, I
heard Abū ʿAlī al-Shabawī says, “I (Ibn ʿArabī) met the apostle of God
[Muḥammad] in a dream. I said [to the prophet Muḥammad]. “God quoted about you
(in the Qurʾān),” but you
said, “[Sūrat] Hūd turned my hair white, and what is
that he turned your hair?”18 God said in His word, “So stand you
firm [in the straight path] as you are commanded” (istaqim ka-mā umirta, Q11:112). Ibn ʿArabī said, “Because He orders
in view of what there has never been [mysterious] knowledge through His
occurrence (bi-wuqūʿ-hi), so the
Commissioner (al-maʾmūr) is on the
fear.” (I [Ibn al-Dubaythī] said, Ibn ʿArabī died in 638 A.H., and he has an
explanation of complement and insult). 19
The narrative in his explanation is descriptive and
sympathetic to Ibn ʿArabī. According to Ibn Dubaythī, Ibn ʿArabī had much
influence even on people in Baghdad which is the birthplace, in the narrow
sense, of Sufism. Those who follow his spiritual way are called “people of the
Reality.” This phrase is mainly used in the context of Sufism, and users of the
phrase intend to show its validity. In his understanding, Ibn ʿArabī is the
master of the spiritual path of Islam, as he created the group and was later
followed by many people.
Furthermore, there is the
explanation about the spiritual dream in which Ibn ʿArabī meets the prophet
Muḥammad. Ibn ʿArabī asks Muḥammad about the interpretation of a verse of the
Qurʾan and the tradition of the Ḥadīth. Concerning the steadfastness (istiqamah) of belief, God orders humans
in the Qurʾān to stand firmly and straightly. That verse just mentions that God
ordered “you.” However, Muḥammad understands that Hūd is the person to the
divine order because the divine order is executed in Hūdʼs story in the Qurʾān.
Such Muḥammadʼs understanding is recorded in a Ḥadīth transmitted by Ibn
ʿAbbās, which describes the reason for the descent of divine revelation (asbāb al-nuzūl) in Ḥadith. According to
him, God gave this verse when Muḥammad said that the chapter of Hūd in the
Qurʾān is so difficult that the difficulty makes his hair white. However, Ibn
ʿArabī questioned whether the person whom God orders to fix the belief is
Muḥammad himself. His description requires the
18
Tirmidhī, al-Jāmiʿ
al-saḥīḥ wa-huwa Sunan al-Tirmidhī (vol.
), ed. Ibrāhīm ʿAṭwah ʿAwaḍ, (Cairo: Musṭafā al-Bābī al-Ḥalabī, 1975),
pp. 0 -403.
19
Ibn al-Dubaythī (al-Dhahabī), al-Mukhtaṣar al-muḥtāj ilayhi min Tārīkh Abī ʿAbd Allāh
Muḥammad
ibn Saʿīd ibn Muḥammad ibn al-Dubaythī / intiqāʾ Muḥammad ibn Aḥmad ibn ʿUthmān
al-Dhahabī ; wa-fīhi ziyādat fawāʾid fī al-tarājim lahu wa-li-shuyūkh ākharīn ;
ʿuniya bi-taḥqīqi-hi wa-al-taʿlīq ʿalayhi wa-nashrihi Muṣṭafá Jawād (vol. 2),
(Baghdad: Maṭbaʿat al-Zamān, 196?), pp. 102-103.
In the
later period, Shihāb al-Dīn Abu al-Faḍl Aḥmad b. Nūr al-Dīn ʿAlī b. Muḥammad
Ibn Ḥajar (d. 852/1449) quoted Ibn al-Dubaythī’s description, but that version
is shorter and simplified. I also refer to his Arabic text for textual
criticism.
Ibn Hajar, Lisān al-mīzān, eds. ʿAbd al-Fattāḥ Abū
Ghuddah and Salmān ʿAbd al-Fattaḥ Abū Ghuddah (Beirut: al- ibāʿah wa-l-Nashr
wa-l-Tawzīʿ 2002), pp. 394-395.
background of the Qurʾan and Ḥadīth. In fact, thus,
Ibn Dubaythī read the article related to Ibn ʿArabī.
In spite of this information which
was provided by Ibn Dubaythī, Dhahabī and other later scholars did not refer to
his attitude. Dhahabī (d. 748/1348 or 753/1352) was Syrian a historian as well
as a theological scholar who belonged to the Shāfiʿī School.[14] He wrote many works which influenced
later scholars like Ibn Kathīr (d. 774/1373). In Mizān al-iʿtidāl, his biographical dictionary, his fundamental view
of Ibn ʿArabī is critical. In order to understand the perspective of Dhahabī,
it is necessary to mention the name of Taqī al-Dīn Aḥmad Ibn Taymiyyah (d.
728/1328). He was a Muslim scholar belonging to the Ḥanbalī School and well
known as the figure who criticized Sufism. He did not necessarily attack the
idea of Sufism, but the thought of Ibn ʿArabī. Ibn Taymiyyah regarded it not as
Sufi, but as heretical, as summarized by the phrase “people of the heresy and
freethinking” (ahl al-bidʿ wa-l-zandaqah).[15][16] This is
an opposite of Ibn Dubaythīʼs “people of the Reality.” Dhahabī is categorized
in the genealogy of Ibn Taymiyyah with such a negative attitude to Ibn ʿArabī.[17]
Muḥammad
b. ʿAlī b. Muḥammad al-Ḥātimī al- āʾī al-Andalsī (Ibn ʿArabī): The author of Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam.
He
died in [6]38 A.H. […] He (Ibn Daqīq) says, “I heard from our master Abū
Muḥammad b. ʿAbd al-Salām al-Sulamī.” He says, “We
mentioned about Abū ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿArabī (Ibn ʿArabī).” Then, Sulamī said, “He
(Ibn ʿArabī) is the master of deceitful evil (shaykh sūʾ kadhdhāb).” So, I said to him, “[Is he] deceitful, too?”
He said, “Yes, we studied together in Damascus about the marriage into jinn.”
He said, “this is impossible because human is unclosed body (jism kashīf) and jinn is subtle spirit (rūḥ laṭīf). He cannot treat the
unclosing body of subtle spirit (al-jism
al-kashīf al-rūḥ al-laṭīf). Then, after short time, I saw him and he has
cracking skull (shajjah).”
He
(Ibn ʿArabī) said, “I married a female jinn and I was bestowed three children.
One
day, it happens that I made her angry. So she hit me
with bone, with which I got [my] this cracking skull. I ran away, then I did
not see her after this [accident]” […]
[His]
literary works are classified into philosophical Sufism (taṣawwuf al-falāsifah), and people of the Oneness (ahl al-waḥdah). He said about forbidden
things (ashyāʾ munkarah): their
thought is from the sect of deviation and freethinking (murūq wa-zandaqah). [In one hand, someone says that] their thought
is from the sect of the subtle knowledge (ishārāt
al-ʿārifīn) and symbols of the spiritual path (rumūz al-sālikīn). And [on the other hand, someone says that] their
thought is from the sect of obscure word (mutashābih
al-qawwal). Its surface meaning is unbelief (kufr) and error
(ḍalāl),
[whereas] its hidden meaning is Truth (ḥaqq)
and mysterious knowledge (ʿirfān).
His thought is right in himself in his big position.
Others
say [differently] that Ibn ʿArabī said this kind of false and error. One who
said that indeed he died in that situation. Appearance to them about what he is
that he came back and turned repentantly to God. If he had been the knower of
the words of successor [of the prophet Muḥammad] (al-āthār) and prophetic tradition (al-sunan), he would have been strong copartner of sciences.
Concerning my utterance, it is conceivable that he belongs to the sainthood of
God (awliyāʾ Allāh), to which the
Real gravitated him until their death besides him, and he died with the bless.
As to his saying, one who understands and knows him on the basic methods of
oneness
(al-ittiḥādiyyah) and the knowledge reducing the value of such
people [of Oneness].[18] Comparing
Ibn Dubaythīʼs explanation, Dhahabīʼs one is a basically negative view of Ibn
ʿArabī although he acknowledges that he is a talented thinker. Phrases like
“master of deceitful evil” are other derogatory titles. However, his
understanding of Ibn ʿArabī and Sufi tradition are accurate insomuch as he is a
theologian. Moreover, he says that Ibn ʿArabī is “the one person of two men” (aḥad rajulayn) because he is the person
who belongs to the “oneness in the hidden,” and who belongs to “believers of
God who think that this faith is the most unfaithful of unfaith.”[19] In this
meaning, he realises that Ibn ʿArabi is a controversial thinker. Dhahabī
quotes an anecdote which apparently shows the heretical character of Ibn
ʿArabī. Mysterious marriage with female jinn is popular in the tradition of
Sufism in view of the spiritual connection between Sufis and jinn. However, the
content picked up by Dhahabī is scandalous and slanderous.
Moreover, it is significant that
the category of “philosophical Sufism” was already used in Dhahabī’s period.
This category has had much influence in contemporary debates about classifying
Sufism.[20] As he
understands the contrast between the outer meaning (ẓāhir) and the hidden one (bāṭin),
Dhahabī does not accept the idea by referring to his opponents. In spite of
such controversy, he says that Ibn ʿArabī could be regarded as a saint of
God.
In the later period, Shihāb al-Dīn
Abu al-Faḍl Aḥmad b. Nūr al-Dīn ʿAlī b. Muḥammad Ibn Ḥajar (d. 852/1449), who
was a Ḥadīth scholar, judge, and historian in Egypt, summarized the previous
descriptions of Ibn ʿArabī in his biographical dictionary. He stressed how the
thought of Ibn ʿArabī was distorted by historians; at the same time, it shows
how the perspective which the historian has influenced the previous narratives.
In the beginning of his explanation, Ibn Ḥajar quotes the whole description in
Dhahabī’s Mīzān al-iʿtidāl, and puts
his comment just after it.
Indeed,
people of his age mistook about al-Muḥyī [al-Dīn] b. ʿArabī. Ibn Najjār states
him in The Appendix of History of Baghdad
(Dhayl taʾrīkh Baghdād), Ibn
Nuqtah [states about him] in The
Supplement of the Perfection (Takmilat
al-ikmāl), Ibn al-ʿAdīm [states about him] in The History of Aleppo (Taʾrīkh
Ḥalb), and al-Zakī al-Mundhirī [states about him] in The Death Records (al-Wafayāh).
I did not see in their words stopping [their] criticism of his faith, as if
they do not know his [true] faith,
or as if his work, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, is not famous. Yes, Ibn Nuqtah said, “his poetry (shiʿru-hu) does not amaze me.”[21]
By collecting previous biographical dictionaries, Ibn
Hajar refutes some negative descriptions related to Ibn ʿArabī that do not
represent what he was like during his lifetime. In other words, their opinion
is not valid because opponents criticize Ibn ʿArabī even though they were not
his contemporaries. In contrast with this negative information, he provides
other information, which is that there are positive explanations that “he is
excellent in the knowledge of Sufism,”27 and “he is the greatest
scholar of the [spiritual] way.”[22] Thus, Ibn
Ḥajar’s biographical explanation tries to balance between a positive
perspective and a negative one. It can be said that it is a sort of apology by
Ibn ʿArabī’s followers.
ʿAbd al-Wahhāb b. Aḥmad b. ʿAlī
al-Shaʿrānī (d. 973/1565) was one of the most representative scholars who
defended the thought of Ibn ʿArabī as a scholar in the school of the Oneness of
Existence. He was an Egyptian scholar and a Sufi. Again, he was a prolific
writer who discussed various topics from the history of Sufism to Islamic
jurisprudence.29 He wrote The
Red Sulfur (al-Kibrīt al-aḥmar)
which discusses the truth of Ibn ʿArabī’s thought, and al-Yawāqit wa-l-jawāhir (The
Rubies and the Gems). In these meanings, his explanation of
Ibn ʿArabi gives him great respect. Shaʿrānī
decorates his master with honorable words like “the expert,” “the perfect,”
“the investigator,” “one of the greatest experts on God,” “the honorific title
of “Sayyid”, “the revivifier of religion.”
[It
is] with characterization just as [Ibn ʿArabīʼs] opinion is through the
sentences in The Lineage of the Patched
Cloak (Kitāb Nasab al-khirqah)[23]. The
investigators belonging to people of God (ahl
Allāh) agree with his majesty in well known knowledge, just as his work
testifies. What makes him reject is just his short word without doubt. So, they
reject the one who gets his words without active way of
[spiritual]
exercise in real. One who is afraid of suspicious achievement in his doctrine
is dead there, and is not realizing the intension of
the master [Ibn ʿArabī] because of their own interpretation. Master Ṣafīy
al-Dīn b. Abī al-Manṣūr wrote his biographical statement. [According to him],
no one has the great friendship of God (al-walāyah
al-kubrā), the honesty (al-ṣalāḥ),
the spiritual knowledge (al-ʿirfān),
and the knowledge (al-ʿilm).[24]
Shaʿrānī notices that there are some who criticize
Ibn ʿArabī. According to Shaʿrānī, thus, it means that his teaching itself does
not provide a cause of criticism. Rather, this is because critics can neither
follow the spiritual way with practice, nor they do not comprehend the meaning
of Ibn ʿArabīʼs words due to their individual interpretations. As Shaʿrānī
explains, Ibn ʿArabī has a brilliant role in spiritual Islam, and sits in the
loftiest place in proximity to God. In this explanation, some flourishing words
are used to decorate his position. Shaʿrānī appraises his great master without
criticism. He adds an explanation of the objective evaluation of Ibn ʿArabī.
Ibn
ʿArabī (may God bless him) first wrote treatises to some Arab kings. Then, they
were refused [by some kings] and accepted [by the others]. Then he traveled and
entered Egypt, Shām, Hijāz, and Anatolia. Whenever he entered each country, he
wrote essays. Shaykh ʿIzz al-Dīn b. ʿAbd al-Salām[25]
and Shaykh al-Islam in Cairo[26] made a
stop with him for a long time. When Shaykh Abu al-Ḥasan al-Shādhilī[27] (may God
bless him) became his companion and knew the conditions of people, he
interprets him through friendship with God (walāyah),
spiritual knowledge (ʿirfān), and
polarity (qatabīyah). He (may God
praise him) died in 638 A.H. The word on his sciences drew us. The position of
it in our book [biographical dictionary by Shaʿrānī]
moves it away from ignorance about a drop from sea of
the sciences of divine friendship (ʿulūm
al-awliyāʾ). God, majesty, only knows.[28]
Ibn ʿArabī traveled to many Arab countries in his
lifetime. He sent his treatises which argue his ideas to kings in order to make
them accept his thought. As Shaʿrāni honestly states, not every authority
welcomed his ideas. Though Ibn ʿArabīʼs thought has been always been
controversial, he was an essential thinker in the history of Sufism. Amongst
Muslim scholars, oneʼs opinion of him as a Muslim demonstrates oneʼs position
to Sufism, whether it is positive or negative. Even representative opponents
like Ibn Taymiyyah do not deny the whole of Sufism, and one of Ibn ʿArabīʼs
famous defenders like Shaʿrānī carefully puts on hold the evaluation of Ibn
ʿArabī.
2. Pioneers of Islamic Studies
In comparison with the number of books on other Sufis
or Islamic intellectuals, there are more works available on Ibn ʿArabī. The
Muhyiddin Ibn ʿArabi Society was established in 1977 A.D., and the journal of
the society, The Journal of the Muhyiddin
Ibn ʿArabi Society, has been
published from 1982 A.D.. Academic study of this great thinker has been
developing progressively. The establishment of Ibn ʿArabi Society and
publication contribute to prevail of his name. Eminent scholars of Ibn ʿArabī
were educated in western countries or in a western academic style, whether they
are Muslim or non-Muslim. Their way of studying him is academic, so that they
can treat him objectively without any prejudice. In other words, they delay their
conclusion on his thought. This is different from the narration by Muslim
scholars because the modern scholarly perspective tries to be as objective as
possible. Rather, they positively try to find the meaning of his thought in the
intellectual thought of Islam though they would regard his thought as the most
outstanding of it. Thus, their academic efforts promote the study of Ibn
ʿArabī. Among the intellectuals like scholars and students of contemporary
Islam, they learn Ibn ʿArabī’s thought by importing the academic results into
the western world.[29]
Most researchers of Ibn ʿArabī’s
thought have referred to Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam or al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah as their
academic sources. In addition to these books, there are later commentaries on Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam written by disciples or
scholars in Ibn ʿArabī’s school: Kāshānī, Qayṣarī, Jīlī, Jāmī, and so on.
Technically speaking, studying Ibn ʿArabī’s texts is qualitatively different
from studying those of his adherents, or those who built on his ideas. Though
the scholars of Ibn ʿArabīʼs school basically follow the idea of Ibn ʿArabī,
their detail discussion is diversed in each of them. In spite of this characteristic,
the commentaries of the above-mentioned scholars explain the thought of Ibn
ʿArabīʼs thought in their words so that their works are also useful for
understanding the difficult idea of Ibn ʿArabī. When studying his thought,
researchers consider the thought of scholars in Ibn ʿArabī’s school since they
came to focus on later development, especially the concept of the Oneness of
Existence. One can speak of two methods of approaching the Oneness of
Existence in Ibn ʿArabī’s thought. One we might call the “metaphysical and
downward” way, and the other we might call the “corporeal and upward” way. The
former is related mainly to the emanations of Existence, whereas the latter is
mostly concerned with sainthood, spiritual practice, and legitimization of authority.
The divine name and the Perfect Man are located in the middle part of such two
ways. Moreover, the discussion about both acts as a bridge between
“metaphysical and downward” way and “corporeal and upward” way which are called
as “isthmus” (barzakh). Thus,
studying the divine names and the Perfect Man leads to comprehending all the
arguments of the Oneness of Existence.
On
Ibn ʿArabī’s theory of the divine names, Abū al-ʿAlā ʿAfīfī’s The Mystical
Philosophy of
Muḥyid Dīn-Ibnul [sic] ʿArabī
(1939) was a landmark study of the divine names. As Afīfī points out, the
divine names are “the clue to our knowledge of the categories
Izutsu gave lectures. With regard
to Islam specifically, Massignon and his disciple, Corbin, were invited in the
conference and gave lectures about Sufism. After publications on Ibn ʿArabī
by orbin and Izutsu, moreover, Ibn ʿArabī
was used as an example of the evidence for “perennial philosophy” or
“traditionalist” represented by René Guénon (1886-1951), Frithjof Schuon
(1907-1998), and Martin Lings (1909-2005).
According
to Webb, the “second-wave Sufism” in the United States originated in the 1960s.
This phrase is used by him to make an overview of Sufism in the United States.
This period was a time of discovering knowledge from the East like Yoga, Zen,
and Sufism. G. Webb, “Third-wave Sufism
in America and Bawa Muhauyadeen Fellowship,” eds. J. Malik and J.
Hinnells, Sufism in the West, (London and New York: Routledge, 2006), p. 88.
manifested in the spiritual and the physical worlds.”[30] He
mentions briefly the relationship between attributes and names that is the
theological legacy of Ashʿarism. The unique point in
Afifi’s discussion is that he points out that there
are two aspects of the divine names: active and passive. The former aspect is
called taḥaqquq: “each Name indicates
one or other of the infinite lines of activity of the One,”38 and
the latter one is called takhalluq,
which shows multiplicity manifested in the phenomenal world. The relationship
between the active aspect and the passive one is called taʿalluq.
In L’imagination créatrice dans le soufisme d’Ibn ʿArabi (1958), Henry
Corbin who is the pioneer of Shīʿa as well as Iranian studies in the West
centers his analysis on “the world of the idea-image” (ʿālam al-mithāl), which can be perceived only by way of
imagination. This world is located between the purely spiritual world and the
physical world which is perceived with senses. The divine name of Rabb is called “a special divine name”
(“un Nom divin particulier (ism khāss)”)[31][32] because
it shows the lordship of God and the subservience of humans. Furthermore,
Corbin who was the student of Louis Massignon studied Hallāj[33] and his
claim “anā al-ḥaqq,” meaning “I am
the Truth” or “I am secret of the Absolute,” in order to raise the example of
the self-disclosure of God.[34]
Among previous research, Toshihiko
Izutsu’s Sufism and Taoism (1983)
compares Sufism with the idea of the Way (Dao)
in Daoism. This work is one of the unique works for understanding Ibn ʿArabī’s Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam. He was the first scholar
to pose the question of the relationship between signifier and signified, or
the “question whether a Name (ism) is
or is not the same as the ‘object named’ (musammā)”,[35] which is
an important topic in Islamic theology.
Though he does not contribute a definite solution to
the problem, he proceeds to explain some of important points in the area of the
divine names such as “the names of the world” (asmāʾ al-ʿālam) and “the divine names” (al-asmāʾ al-ilāhiyyah). By using a clear framework for his
discussion of the divine names, Izutsu explains the role of the divine names in
Ibn ʿArabī’s thought. Furthermore, he attempts to realize the “meta-historical
dialogue,” comparing the thought of Ibn ʿArabī in Islam with the thought of
Lao-tsǔ in Taoism.
Concerning the theory of the
Perfect Man, it could legitimize one’s religious authority once one becomes the
Perfect Man. This is because his perfection reaches the level of apotheosis,
and his perfect position is as the heir to the prophets, especially Muḥammad.
It is possible to regard the theory of the Perfect Man as the result of Ibn
ʿArabī’s ideology or legitimization.[36]
Michael hodkiewicz’s Le sceau des saints: prophétie et sainteté dans la doctrine d’Ibn Arabi
(1986) is a masterpiece which offers a systematic study of sainthood (walāyah). Though apostleship (nubuwwah) has been sealed, sainthood has
not been sealed and will continue until the end of the world. Chodkiewicz deals
with the issue of how the apostleship originally traced to Muḥammad is
inherited by later Sufis by changing its name to sainthood.
In
“Ibn ʿArabī’s Theory of the Perfect Man and Its Place in the History of Islamic
Thought” (1987), Masataka Takeshita analyzes the
idea of the Imago Dei in Ḥadīth which
states that God created Adam in His image, and how this motif elucidates the
theory of the
Perfect Man in Ibn ʿArabī’s thought.[37] His
analysis focuses on how the term “the Perfect Man” (al-insān al-kāmil) in Fuṣūṣ
al-ḥikam is used and how the idea of sainthood in the history of Sufi
thought is treated. His discussion is highly significant because he traces the
process of becoming the Perfect man and having sainthood in the Sufi context,
like Abū ʿAbd Allāh al-Ḥakīm al-Tirmidhī (d. 318/936 or 320/938).
William C. Chittick was among the
first to focus on al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah,
which, owing to its length, is a difficult source to use. His The Sufi Path of Knowledge (1989)
focuses on al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah.
He categorizes Ibn ʿArabī’s work into several parts: Theology, Ontology,
Epistemology, Hermeneutics, and Soteriology. Though the important idea of the
Perfect Man is central to Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, Chittick’s work can have an important role in
supplementing Ibn ʿArabī’s thought. He analyzes his thought in the category of
Islamic sciences as well as in the downward and upward methods with regard to
the Oneness of Existence. Thus, there is analysis of spiritual practice
required to be the Perfect Man as well as a metaphysical argument of the
self-disclosure of Existence.
Tonaga Yasushi clarifies the
relationship between the emanations of Existence as the downward way and the
Perfect man as the upward way in Jīlī’s argument. He explains that there are
forty stages of Existence beginning from pure Existence, and tries to show how
the higher stages of it corresponds to Jīlī’s arguing six stages of
self-disclosure from the Essence of Divinity (al-dhāt al-ilāhiyyah): (1) Absolute Oneness (aḥadiyyah), (2) integrated
Unitedness (wāḥidiyyah),
(3) Mercifulness (raḥmāniyyah), (4)
Divineness (ulūhiyyah), (5) Lordship
(rubūbiyyah), and (6) Kingship (mālikiyyah).[38]
As Tonaga considers, Jīlī seeks to make the way that he maintains the sublimity
of God compatible with the way that man as the creature becomes the Perfect
Man.
Looking over the extant
scholarship, it is possible to say that the arguments about the divine names
and the Perfect Man are still not adequate inasmuch as more analysis is needed
with regard to what a name is and how such notions were important for Ibn
ʿArabī to construct his idea of the Perfect Man. The present M.A. thesis deals
with this hitherto relatively neglected issue.
II. The Divine Names in the Oneness of
Existence
In general, Islamic doctrine and sciences like
Islamic theology do not admit any level of existence more intense than God,
whereas Ibn ʿArabī suggests a higher level of existence that cannot be called
the divine persona of God. This pure Existence which is just called the Real (al-ḥaqq) does not have any limitation.
From this point, called “the hidden of the hidden” (ghayb al-ghayb), Existence discloses Itself [39]
as shown in the Ḥadīth Qudsī[40]: “I was
like a hidden treasure, and I loved to be known; so I created the world that I
might be known.”[41] Scholars
of the Oneness of Existence understand that Existence lets the lower existences
know about Itself through self-disclosure. This process is explained in the
structure of emanation (fayḍ) from
one to many. Sufism in the period prior to Ibn ʿArabī was not used to adopt
such kinds of explanation. In this point, consideration of the term tajallī (self-disclosure) in the
historical context of Sufism will bring more profound understanding the divine
names in the theory of Oneness of Existence.
1. The Historical
Development of the Concept of tajallī
(self-disclosure) in
Sufism
The concept of tajallī
(self-disclosure) in Sufism has not hitherto been an important word in the
discussion of early Sufism. Sufis describe their testimonial experience mainly
by using other key terms like annihilation (fanāʾ)
and subsistence (baqāʾ). Their way of
narrating has a high point through purification of the self, represented by
spiritual stations (maqāmāt) and
subtleties (laṭāʾif). It is possible
to say that analyzing the historical development of tajallī in Sufism helps us to understand how the Oneness of
Existence introduced a new ontological idea.
In Kitāb al-Lumaʿ fi-l-taṣawwuf (The
Book of Flashes in Sufism), Sarrāj (d. 378/988) explains that
self-disclosure is the advent of the Truth in the heart of humans is work is
one of the earliest glossaries of Sufism. Thus, it demonstrates the meaning of tajallī in the early period of Sufism,
and its usage in 9th century Baghdad.
Self-disclosure
(al-tajallī) is the brilliance of the
light of the advent of the Truth (ishrāq
anwār iqbāl al-ḥaqq) on the hearts of those who move toward (qulūb al-muqbilīn) it.
[Abū
al-Ḥasan] al-Nūrī (May God bless him) said that He discloses Himself to His
creatures (khalq) through His
creatures, and He conceals (istatara)
Himself from His creatures through His creatures.
Wāsiṭī
(May God bless him) said that in His Almighty word: “That is the Day of the
True Disclosure” (yawm al-taghābun,
Q64:9). He said that the True Disclosure of people of the Truth (ahl al-Ḥaqq) will be the extent of
[their] annihilation [of the self]
(maqādīr al-fanāʾ),
[their] vision [of God] (al-ruʾyah),
and His self-disclosure (al-tajallī)
[to them].
Nūrī
(May God bless on him) said that it is through His self-disclosure that all
that is beautiful is embellished and made handsome, and it is through His
self-concealment that the beautiful is made to seem ugly… It thus was said:
He
revealed Himself to his heart, by projecting therein from Himself a light;
Thus,
it was that the gloom sought the light.[42]
The points in his argument can be summarized in the
following three points in accordance with the beliefs of previous Sufis: (1)
the nature of disclosure, (2) disclosure in the Last day, and (3) disclosure as
light. First, divine disclosure is through Godʼs creatures, so is divine concealment.
There are some implications here. Like the “intoxicated” expression by Ḥallāj,
for example,
God reveals Himself through the
words of His creature. The timing of the self-disclosure of
God depends on Him, so human attempts alone cannot
manage it at all. Second, “the Day of True Disclosure” (yawm al-taghābun) which is derived from the Qurʾān illustrates true
disclosure of the elected people by God. At that time, their human selves will
be annihilated by their vision of God, and His self-disclosure to them. This
narrative describes the situation of the end of the world as well as unity with
God. Third, the self-disclosure of God shows in its effects the beauty of
light, whereas self-concealment shows ugliness with gloom. It implies the work
and power of God by contrast with light and gloom.
Abū al-Qāsim al-Qushayrī gives an
explanation of two types of self-disclosure in his treatise about Sufism: (1) tajallī for ordinary people and (2) that
for the elected Sufis. The section is edited as a pair with the description
“self-concealment and self-disclosure” (al-satr
wa al-tajallī).
The
ordinary people (al-ʿawāmm) are in
the cover of the self-concealment [of God], and [on the other hand] the elected
ones (khawāṣṣ) are in the permanence
of self-disclosure. In a report [of the prophet Muḥammad], “Verily when God
manifests Himself to something, it submits to Him.” A person of concealment is
characterized by his own perception, while a person of disclosure is always
characterized by submission. Concealment is a punishment for the ordinary
people and a blessing for the elect. If He did not protect from them what He
unveils to them, they would have [completely] disappeared by the power of the
Reality (al-ḥaqīqah). However, just
as He manifests Himself to them, so He conceals Himself from them […]
The
ordinary people of this group [who can enjoy the divine self-disclosure] enjoy
happiness by [divine] self-disclosure and they deteriorate by [divine]
self-concealment. [On the other hand,] as for the elected ones, they are
between heedlessness and liveliness.[43]
This is because when God appears to them, they become heedless, whereas when He
conceals Himself from them, they are thrown back to pleasure and feel happy […]
It
reports that he seeks covering his heart against the onslaughts of the True
Realities, because creatures cannot survive with finding the Real. In the
[prophetic] report, “If [someone] was unveiled from His face, the majesty of
His face would burn what reaches His sight.”[44]
Ordinary people are kept a distance from
self-disclosure. When God conceals Himeself, this brings them punishment. On
the other hand, His self-disclosure brings them happiness. Sufis as the elect
can be near self-disclosure because they are the elects who are close to God.
In spite of their experience of the self-disclosure of His grace, their
feelings are ambivalent. Self-disclosure itself is a blessing so that it makes
them content. Likewise, they realize that self-disclosure gives them
intoxication since the extent of the true Reality is so strong that they cannot
continue to gaze at His brilliant face.
The explanations by Sarrāj and
Qushayrī are given totally in the context of Sufism. It proves that they
describe tajallī with satr as its pair. In other words, the
concept of self-disclosure does not go without the opposite meaning of
self-concealment in early Sufism. In contrast with the argument about tajallī by Sarrāj and Qushayrī, the word
satr merely appears in the context of
the Oneness of Existence. This shows that the meaning of tajallī changed after its usage by Ibn ʿArabī and his school.
2. The Concept of tajallī in the Oneness of Existence
In Iṣṭilāḥāt
al-ṣūfiyyah, ʿAbd al-Razzāq al-Kāshānī explains four aspects of tajallī: (1) “self-disclosure” (tajallī), (2) the “first
self-disclosure” (al-tajallī al-awwal),
(3) the “second self-disclosure” (al-tajallī
al-thāniyy), and (4) the “self-closure of visibility” (al-tajallī al-shuhūdiyy).
According to him, the general meaning of self-disclosure is that which
manifests to hearts among the divine lights of the hidden.[45]
It shows that (1) the
“self-disclosure” is the divine manifestation to the
hearts of creatures through the divine lights. This explanation is given in the
context of Sufism, but it is different from the previous explanation. This is
because there is no word for self-concealment as the paired forms of
self-disclosure.
In the metaphysics of the Oneness
of Existence, the starting point, the terminus
a quo, is the level of Essence of Existence (dhāt al-wujūd), or Being qua
Being (al-wujūd min ḥaythu huwa huwa).
Existence at this stage is beyond any word or contemplation, so this is a
preceding level at which God becomes available to human language or
contemplation. In other words, divine existence is the later self-disclosure of
Existence. In this stage of pure Existence, the Real per se does not have any limitation, so It is just called the Real
(al-ḥaqq). Based on this previous
undescribed situation of Existence, the Absolute One (al-aḥad) discloses Itself in the first self-disclosure. Thus, the
word Allāh is not placed on the
highest rank in accordance with the Oneness of Existence. This word is
something unveiled from the viewpoint of the persona of the Real. In this
meaning, self-disclosure (tajallī) is
an ontological divergence of Existence from the ineffable level of Existence to
the occurrence of the many.
In (2) the “first self-disclosure”,
the Absolute One discloses Itself, following that some appear as Its entity in
the stage of the Absolute Oneness (al-aḥadiyyah).
Kāshānī explains the first self-disclosure with the word the Essence (al-dhāt),[46]
but It is as same as the Absolute One (al-aḥad)
in that that both are a departure. Moreover, the Essence at this level is
described with some equivalent terms like “pure Existence of Reality,”
“unlimited
Non-Existence,” “pure Nothing,” and
“the hidden in the hidden.”
The
first self-disclosure (al-tajallī
al-awwal): it is the essential self-disclosure
(al-tajallī
al-dhātī). That is, it is the self-disclosure of the Essence, that is, the
One of It to the Essence of It (tajallī
al-dhāti waḥdu-hā li-dhāti-hā). The Essence is the stage of the Absolute
Oneness (al-ḥaḍrah al-aḥadiyyah),
which is not property (naʿt) and not
illustration (rasm), i.e. the
Essence. It is the pure Existence of Reality (wujūd al-ḥaqq al-maḥḍ), its One is its Entity. This is because what
is other than Existence inasmuch as It is Existence (mā siwā al-wujūdu min ḥaythu huwa wujūdu), is only the unlimited
Non-existence (al-ʿadam al-muṭlaq),
and It is the pure nothing (al-lāshayʾ
al-maḥḍ), thus It does not need the One and the determination in [the stage
of] the Absolute Oneness (fī
aḥadiyyati-hi ilā waḥdatin wa-taʿayynin). They distinguish through It from
thing, therefore, nothing without it (al-lāshayʾ
ghayr-hu).
Then,
Its One is the Entity of Its Essence (waḥdatu-hu
ʿaynu dhāt-hi). This One is the springhead of [the stage of] the Absolute
Oneness (al-aḥadiyyah) and [that of]
Integrated Oneness (al-wāḥidiyyah).
Because it (waḥdah) is the Entity of
Essence insomuch as it means [what is] non-conditioned (lā bi-sharṭ shay’), that is, the unlimited which contains its Being
(kawna-hu), provided that nothing is
with It (bi-sharṭ anna lā-shayʾ) -it
is the Absolute Oneness (al-aḥadiyyah)-,
and its being is, provided that It is with it (bi-sharṭ an yakuūna maʿa-hu shayʾ), thing -It is the Integrated
Oneness (al-wāḥidiyyah). The
Realities (al-ḥaqāʾiq) in the united
Essence is such as the tree in the seed (nawā),
that is, it is the hidden of hidden (ghayb
al-ghuyūb).[47]
Though Existence discloses Itself to Itself in the
stage of the Absolute Oneness, there is still no available word to describe
this purest level of Existence. So Existence keeps Its pureness without
property or illustlation. Philosophically speaking, Existence at this level is
called unconditioned (lā bi-sharṭ shayʾ).
As Kāshānī explains, moreover, the highest level of Existence is that Existence
inasmuch as It is Existence.
In the appearance of Existence,
negative adjectives of Existence like “Non-existence” or “pure nothing in this
stage.” are used to describe It. It is so pure that It does not accompany the
One and the determination. In spite of this property, such Non-existence cannot
appear until the first self-disclosure. The Non-existence is explained with the
philosophical term of “negatively conditioned” (al-lāshāyʾ ghayr-hu or bi-sharṭ
lā-shayʾ), which is described with a negative adjective. Moreover, the
entity of the Essence is the One (waḥdah).
Due to the Oneness of the entity, the One as the entity of the Essence is
called non-conditioned (lā bi-sharṭ shay’).
In (3) the “second self-disclosure”
(al-tajallī al-thānī), it is the
stage of the emanation of the possible fixed Entities (aʿyān al-mumkināt al-thābitah) which is the spring of all
imaginable existences in the universe. In this stage of self-disclosure called
“Integrated
Oneness” (al-wāḥidiyyah),
existential entity appears. Then the divine essence appears as the result of
the “first determination” (al-taʿayyun
al-awwal). Thus, in the stage of Integrated Oneness, the entity is
disclosed from existential essence to divine essence. From this divine entity
which is the spring of all existences in the universe, the divine name Allāh appears. Moreover, every knowledge
is fixed through the divine names. This stage reaches the
“conditioned by something” (bi-sharṭ shayʾ), which is the stage of Integrated Oneness (al-wāḥidiyyah). Such conditional
existence is perceptible by methods like language and imagination, so it is
called the “visible self-disclosure” (al-tajallī
al-shuhūdiyy).
The
second self-disclosure (al-tajallī
al-thānī): it is that which discloses possible fixed
Entities (aʿyān
al-mumkināt al-thābitah). It is matters of the [existential] Essence to
[divine] Essence, and it is the first determination (al-taʿayyun al-awwal) with the attribute of universeness and
faculty. This is because the Entities are their first knowledge. And the
essential (al-dhātiyyah) is the next
[knowledge] for the visible self-disclosure (al-tajallī al-shuhūdiyy), and for the Reality through this
self-disclosure.
[The visible self-disclosure] descends from the plane
of the Absolute Oneness (al-ḥaḍrah
al-aḥadiyyah) to the plane of the Integrated Oneness (al-ḥaḍrah al-wāḥidiyyah) in regards to the nameness (al-asmāʾiyyah).[48]
Following the second self-disclosure, “the visible
self-disclosure” is the revelation of “named existence” (al-wujūd al-musammā) and that of “Reality in the form of His
names.”[49] Thus name
is the clearest appearance of visible self-disclosure. This visibility is
followed by the emanation to the world of many.
In addition to Kāshānī’s simple
explanation, the description in Laṭāʾif
al-iʿlām fī ishārāt ahl al-ilhām, which influenced scholars of the Oneness
of Existence, explains the same term differently.[50]
As also explained in Iṣṭilāḥāt
al-ṣūfiyyah, the first self-disclosure is the appearance of the Essence.
Kāshānī thinks that the first determination arose in the second
self-disclosure, whereas the description in Laṭāʾif
al-iʿlām fī ishārāt ahl al-ilhām says that the first determination happens
in the first self-disclosure.
The
first self-disclosure (al-tajallī
al-awwal): it is the appearance of Essence (ẓuhūr al-dhāt), Essence Itself to Itself in the spring of the first
determination (al-taʿayyun al-awwal)
and the first power (al-qābiliyyah al-ūlā).
[The appearance of Essence] is the One (al-waḥdah)
as known that the first determination of the Essence and its degree, and as the
high degree of self-determination [of existence] will come because of this.
Thus, the first self-disclosure is equivalent to the appearance of Essence (ẓuhūr al-dhāt), Itself to Itself in the
spring of the first determination and the first power
(al-qābiliyyah
al-ūlā), in terms that the Essence appears for the first time to Its
Essence (tajaddu al-dhātu dhāta-hā)
with what It contains. […] The first disclosure is only the determination with
the first determination, which is the One as known. Through this, it is known
that the Reality of the first self-disclosure is only equivalent to the
visibility of Essence (shuhūd al-dhāt)
Itself and grasping It in terms as such Its Integrated Oneness (wāḥidiyyatu-hā) through the entirety of
Its reflection and rank.[51]
As is clearly shown in Laṭāʾif al-iʿlām fī ishārāt ahl al-ilhām, the Essence is the spring
of the first self-disclosure, and is known as the One. Moreover, the second
self-disclosure accompanies the second determination, in which names and
intellect appear. Due to the “plane of intellect” and the “plane of meaning,”
it is clear that the second self-disclosure is the appearance of the archetype
of name, intellect, and meaning.
The
second self-disclosure (al-tajallī
al-thāniyy): it is the appearance of [divine]
Essence to Essence Itself in the second degree. [It
is] through the second determination (al-taʿayyun
al-thāniyy) in which names, distinguishing appearance, and intellect as
distinction appear. Hence, it is named as the second determination through the
plane of the intellect (al-ḥaḍrah
al-ʿilmiyyah) and the plane of the meaning (ḥaḍrah al-maʿānī),[52] that is,
the world of the meaning (ʿālam al-maʿānī).
[53]
The explanations in Iṣṭilāḥāt al-ṣūfiyyah and Laṭāʾif
al-iʿlām fī ishārāt ahl al-ilhām are different, but we cannot prove that
the author of the latter book is not Kāshānī. As Tonaga points out, the
explanation given by Kāshānī himself is neither fixed, nor is it different from
Qayṣarīʼs.[54]
Furthermore, the explanation of the process of self-disclosure differs among
the scholars of the Oneness of Existence. This means that the big frame work of
self-disclosure is shared among the scholars, but its detailed description is
different.
Even in the introduction to Sharḥ Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, Kāshānī does not explain the process of self-disclosure
of Existence. Instead, he summarizes the idea of the Oneness of Existence.[55] Differing
from the normal prayer phrase in the beginning of the Qurʾān or books written
by Muslim,[56] his first
sentence is “praise be to One God through Its Essence and Nobility” (al-ḥamd li-llāh al-aḥad bi-dhāti-hi
wa-kubriyāʾi-hi), which depicts the cosmology starting from the Real (al-ḥaqq). The Reality of the Real, the
named as the “Absolute Essence” (al-dhāt
al-aḥadiyyah), is neither conditioned by non-determination nor by
determination.
Here, the Real is also shown with
the word of the One (al-wāḥid) and
the Supreme Being
(al-mutaʿālī). Self-disclosure is “through Its Essence to Its
Essence, then the Realities and the
Entities appear -It made them through veiling Its
countenance (wajhu-hu) through Its
Existence.”[57] The Real
does not have any name, description, or mental construction (iʿtibār) such that It is “the Existence
in terms that it is Existence.”[58] From this
point, the Existence which is over any word is the spring of the Essence from
which non-Existence (ʿadam) occurs.
The word ʿadam is explained with
“sheer non-Existence” (ʿadam ṣirf)
and “pure nothing (lā shayʾ maḥḍ).
This means that non-Existence emerges from the Real as non-Existence so
Existence is the zero-point in the Oneness of Existence.
3. Kāshānī’s Introduction to the Divine Names
Through the second self-disclosure, the Integrated
One (al-wāḥid) emanates Itself in the
stage of Integrated Oneness (wāḥidiyyah).
The fixed entities (al-aʿyān al-thābitah)
which are the identity or archetype of the universe are shown in this stage.
These fixed entities proceed from existential essence to divine essence.
Following the second self-disclosure, the visible self-disclosure (al-tajallī al-shuhūdiyy) brings the
essence of “name”, that is, nameness (asmāʾiyyah).
In this point, the name with divine essence comes into existence: allāh. This name shows the appearance of
the divine essence, and its personal name of Allāh is called “the greatest name” (al-ism al-aʿẓam). Thus, the name with capital letter Allāh is the first name of all names, as
well as the divine essences related to the later development of Godʼs
faculties. As the name Allāh is the
comprehensive name encompassing all names, [59]
Allāh unites other divine names, and
“plane of divinity” (ḥaḍrat al-ilāhiyyah)
is located on the top of the whole names and essences in the lower name.
Before examining the divine names,
the philosophical question of “what is a name” arises. However, it is possible
to say that this question is inappropriate in the context of
Oneness of Existence. In Islamic theology, three
derivative words -- name (ism),
naming (tasmiyah), and the named (musammā) -- are a main key to
contemplating God and His attributes. This is related to the way by which human
beings are given the various faculties from God.
In theological arguments by Ashʿari
theologians like Ghazāli and Qushayrī, they think that the proposition “name is
the named” is valid. Every name (ism)
is the named (musammā) in accordance
with naming (tasmiyah) by God so the
creation is attributed to God in terms of its name.[60]
The Muʿtazili theologians claim that the faculty of naming is assigned to
humans, whereas Ashʿari theologians insist that naming itself is an inherently
divine function, and that the name is equal to the named. Otherwise, they would
need to say that the action of naming is a kind of creating by humans. Thus,
their theological argument is intended to refute the validity of the Muʿtazili
argument.
Scholars belonging to the Oneness
of Existence also argue that “name is the named,” which is the same idea as
Ashʿari theologians. However, their discussion is based on the ontological
process of self-disclosure (tajallī)
and the appearance of the divine names. This means that all names come into
existence from the self-disclosure of the Existence through the determined
process: the name Allāh is emanated
first, and the divine names and whole creature determined by name emerge
gradually.
Concerning the appearance of name
from the divine names, Ibn ʿArabī himself clearly says that the name Allāh following which are other divine
names is the Essence of all existences. The divine names are the source and the
archetype so properties of “name” in general are required to be understood
through the divine names.
The
name of Allāh denotes the Essence
through the wisdom of correspondence, like (1) the proper [divine] name (al-asmāʾ al-aʿlām) is on the named
things. Therefore, (2) a [divine] name denotes the absolute incompatibility (tanzīh). And, (3) [divine] names denote
affirmation (i.e. establishment, ithbāt)
of the entities of the attributes, though the Essence of the Real does not
allow the subsistence of numbers (qiyām
al-aʿdād) [because the Essence is always One]. (4) [Divine] names are given
the entities of the essential and affirmative attributes, like the Knower (al-ʿĀlim), the Powerful
(al-Qādir), the Willing (al-Murīd),
the Hearing (al-Samīʿ), the Seeing (al-Baṣīr), the
Living (al-Ḥayy),
the Responder (al-Mujīb), the
Thankful (al-Shukūr), and so on. (5)
Names are given descriptions (nuʿūt).[61]
Therefore, nothing is understood from ascriptions except relations (nisab) and correlations (iḍāfāh), like the First (al-Awwal) and the Last (al-Ākhir), the Manifest (al-Ẓāhir) and the Hidden (al-Bāṭin), and so on. Furthermore, (6)
[divine] names are given action (al-afʿāl),
like the Creator (al-Khāliq), the
Provider (al-Rāziq), the Author (al-Bārīʾ), the Shaper (al-Muṣawwir), and others among names.[62]
There are five characteristics of the conceptual divine name
derived from the name Allāh: (1) a
proper name as the named thing, (2) absolutely free from imperfection, (3)
affirmation of the entities of the attributes, (4) the entities of the
essential and affirmative attributes, (5) descriptions with relations and
correlations, and (6) action of things.
According to the properties of the
divine names, even the divine names are the named, and do not exist without any
cause. These divine names are totally free from imperfection. In the context of
Ibn ʿArabī, the word tanzīh is Godʼs
essential and absolute incompatibility with His creatures.[63]
A “name” of God establishes the entities of the attributes, whereas the Essence
of the Real just indicates the only thing. This is because the Essence of the
Real is always one, and His essence does not have any number other than one.
Moreover, a “name” has its entities which show the affirmative and essential
attributes. As Ibn ʿArabī suggests, the Knower and the Powerful are the names
which shows such entities, which also reflect on the creature. Moreover, a name
based on the divine names illustrates the situation which is made up of
relation and correlations with others. In other words, some names explain how
they are located in comparison with other things. An example is the divine name
of the First and the Manifest, which indicates the relationship with others. As
well, some divine names show their actions, like the Creator and the
Provider.
These characteristics of the divine
names are important to understand what is a “name.” As far as a “name” is
derived from the divine name, it shares the same properties in spite of the big
gap between a divine name and general meaning of “name”. According to
Kāshānī, a name has three layers: essential (dhātiyyah), descriptive (waṣfiyyah), and active (fiʿliyyah, or faʿliyyah).71 These three layers are important insomuch
as this framework is the base of a divine name, too. Furthermore, a name is not
a mere phonetic complex (lafẓ), since
it is the embodiment of the essence of the named (dhāt al-musammā).72
The layer of names are:
(a) essential
(dhātiyyah)
(b) descriptive
(waṣfiyyah)
(c) active
(fiʿliyyah, or faʿliyyah)
[This
is] because name has validity (yuṭlaqu)
only for essence in respect to relationship
(nisbah)
and nomination (taʿayyun). That
respect is either
[1]
non-existential matter (amr ʿadamiyy):
[A]
pure relationship (nisbiyy
maḥd) –like the Self-Sufficient (al-Ghaniyy),
the
First (al-Awwal), and the Last (al-Ākhir),
or
[B] no
relationship (ghayr nisbiyy) –like
the Holy (al-Quddūs) and the Source
of Peace (al-Salām). This part is
named “the names of essence” (asmāʾ
al-dhāt). [2] Or in meaning, the
existential [matter] is considered as the intellect (al-ʿaql) without adding to the essence which is outside of the
intellect, though it is unconceivable (muḥāl).
It is:
[A] either
that does not consist in understanding the other -like the Alive (al-Ḥayy) and the Necessary (al-Wājib)
[asmāʾ al-dhāt].
[B] or
that consists in understanding the others without its existence -like the
Knowing (al-ʿĀlim) and the Able (al-Qādir)-, this is named “the names of
attribute”
(asmāʾ
al-ṣifāt).
[C] or
that consists in the understanding existence of the others -like the Creator
(al-Khāliq)
and the Provider (al-Rāziq)-, this is
named “the names of actions”
(asmāʾ al-afʿāl) because those are the origin of action.[64]
There are the general characteristics of a name.
“Name” is categorized into three layers: essence, attributes, and action. As
the inherent nature of “name”, some names indicate the essence of the named
thing, and some show the relationship with other names. Based on this idea,
“name” is divided into two categories: non-existent and existent.
Concerning the former
“non-existent” matter, it is divided into [A] pure relationship and [B] no
relationship with other who has a name. As the example of each divine name
shows, pure relationship is a simple relationship shown a pair, or an opposite
concept (ex. the First and the Last), and no relationship shows a name which
stands by itself (ex. the Holy). On the latter “existential” matter shown as
the intellect, it is explained as the way of perception: how we conceive an
intellect of the name. Each of the names is regarded as “the names of essence,”
“the names of attribute,” and “the names of action.” Significantly, these three
parts of the intellect correspond to the three aforementioned conditions of
existence: non-conditioned” (lā bi-sharṭ
shay’), “provided that nothing is with It” (bi-sharṭ anna lā-shayʾ) and “provided that
It is with it” (bi-sharṭ
an yakūna maʿa-hu shayʾ). Thus, it is possible to say that the name of an
essence like the Necessary is non-conditioned, that the name of an attribute
like the Able is provided that nothing is with it, and that name of an action
like Creator is provided that it is with it. As considered in the next chapter,
these three layers of “name” are in the essential idea of Ibn ʿArabīʼs theory
of the divine names in terms of the divine presence (Chapter III-1).
III. The Self-disclosure of Existence in Ibn ʿArabī’s Theory of the Divine Names
Ibn ʿArabī explains that Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam was written at Damascus in 627 A.H./1229 A.D.,
seeing the prophet Muḥammad and receiving it from him. The content is
restricted to what he memorized in his spiritual meeting with the prophet.74
This means that he just narrates what he was taught from the prophet; in this
point, this can be regarded as a kind of “revelatory” work. Sometimes in the
work, Ibn ʿArabī mentions al-Futūḥāt
al-makkiyyah in the context of the divine names.
In the name of Fuṣūṣ al-hikam, the term faṣṣ,
singular of the term fuṣūṣ, means the
bezel or groove holding the crystal or stone of a gem in its setting.
Otherwise, fuṣūṣ are the gems
themselves with rings, whose tops are engraved with decorative words or
designs. Since there is no clear explanation by Ibn ʿArabī, it is impossible to
determine exactly what he intends in the title of his work. However, this is
the setting of ḥikam, which is the
wisdom of divine existence, including the wisdom of existence itself in the
theory of the Oneness of Existence.
In Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, this wisdom is gradually disclosed in all
twenty-seven chapters named by the title for a divine personage,75
and the names of apostle of God. For example, the first chapter starts from the
messenger Adam, “The hapter of Wisdom of
Divinity in the
74
Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ
al-ḥikam, ed. Saiyad Nizām al-Dīn Aḥmad, (Berlin: Orient-Institut Beirut,
forthcoming in 2014), p. 31.
75
The type of wisdom and its correspondent messenger is
following:
(1), Wisdom
of Divinity (ilāhiyyah) - Adam, (2)
Wisdom of Expiration (nafthiyyah) -
Seth, (3) Wisdom of Exaltation (subūḥiyyah)
- Noah, (4) Wisdom of Holiness (qudūsiyyah)
- Enoch, (5) Wisdom of Rapturous Love (muhaymiyyah)
- Abraham, (6) Wisdom of Real (ḥaqqiyyah)
- Isaac, (7) Wisdom of Sublimity (ʿaliyyah)
- Ishmael, (8) Wisdom of Spirit (rūḥiyyah)
- Jacob, (9) Wisdom of Light (nūriyyah)
- Joseph, (10) Wisdom of Unity (aḥadiyyah)
- Joseph, (11) Wisdom of Opening (fātiḥiyyah)
- Ṣāliḥ, (12)
Wisdom of Mind (qalbiyyah) - Shuʿaib, (13) Wisdom of
Mastery (malikiyyah) - Lot, (14)
Wisdom of
Destiny (qadariyyah) - Ezra, (15) Wisdom of Prophecy (nubuwiyyah) - Jesus, (16) Wisdom of
Compassion (raḥmāniyyah) - Solomon, (17) Wisdom of Being (wujūdiyyah) - David, (18) Wisdom of
Breath (nafasiyyah) - Jonah, (19), Wisdom of the Unseen (ghaybiyyah) - Job, (20) Wisdom of
Majesty
(jalāliyyah) - John, (21) Wisdom of Domination (mālikiyyah) - Zakariah, (22) Wisdom of Intimacy
(īnāsiyyah) - Elias, (23) Wisdom of Virtue (iḥsāniyyah) - Luqmān, ( )
Wisdom of Leadership (imāmiyyah) -
Aaron, (25) Wisdom of Eminence (ʿuluwiyyah)
- Moses, (26) Wisdom of Resource (ṣamadiyyah)
- Khālid, ( 7) Wisdom of Singularity (fardiyyah)
- Muḥammad.
The translation of each prophet is
referred to in Austin’s work.
Austin, R. W. J., Ibn alʿArabī, The Bezels of Wisdom, (New
York: Paulist Press, 1980).
Word of Adam” (faṣṣ
ḥikmah ilāhiyyah fī kalimah Ādamiyyah). This means it shows the wisdom of
the divinity disclosed in the form of Adam’s word or the theme of Adam derived
from the Qurʾān. Thus, the different type of wisdom in each chapter is provided
with the words of each apostle. The divine principles are represented by
apostles in the Qurʾān, so that an association is established. Ibn ʿArabī would
intertwine two types of name, the divine names and those of the apostles, to
show what and how the Perfect Man is.
In the 558th chapter of al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah, moreover, Ibn
ʿArabī argues the divine names under the title of “On the [spiritual] knowledge
of the Most Beautiful Names possessed by the Lord of Might, and on those
possible to be literally ascribed to Him and not possible [to be literally
ascribed to Him].” It is one of the longest chapters in the rear part of the
work. In this chapter, he argues one hundred planes (ḥaḍrah, pl. ḥaḍrāt) of
the divine name, starting from the name Allāh.[65] Differing
from previous scholars, he explains the divine names with the presence on each
of them.[66]
1. The Divine Mercy and Its Presence
In Sufism, the word al-ḥaḍrah is used as the counterpart of the word al-ghayb (the absence).78 In
this meaning, the term includes the meaning that something unknown or hidden
appears gradually. The name Allāh is
located at the first appearance of the divine existence in the Oneness of
Existence. The structure of Ibn ʿArabīʼs theory that Allāh is the highest among all the names is common with that of
Islamic theology. However, the discussion of the divine names in Ibn ʿArabī is
more ontological than the discussion in Islamic theology. In his
usage of ḥaḍrah, there are two main
meanings: the first is “plane” and the second is “presence.” Of course, these
both meanings are closely connected to each other. First, the meaning of
“plane” is the stage of divinity which comes to disclose the divine existence
from one to another. Second, “presence” means the ontological reality shown by
the divine names. Importantly, the structure of the divine name is equal to
that of the divine presence.
Concerning the divine presence, Ibn
ʿArabī clearly states:
The
prophet [Muḥammad] said about the creation of Adam who is the blueprint (barnāmij) which is the synthesis (jāmiʿ) for descriptions of the divine
presence (nuʿūt al-haḍrah al-ilāhiyyah),
that is, they [consist of] the Essence, the Attributes, and the Actions (al-afʿāl).[67]
The divine presence is divided into three parts: the
Essence, the Attributes, and the Actions. As discussed above in Kāshānīʼs
discussion of the divine names in the last chapter (Chapter II-3), the three
parts of the divine name (the names of essence, the names of attribute, and the
names of action) are equivalent to the divine presence. In Ibn ʿArabīʼs theory
of the divine names, then, the divine name demonstrates the divine presence
which demonstrates in turn its Essence, Attribute, and Actions.
Each plane in the one hundred
divine names in al-Futūḥāṭ al-makkiyyah
is the ontological reality of the divine names and presence. Whole names are
derived from the name of Allāh, which
is the divinity of the Real. Divinity shows Its existential presence in the
name of Allāh. In terms of this point,
Ibn ʿArabī explains that the name of Allāh
is the Presence that comprehends all divine presences.[68]
These divine names standing as reality are infinite. Though every divine name
is from the single source of God and is existent after the same process of self-disclosure,
each has its own essence, attribute, and action. Ibn ʿArabī regards ḥaḍrah as the degree of existence which
informs the metaphysical thing with the visible.
The
names derived from Allah are endless
(tatanāhā) because they are known
through what comes from them, and what comes from them which are infinite. They
derive from unlimited elements (uṣūl
mutanāhiyyah), and they (such elements) are the matrices of the names or
the presences of the names (ḥaḍrāt
al-asmāʾ). Certainly, there is but one Reality. It embraces all of these
relations and additions (al-iḍāfāh),
which are designated through the names of divinity (al-asmāʾ al-ilāhiyyah).[69]…
In the same
way, [each divine] gift is distinguished from any
other gift because of its individuality. Though they are from a single source,
[it is] evident that this is another [thing]. The reason is [mutual]
distinction of the names.
In
the plane of divinity (ḥaḍrat
al-ilāhiyyah), to extend [to lower names] is that a thing is repeating as
source. This [source] is the Real (al-ḥaqq)
who depends [only] on
Itself.[70]
As well as the names themselves being different from
each other, the essence of each name is different. This is the reason that a
“name” can hold its nameness (asmāʾiyyah).
In the emerging plane of the divine name, there is the acquisition process of
“name.” In this formation of
“name”, significantly, Ibn ʿArabī regards the divine
name as a thing (shayʾ) stemming from
the One essence of God. In the plane of the divine name, the name of Allāh unifies all other names.
Though Ibn ʿArabī proposes one
hundred planes of the divine names in al-Futūḥāṭ
al-makkiyyah, the name Lord (al-Rabb),
based on the plane of Lordness (al-rabbāniyyah),
is considered as a special name, that is another plane other than this plane of
divinity.[71] In other
words, the name al-Rabb (Lord) is
another aspect of the name Allāh
(God). Lord is the outside name of divinity, whereas God is the more unified
and inside name of it. They are two names, but each aspect of the name Allāh. In the next self-disclosure of
the divine names, there is the divine name Mercy (al-Raḥmah)[72] which is
the source of compassionate (rahmān)
and merciful (raḥīm) in the plane of
divinity. “Thing” as a divine name comes into existence by extension of Mercy.
According to Ibn ʿArabī, every name
has its own “thingness” (shayʾiyyah),
and this situation is shared among names in general. This thingness is closely
related to an appearance of the divine names. In the divine presence, thingness
comes into existence as a result of Godʼs Mercy being through Mercy Itself as
Its first object. From this determination of existence, he discusses as
follows:
The
first thing which the Mercy embraces is [the Mercy] Itself. Then, the thingness
aforementioned [comes into existence]. Moreover, thingness of every existent
which is found [develops] to what is infinite in this world or the next,
contingent or substantial, complex or simple.[73]
This quotation means that every name - whether it is
a divine name or name in general - appears in this endless process of acquiring
thingness. It seems to be equal to the essence or entity of each thing.
However, there are some interpretations by commentators of what thingness
shows. Concerning the above quotation of Ibn ʿArabī, Kāshānī adds this comment
about it.
(Ibn
ʿArabīʼs words) “Thingness of every existent”: that is, the one Entity (ʿayn) which is the first gathering
entities and their principle. Then, the Mercy related to this Entity embraces
the gathering of the fixed entities (al-aʿyān
al-thābitah)”[74]
In his commentary, Kāshānī regards thingness as that
which comprises of entity of thing or principle. Thus, thingness in his
understanding is as same as the conceptual idea in Greek philosophy or the
perpetual archetype. On the other hand, Qayṣarī makes this comment about
thingness.
(Ibn
ʿArabīʼs original text) “the thingness aforementioned [comes into existence]”:
that is, the Entity of the Merciful […] “Moreover, thingness of every existent
which is found [develops] to what is infinite”: that is, the entity of every
existent.[75]
Qayṣarī shares the same understanding of thingness as
Kāshānī. Thus, the Essence of the Existence manifests Itself through the name as
“thing” in self-disclosure. In this process, the name can settle itself by
acquiring thingness. This thingness is the archetype of a hing, which is the
essence of “name.” Because of the inherent property of Mercy, all the divine
names include the component of Mercy. Thus, the later development caused by
Mercy represents some effects. The most important effect of Mercy is
“preparedness” (istiʿdād). This is
the primal effect of Mercy, appearing as a particular form in standing as
existence. It is possible to say that preparedness is thingness shifting to a
thing through obtaining its entity. This process is also rephrased that a name
comes into existence just by getting its entity, that is, nameness.
So preparedness is the process of
acquiring nameness or thingness.
Moreover, Ibn ʿArabī argues two
effects of Mercy: (1) effect by the Essence (āthār bi-l-dhāt), and (2) the effect by asking (āthār bi-l-suʾāl). The first one is the
effect as a result of the self-disclosure of Mercy by revealing Its Essence. All
the created and existent is things fixed its essence inherently, in accordance
with compassion of Mercy. On the other hand, the second one is the effect of
the Mercy by petition on the part of creatures, especially by human beings. In
other words, God gives His Mercy to them as a result of their efforts. They ask
God by saying that “Oh, God, show mercy on us” (Q23:109). These people who try
to reach God and know the Merciful are called “the people of (divine) presence”
(ahl al-ḥaḍrah). In
this way, Ibn ʿArabī argues a different aspect of divine Mercy. The two types
of Mercy, the Compassionate and the Merciful, is well known aspect of the word.
Two
kinds of Mercy, (1) the “mercy of grace” (raḥmat
al-imtinān) and (2) the “mercy of obligation” (raḥmat al-wujūb), corresponding both to the Compassionate (al-raḥmān) and the Merciful (al-raḥīm). God [exercises] gracious
through the name al-raḥmān and
obligation through the name al-raḥīm.
This obligation is from the grace, so the Compassionate (al-raḥīm) is included in the Merciful (al-raḥmān) interiorly. “God writes on Himself the Mercy (al-raḥmah)” (Q6:12). This is for his
servant because the Truth remembers the action which this servant brings.
Truly, to God, the servant is in duty to Him in himself, so that the servant
deserves this Mercy -that is, the mercy of obligation.[76]
The mercy of grace is wider than the mercy of
obligation. The former is the essential mercy to all creatures, whereas the
latter is the mercy to the servant who does his duty as obligation. This
structure is parallel to the two diverse words of Mercy (raḥmah): the Compassionate (al-raḥmān)
and the Merciful (al-raḥīm). Namely,
all creatures can enjoy the Compassion of God, but not all can see His
Mercy.
This
relationship is mentioned clearly in al-Futūhāt
al-makkiyyah. The
Compassionate (raḥmān)
and the Merciful (raḥīm) are names
like the “vehicle” (al-markabah) to
prevail Mercy.[77] The mercy
of grace is Mercy by the way of a gratuitous gift. It is based on the verses of
the Qurʾān: “It is part of the Mercy of Allāh that you deal gently with them”
(Q3:159), and “We sent you not but as a mercy for all creatures” (Q21:107).
Significantly, the role which is played by the mercy of grace is equal to
thingness, in the meaning that Mercy is prevailed to every creature. This is
shown in the verse of the Qurʾān, “My Mercy covers everything” (Q7:156).
Moreover, these essential facets of
Mercy occur in different ways, the pure mercy (raḥmah khāliṣah) and the mixed mercy (raḥmah mumtazijah).
Concerning
the bestowal of nameness (al-asmāʾiyyah):
know that the bestowal of God is His creation of the Mercy (al-raḥmah) which is from Him. That bestowal
is on [the presences of] the names. (1) On the “pure mercy,” [it is] such as
goodness from pleasant blessing in this world, and pureness on the Day of
Resurrection. That name “the Compassionate” (al-raḥmān) is given [to the pure mercy]. It is the compassionate
gift (al-ʿaṭāʾ al-raḥmāniyy). (2) On
the “mixed mercy,” [it is] such as drinking of distaste medicine whose drinking
follows relief. It is the divine gift (al-ʿaṭāʾ
al-ilāhiyy). In spite of the divine gift, it is not possible except that
the bestowal of His gift is through mediate of holder of the names. 90
The pure mercy in the quotation is given in this
world and the next world. It is the essential Mercy, and seems to be bestowed
directly. Therefore, it is possible to say that the pure mercy is a
compassionate gift is equal to “the mercy of grace.” On the other hand, the
mixed mercy requires mediation to show the gift. This kind of mercy is an
indirect one, so that the gift of mercy is always through a mediator.
Concerning Ibn ʿArabīʼs quotation, Qayṣarī states in his commentary:
What
emanates first is the “mercy of existence” (wujūd)
and (2) the “mercy of life” (al-hayāh):
then what follows both of them? It is divided into three: (a) the pure mercy is
in accordance with the visible and the invisible. [Concerning] the mixed mercy,
(b) the Mercy is in the visible, and (c) the Avenge (al-Niqmah) is in the invisible. This is as what the Commander of
believers [ʿUmar] (praise on him) says, “God is one who
extends His Mercy to His friends in high degree of
His Avenge, and one who strengthens His Avenge on His enemies in extent of His
Mercy.”
First,
[it is] such as pleasant and good blessing -that is, permitted (al-ḥalāl)- in this world, and [it is]
such as useful sciences and knowledge in the next world.
Second,
[it is] like an appropriate things to nature, forbidden food, drinking of wine,
outrage wayfarer, and agreement the deported self (al-nafs al-mubʿadah) for the mind (qalb) from the Real.
Third,
[it is] like drinking of distaste medicine, whose drinking follows the relief
and health.[78]
According to Qayṣarī, the “mercy of existence” and
the “mercy of life” come into existence by means of emanation. Both mercies
consist of the nameness of creation. The words existence and life have
important roles in Islamic thought. As known the “seven leaders” (al-aimmah al-sabʿah)92, they
are words which show the first knowledgeable relationship of the Essence, as a
result of determined fixed entities. Such an intellectual relationship is
imaginable without being through life (al-ḥayāh). It, thus, is regarded as “the
top of leaders” (imām al-aimmah) and
through such a relationship it necessitates other words.[79]
After both, three mercies follow.
First, the pure mercy works in this world (visible)
as well as in the next world (invisible). Concerning second and third, the
visible appears in the form of Mercy, whereas the invisible does in the form of
the Avenger. As in the narrative by ʿUmar b. Khaṭṭāb (d. 24/644), God bestows
Mercy to His friend in the situation of Vengeance, but bestows Mercy to enemies
in that of Mercy. Thus, Vengeance is the opposite counterpart of Mercy. So,
some can say that they ask the Avenger to give them Mercy.
Mercy shows Its mercifulness
essentially in this world and the next world. In general, the presence of Mercy
is ubiquitous in every name and creature. However, there are other fortunes
which develop in other topics. The seeker tries to reach Mercy by purifying
himself, so that he feels its presence more vividly. Divinity shows concretely
Its presence in the divine name of Mercy. Though Mercy comes to the fore as the
divine presence in Ibn ʿArabīʼs thought, it is not possible to understand the
divine presence except understanding the presence of Lordship.
2. The Lord as a Divine Name and Its Divine Presence
The name Lord (al-rabb)
is another aspect of Allāh. As Ibn ʿArabī clarifies that every existent belongs
to God other than the particular aspect of Lord (rabbu-hu khāṣṣah).[80] For this
reason, the name of the Lord keeps a
privileged position in the divine names. The divine presence which evokes
imagination from the name al-rabb is
the presence of Lordship. In elevating from Mercy analyzed in the last section,
Ibn ʿArabīʼs discussion of the Lord is always with its pair of servant (ʿabd).
In order to understand Lord-servant
relationship, the etymology of the word wujūd
must be explained. The word which is usually translated as Existence or
Being is derived from the consonants wāw-jīm-dāl
(و -ج - د). The verb wajada has two important meanings: one is “to find” and the other
is “to exist”. In this reason, its nominal form wujūd contains the meanings being, existence, and finding. At the
same time, wujūd is equal to the word
ʿayn which means spring from which
everything is emanated and created God makes the existent or creature exist by
His finding them, so the Existence is the cause of other existences. Here the
derivative words of wujūd indicate a
similar dimension: wājid and mawjūd. The former is an active noun
meaning “finder” and “one who makes a thing exist.” On the other hand, the
latter is a passive noun meaning “the found” and “one who is existed or
created.” The creatures as the found are existent through the Existence of the
Finder. The ontological relationship between Existence and the existed can be
adapted to the Lord-servant relationship. In considering the presence of
Lordship, Ibn ʿArabī writes the
following poem.
The
Lord is our King (Māliku-nā), and the
Lord is our Conciliator (Muṣliḥu-nā).
The Lord fixed us (thabbata-nā)
because He is the One who fixes.
If
not for my existence [I am not existed]. And Being of the Real made me exist
(found them, awjada-nī). What I was
knowing better that passing existent (al-kāʾin
al-fāʾit).
Then
the Real made me exist (found them) from Him and supported me through Him. Thus
I was required as the silent speaker.[81]
This poem also explains the relationship between God
and human beings with the derived term wujūd.
Humans cannot exist without the Existence and Godʼs finding them. In this
meaning, God is the One who fixes their existence.
In al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah, Ibn ʿArabī discusses five properties
derived from the presence of Lordship: (1) fixity by coloring [the existence] (thubūt ʿalā al-talwīn), (2) reign on the
contested people (ahl al-nizāʿ) in
the Real, (3) appearance of the matter of possibilities, (4) servanthood which
does not accept the liberty (ʿitq) of
servant, (5) commitment of life through accustomed reason. Because these five
wisdoms do not always connect with the argument about Lordship, we will
restrict the theme to a minimum and focus on his direct argument about
Lordship.
The first two wisdoms are mainly
about the speculation of his cosmology. First, God as the cause of existence
makes the existent in every moment. This is based on the verses of the Qurʾān:
“Everyday He is involved with some matter” (Q55: 9), and “It is God who
alternates the Nighttime and the Daytime” (Q
: ). This means that God fixes
the world by managing night and day as well as all other things related to the
universe. The word “Lord” is not present in this explanation, but Ibn ʿArabī
brings out hidden wisdom without stopping such basic understanding. Rather, his
argument itself is related to his cosmology, as with some aspects in al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah and other works.
Among
the self (nafs) in the universe, no
one is except His completion the changing wisdom. [It is] so as not to denote
the sun which is the cause of nighttime and daytime self-disclosing not settled
nighttime and not [settled] daytime. And [It is] so as not to denote the stars:
“all [the celestial bodies] swim along, each in its rounded course” (Q21:33).
What He said that stars are settled in the 360 degree which is every degree,
rather every minute, rather every second, rather every portion which does not
divide from orbit of star (falak).
When God reveals any star which is among stars, God on His revelation relates
about the every single monad (jawhar fard)
of the universe of basic element -nobody knows what it is except God who makes
it exist. And He also relates
about the middle group (al-malaʾ al-awsāṭ) among the celestial hearts, under which the deep
signs of the zodiac (falak al-burūj) [82]
are among knowledge […] Those who are in this [middle] group and in the
universe of basic element are the people of the garden. Those who are in some
of this [middle] group are the people of fire who are the people of it. God
relates about the higher group. What is over the signs of the zodiac is to the
essence of souls and intelligence (ʿuqūl),
[following] the heavy clouds (al-ʿamāʾ)[83] of
knowledge which give the names of divinity (al-asmāʾ
al-ilāhiyyah).[84]
His words can be summarized in the following stages
of universe. These are the explanatory illustration from the self-disclosure of
the divine names to the world of creation.
[Higher group]
1.
The Names of the divinity in heavenly clouds.
2.
The essence of souls and intelligence.
3.
The signs of zodiac.
[Middle group]
4.
People of the garden in the universe of basic elements.
5.
People of the fire in some of the universe of basic
elements. [Lower group]
6.
Single monad of the universe of basic elements.99
Fig.1 The geocentric cosmos of Ibn
ʿArabī cosmology[85] Fig. 2 The celestial garden of
Ibn ʿArabīʼs cosmology[86]
Related to the stages of the universe, the second
wisdom picks up the light (nūr) in
brightness and shadow (ẓill) in
darkness. The Real is light and essence, whereas creation is Its shadow and
form. The Lord breathes the spiritual and sensory energy into the creature as
servant: “I breathed into him of My spirit” (Q15: 9).
The third wisdom is the appearance
into matter of possibilities, which is in the process of the self-disclosure of
the Essence. In the appearance of the Existence, various possibilities come
into existence because of the presence of Lordship. As the fortune of Lordship,
It creates the possibility of a relationship with time, place, and
condition.
Some
possibilities (mumkināt) precede
some, and [some possibilities] are behind
[some], [some possibilities] are higher [than some],
[some possibilities] are lower [than some], and [some possibilities] are
coloring [to some]. [Those are] in different conditions and stages, closeness
and isolation, produce and commerce, movement and halting, gathering and
scattering, and whatever resembles that. He (the Lord) is reshaping (taqlīb) possibilities in possibilities
of other variable things.[87]
The Lord Himself is the Essence which leads to the
reality and qualification. Importantly, it is clear that Ibn ʿArabī regards the
possibilities as existence as well as the relationship arising between two
opposite things. The relationship (nisbah)
develops infinitely, this potentiality is called possibilities (mumkināt) organized in the presence of
Lordship. Here, possibility can be called “preparedness” (istiʿdād) which is regarded as the possible essence or idea of
existence.
The possibilities appear from the
fixed entity, which grants their identities.
The Lord-servant
relationship is the most important in the presence of Lordship. Lordship
necessitates servanthood, and vice versa.[88]
It means that each concept cannot exist without the other.
Every existent under his Lord is pleasing [to
Him]. [But] it does not keep because every existent is pleasing to his Lord, on
what clarifies that they are pleasing on the Lord of other servant. Since he is
what takes Lordship except from every [existent], not from only one. Thus, what
determinates every [existent] except what suits to it is his Lord. 104
The fourth wisdom of Lordship is about the liberty of
the servant. There are three parts of servanthood (ʿubūdah): “servanthood to God,” “servanthood to creation,” and
“servanthood to the situation” which is the servanthood of divine veneration (ʿubūdat al-ʿubūdiyyah).[89]
Concerning the first and third servanthood, they are servitude to God. Thus, it
is inevitable for any creature to escape from such servanthood.
Only the second one, “servanthood
to creature,” does not allow human to be in free from the servanthood. The free
condition is divided into two situations: “servanthood in freedom” (ʿubūdat fī ḥurriyyah) and “servitude of
reign” (ʿubūdiyyat al-mulk). Both
conditions arise just because of the result of “causes” (asbāb, sing. sabab).106
In other words, one belongs originally to himself or herself, so they are free.
In spite of the natural situation, some of them in creation come to be placed
in the Lord-servant relationship, which leads to sale and purchase of servants.
Depending on the situation, they can be free from servanthood.
The fifth wisdom is discussed
mainly in the context of the relationship with the Lord. Creatures are bestowed
nutrition (ghidhāʾ) in their life.
The allusions expressed by the word nutrition, “semantic nutrition” (al-ghidhāʾ al-maʿnawī) and “perceptible
nutritions” (al-ghidhāʾ al- maḥsūs),
demonstrate intelligence fed through Him. These kinds of nutrition make
creatures exist, and understand what is existent and in which way it exists,
and so on.
Considering the fourth wisdom, it is
possible to classify the concept of “Lord.”
This
name of “Lord” has much relativeness (iḍāfah),
gathering in the relations and dividing in accordance with what relates to it.
Therefore, [such] relativeness is to the worlds and to [the letter starting
from] “kāf” (ك) of address like single “by your Lord” (fa-wa-rabbi-ka, Q19:68), and dual “Who is the Lord of you two, O
Moses?” (fa-man rabbu-kumā (ربكما) yā
Mūsā, Q 0: 9), and plural “your Lord” (rabb-kum, ربكم
).[90] And, [the
plural form of “your” refers] to ancestors, to the hidden personal pronoun like
his lord (rabb-hu) and their lord (rabb-hum), to heaven and heavens, to
earth, to the East and the West, to eastern places and western places, to
people, to daybreak, and the personal pronoun of the speaker. [the Lord] does
not renew lord (tajaddu-hu) forever
except as relativeness. So, your knowledge is through Him, as such he relates
to Him.108
“Relative” (idāfah)
in the quotation means what happens relative to others. In this meaning,
lordship is the product emerged in the crossing of each thing. However, the
Lordship of God is the most intensified, so that Lordship is Essence for other
creatures.
Borrowing Izutsuʼs analysis,
Lordship has two different levels: absolute (muṭlaq) and relative (iḍāfiyy).109
The former is the absolute lordship of God over human beings, whereas the
latter is changeable lordship in each situation. It is nothing but a relative
relationship brought in various situations. Therefore, lordship of creatures is
modifiable at any time. As shown by the two kinds of lordship, everything in
this universe is but shadow, whose archetype certainly exists. However,
existence in the lower stage surely connects with the Real in the higher stage.
As Ibn ʿArabī prefers to quote the Ḥadīth, “One who knows himself, knows his
Lord” (man ʿarafa nafs-hu ʿarafa rabb-hu),[91] oneʼs
inquiry leads to reaching divine providence. This divine presence is embodied
in the perfect man (al-insān al-kāmil)
in spite of being created.
3. The Presence of the Divine Names in the
Perfect Man
As Ibn ʿArabī argues the presence
of Lordship, he acknowledges the gap between the Lord as
God and the servant as human existence. In the
spiritual way of Islam, however, the gap in the Lord-servant relationship
dissolves in the unity with God. The argument of divine presence related to the
Mercy and the Lordship closely connects with the self-disclosure of Existence.
This is the “downward or metaphysical” way of the
discussing how Existence shows Itself to lower existence. However, there is
another sort of discussion, which is the “upward or corporeal” sort of
discussion: that is, how a servant reaches divinity and the Absolute One. The
meaning of the aforementioned Ḥadīth “One who knows himself, knows his Lord” is
shown in the relationship between the macrocosm and the microcosm. The Perfect
Man is just existence who dissolves the opposite idea of Lordship-servanthood.
He could integrate such opposite ideas by his embodiment of the divine
presence.
Before analyzing the
characteristics of the Perfect Man in macrocosm and microcosm, however, it is
important to consider the idea of coincidentia
oppositorum (coincidence of opposites) in Ibn ʿArabīʼs thought. This is
well known as the terminology of Nicholas Cusanus (1401-1464). According to
him, opposite things contradict each other in creating, whereas they are
coincident in God. For example, God is maximum, but at the same time He is
minimum. The maximum and minimum coincide in infinite divinity though this
situation is impossible in the finite creature. This is because God is maximum
as well as minimum, and unifies all existence in Him. This argument of Cusanus
can be applied to the metaphysical argument of the divine names, but cannot be
done to the physical argument of how one apprehends divinity. The original idea
of coincidentia oppositorum in
Cusanus is intended to argue the divine attributes of God, by comparison with
human beings. It is merely possible to use the idea in order to overcome the
theological problem of the contradiction of opposites, and express the miracle
of God. Especially in our research, this idea is useful in the anthropomorphic
situation: the condition of being the Perfect Man as a result of spiritual
training and experience.
Seth,
in regard to his reality and his [spiritual] rank, knows everything through his
essence, whereas he is ignorant through ignorance itself on the part of his
physical body. He is a knower-ignorer (al-ʿālim
al-jāhil). He accepts the characteristic of opposites (al-ittiṣāf bi-l-aḍdād), as if he accepted the principle of the
characteristic about that, like the Glorious (al-Jalīl), the Manifest (al-Ẓāhir)
and the Hidden
(al-Bāṭin),
and the First (al-Awwal). He is Godʼs
essence[92] and not
other than that. Thus, he knows and [at the same time] he does not know, he is
aware and [at the same time] he is not aware, and he perceives and [at the same
time] he does not perceive.[93]
Beyond the situation of Seth (Shīth), Qāshānī
comments that this quotation implies that the Perfect Man embodies the divine
presence. Because he embodies the divine presence, so the opposite things are
enable to coexist inside him. As God is the First and the Last, and the
Manifest and the Hidden, the Perfect Man as anthropomorphism makes such
opposite attributes coincide.
During the Creation, God created
Adam by molding mud and breathing His breath into the body. In the Ḥadith, the
prophet Muḥammad says that God created Adam in the form of His image (i.e. the Imago Dei Ḥadīth). The religions of the
Semitic tradition regard this process of animating Adam as a blessing from God,
which distinguishes human beings from other creatures. Ibn ʿArabī also found
the special meaning of this Imago Dei
Ḥadīth and he discusses it repeatedly in Fuṣūṣ
al-ḥikam. According to him, the first Perfect Man is Adam because his
creation is full of divine presence.[94][95]
The
prophet [Muḥammad] said about the creation of Adam, who is the blueprint
(barnāmij) which is the synthesis (jāmiʿ) for descriptions of the divine
presence (nuʿūt al-haḍrah al-ilāhiyyah),
that is, they [consist of] the Essence, the Attributes, and the Actions (al-afʿāl). “Indeed, God created Adam in
His form (ṣūrati-hi).” His (Godʼs)
form is nothing but the divine presence. In this noble epitome (al-mukhtaṣar al-sharīf) -that is, the
Perfect Man-, He made exist the gathering of the divine names and the realities
which are outside of him in the macrocosm (al-ʿālam
al-kabīr) separated from Adam.[96]
Adam himself is the epitome of divine presence and
the divine names, so he is the Perfect Man. This structure is a microcosm (al-ʿālam al-saghīr), divine
manifestation in the finite. Adam as the Perfect Man and microcosm is
correspondent to God as the macrocosm. In terms of his name, it indicates two
dimensions: Adam as an individual person and Adam as human beings generally. As
Ibn ʿArabī adds in the Imago Dei
Ḥadīth, “His form” is indeed divine presence.
Concerning the two
meanings in the word “Adam”: the individual Adam, and human beings in general,
the former is clearly a primitive man who has his own personality. He is
regarded as an apostle and prophet in Islamic tradition.[97]
The latter is shown in the word of banū
Ādam which means “the sons of Adam” literally and “human beings”
figuratively. This indicates that each person is the posterity of primitive
man, and inherits his various attributes including the spiritual fortune
bestowed from God. Though all men have the possibility to be the Perfect Man,
they are not anthropomorphic existents when born. Ibn ʿArabī mentions clearly
that not all human beings are the Perfect Man, but Adam in person is the
Perfect Man made with His own hands.
He
(God) made him (Adam as the Perfect Man) as spirit (rūḥ) for the universe, and He subjected to him the high [universe]
and the low [universe] because of the perfection of [his] form. As there is
nothing in the universe which does not glorify God through his praising,
likewise, there is nothing in the universe which is not subject to this man,
since the reality of his form (ḥaqīqat
ṣūrat-hi) gives him [perfection]. So, God said
“And He has subjected to you, as from Him, all that is in heaven and on
earth”
(Q45:13). Everything in the universe is under human
subjection. [One who] knows that is the Perfect Man, and [One who] is ignorant
of that is the animal man (al-insān
al-ḥayawān).[98]
The Perfect Man is the one who can notice that his
ontological highness is in the same position as God. In other words, he
realizes the relationship of how he connects with God as macrocosm, although he
is finite existence as microcosm. Because of his perfection, Adam as the
Perfect Man is subjected to other creatures in the universe, whether it is high
or low.[99] This is
one of the reasons why Adam is located at the highest position in the universe,
and is eligible to be caliph in this world. Other creatures including angels
are ordered by God to prostrate to him, since Adam was taught the names of
everything, whereas other creatures were not.118 However, the point
here is that perfection is determined in the case of Adam. In other words,
human beings as a whole group still do not know what Adam was given by God.
One who knows that in truth is the Perfect Man, but
if not, one is called the animal man. In his commentary on this quotation, Qayṣarī
emphasizes the gap between God and human beings, though Kāshānī does not
mention anything about this point. In Qayṣarīʼs scholarship, he tends to
maintain the distinction between God and human beings, and it shows in his
commentary on this. According to him, the subjection of the universe to human
beings is through their praising and glorifying God. Just like Lordship or
servanthood between God and human beings, Qayṣarī looks for this Lord-servant
relationship between human beings and other creatures. The same idea of
lordship and servanthood is adopted in the case of the caliphate, so that this
is a different level of lordship. Thus, it is not until this remoteness
(tanzīh) between
human beings and other creatures clarifies that “manifestation of Hisness and
Divinity” (al-hūwiyyah al-ilāhiyyah
al-ẓāhirah) in the form of humanity becomes the real perfection.[100] This
means that the situation of human perfection necessitates some steps to be
completed. Concerning human perfection, man comes to know the truth through
unveiling and knowing entities, tasting (dhawq)
and ecstasy (wijdān). In this level,
there is no distinction between God and human beings, and it is a coincidence
between macrocosm and microcosm.
Ibn ʿArabī composes a poem about
their unification.
You
are servant and you are Lord. For One for Him and in Him, you are
servant.
You
are Lord and you are servant. For One for Him in the speech, [there is] the
obligatory contract (ʿahd). [101]
Every contract (ʿaqd) [about Lord-servant relationship] is on the individual. One
who is equal to the contract dissolves it.[102]
The oneness between Lord and servant is embodied in
the Perfect Man, too. The Lord-servant relationship is dissolved in this ideal
situation which is the eternal time before the primordial contract occurs.
There is no distinction between them in meaning because the Lord-servant
relationship had still not been concluded, so God and human beings are united.
This is the reason why one who reaches this perfection is also called the “man
of two eyes” (dhū al-ʿaynayn), “one
who sees the Real in the creature, and sees the creature in the Real.”[103] The
argument of the Perfect Man is developed more concretely in order to discuss
his spiritual authority because he is a form of anthropomorphism revealing the
divine presence. In the next chapter, we will consider how the theory of the
Perfect Man is discussed through the argument of the divine names and human
names.
IV. The Perfect Man as a Spiritual Authority
Historically in Islamic thought, many intellectuals
like Ibn Taymiyyah and ābū al-Ḥasan al-Māwardī (d. 450/1058), and have discussed
sovereignty in the context of caliphate and Imamate. The decisive cause of the
schism between Sunnī Islam and Shīʿī Islam was the succession of the caliph
after the death of the prophet Muḥammad in 11/632. According to the opinion of
Shīʿī Muslims, ʿAlī, a cousin of Muḥammad, was appointed as the caliph directly
by him. Moreover, there are records even in the Sunnī Ḥadīth showing the close
relationship between them.[104] ʿAlī did
not attend the meeting at the Saqīfah of Banū Sāʿidah just after the death of
the prophet. The meeting to decide the first caliph might have been the result
of a compromise between each tribe in early Islam. For these reasons, the Shīʿī
do not accept the previous caliphs before ʿAlī, but hold that the true
successor of the prophet must be ʿAlī. However, it is also true that the
selection of Abū Bakr could be regarded as quite natural due to his age and
great service. Abū Bakr nominated ʿUmar as the second caliph without having any
meeting to decide his successor. Even now, ʿUmar is appreciated highly at least
among Sunnīs, because he governed the Islamic community (ummah) and expanded its territory. After the death of ʿUmar,
however, politics in Islam became more complicated, accompanied by
assassinations and internal dispute between ʿAlī and ʿUthmān of Umayyad clan.
In spite of such confusion, the first four caliphs are called by Sunnīs “the
rightly guided caliphs” (al-khulafāʾ
al-rāshidūn). This was the period of ideal governance in Islam.
The term caliph (khalīfah), which means “deputy”, is
based on the Qurʾān, in which it is sometimes found. God makes Adam “deputy of
God” (khalīfat Allāh) on the earth,
legitimizing the authority of human beings on earth. Likewise, the word is used
after the death of Muḥammad for legitimacy in order to show the succession of
the leadership. Caliph in this context is “the deputy of prophet of God” (khalīfat rasūl Allāh). In regards to
this phrase, Patricia Crone demonstrates that Umayyad caliphs tried to
legitimize their religious authority, not using the word “the deputy of prophet
of God” (khalīfat rasūl Allāh), but
using the word “deputy of God” (khalīfat
Allāh).[105] This
usage makes an important difference related to religious authority. In the
former meaning, the viceregency is just in accordance with the acceptance of
the prophecy of Muḥammad. The caliph is merely an individual who governs the
universe based on the Qurʾān and the traditions of Muḥammad. On the other hand,
the latter usage indicates theocracy, that God gives the caliph absolute
authority. It implies the opinion that the caliph can decide anything that he
wishes without referring to any words of the prophet Muḥammad. Thus, the
discussion of religious authority in Islam has stemmed from various
perspectives and with interchangeable word of imām.
In Ibn ʿArabīʼs thought, it is
possible to regard the discussion of the Perfect Man based on the divine names
as one of the arguments about religious-spiritual authority. This chapter
focuses on the issue of the spiritual authority of the Perfect Man.
1. The Position of the caliph in Fuṣūṣ
al-ḥikam
Adam has an important role as the foundation of
various important ideas: the Perfect Man, the caliphate manifest in human
beings, the seal of the prophets, the seal of the saints, and so on. The divine
names combine all of them complicatedly and subtly. The wisdoms of Ibn ʿArabīʼs
book start from Adam in the first chapter of Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, and end with Muḥammad in the last chapter. In other
words, the circle of this wisdom begins at Adam, and terminates at
Muḥammad.
In the Qurʾanic narrative of the Creation,
God made a caliph on earth. The verses of the Qurʾān (Q2:30; 6:165; 38:26) are
the legislative guarantee for the caliphate of human beings in the world.
Moreover, Adam was taught the names of things by God, whereas the angels were
not (Q2:31)[106], and
Adam was created in the form of God. At the same time as the creation, he was
not only made the vicegerent of God in the world, but also was given
appropriate properties to be in such position. The chapters of Adam and David
(Dāwūd) of Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam are fully
concentrated on the argument about the caliphate. This reason is based on the
descriptions of both of them in the Qurʾān. In addition, although the word khalīfah is also found in other
chapters, most of them except in the context of Moses are repetitions of the
authority of the caliphate. In this regard, Ibn ʿArabī says:
The
universe was completed through his (Adamʼs) existence. So, [that] he is in
relation with the universe is as if [that] stone of seal ring (faṣṣ al-khātim) is in relation seal ring
(al-khātim). He is the place of
inscription (naṣṣ), that is, symbol (ʿalāmah) with which the King seals His
treasures. He is called (khalīfah)
due to this. Because He is the One who preserves His creature through him,[107] as if
the seal preserves the treasures. As long as the seal of king is on it, nobody
dares to open it except by His permission. So, God nominated him for the
preservation of the cosmos. The cosmos does not come to an end in the condition
of preservation, as long as the Perfect Man [is existent] in the universe. If
not seeing him, that is, unbinding [the seal of] treasure in this world, what
the Real preserved in it will not stay in it, and what will be in it goes out.
[As a result of it] each of them reunites one by one, and the matter is carried
to the next world. He is the seal of the treasure of the next world forever.127
In the above mentioned sentences, it is clear that
the pronoun “he” properly explains Adam himself or an ideal human who can be a
Perfect Man, though Ibn ʿArabī generally regards human beings as the perfect
man. This wide meaning of al-insān
al-kāmil shows the general aspect of human being. The relationship between
Adam and the universe corresponds to that between the stone of a seal ring and
a seal ring. Adam is the bezel of a ring bearing the various inscriptions and
gems. He is the foundation of sealing the divine treasure, through which
divinity is preserved in this world and shifts to the next world. Due to his
role in keeping the order of the world, he is a deputy of God.
As the Qurʾān says, the angels are
not aware that God has His names, or that the universe has its names.
Therefore, they cannot understand “the plane of the Real” (ḥaḍrat al-ḥaqq) demanded for the essential servanthood (al-ʿibādah al-dhātiyyah), in which the
divine names are decorated. This leads us to the belief that they do not truly
comprehend what Adam knows. Moreover, Ibn ʿArabī describes the relationship
between Adam and the universe:
The
universe is seen (shahādah) and
caliph is hidden (ghayb), For that
reason, the Ruler (al-sulṭān) is
veiled. The Real described Himself as being veils of darkness which are the
natural spheres (al-ajsām al-ṭabīʿiyyah),
veils of light which are the subtle spirits (al-arwāḥ al-laṭīfah). The universe is between subtlety and
unveiling.
Thus, the universe does not
perceive the Real who perceives Himself”[108] Based on the idea of self-disclosure (tajallī), the Real is the hidden or “the
hidden of the hidden” (ghayb al-ghayb),
whereas the universe is seen and perceptible, described by the phrase tajallī al-shahādah. Ibn ʿArabī thought
that the universe is also not aware of what Adam knows, so it is just the
object of self-disclosure. The principle that Adam is the deputy indicates that
he embodies the divine names (and divine presence), and that he is existent in
the form of God in the universe. Concerning the qualification of deputy, he
must be in a state of perfection because he has to fulfill the various demands
of those who are governed (raʿāyā).
In this meaning, Adam as the Perfect Man unites the form of universe (ṣūrat al-ʿālam) and the form of the Real
(ṣūrat al-ḥaqq), which is His two
hands.[109] Qayṣarī
comments that the former is the realities of the cosmos (ḥaqāʾiq al-kawniyyah), and the latter is the realities of divinity
(ḥaqāʾiq al-ilāhiyyah).[110] Thus,
the Real and the universe necessitate the Perfect Man.
The other discussion of the caliph
is found in the chapter of wisdom given by Dāwūd. In this chapter, Ibn ʿArabī
argues (1) the comparison between Dāwūd and Adam, and (2) the difference
between the deputy (khalīfah) and
other kinds of authority (sulṭān)
like prophethood (nubūwwah),
apostleship (risālah), and imamate (imāmah), and (3) his opinion of the
difference between “the deputy of God” and “the deputy of the apostle of God.”
First, God singled out Dawūd as His deputy in this world: “O David (Dāwūd),
indeed We have made you (jaʿalnā-ka)
a deputy upon the earth, so judge between the people in truth and do not follow
[your own] desire, as it will lead you astray from the way of God” (Q38:26).
This verse shows clearly that he was nominated directly as deputy by saying “I
made you,” in which the object pronoun is second-person singular. On the other
hand, it is fact that the Qurʾān does not mention any name including in Adam,
when He says the deputy in the world
Indeed,
I will make a deputy upon the earth (innī
jāʿil fi-l-arḍ khalīfat-an) (Q2:30).
It is He who has made you (jaʿala-kum) deputy upon the earth”
(Q6:165). In both verses, there is no
definite nomination from God to make Adam a deputy, though the former verse is
particularly under the context of the narrative of Adam in the Qurʾān. As Ibn
ʿArabī argues, thus, this verse does not say that God will make Adam deputy on
the earth. The latter verse is also in the same case of the former one, in
meaning that there is no appointment from God.
Should you say that Adam (peace be
upon him) was appointed as His deputy, we said that He does not nominate like
the nomination of Dāwūd. Since He said to angels, “Indeed, I will make a deputy
upon the earth” (Q2:30), and He did not say “Indeed, I will make Adam deputy
upon the earth.” If He had said it, it is not the same as His saying “Indeed,
We made you a deputy” (Q38:26), as in the reality of Dāwūd. [111] Second,
in comparison with the other name of authority, Ibn ʿArabī thinks that the
nomination by God to Ibrāhīm is in the same case. In the Qurʾān, God says,
“Indeed, I will make you imām of people” (Q2:124). This is not a nomination as
caliph, but the imamate is as same as caliphate in the meaning of the
leadership. According to Ibn ʿArabī, however, the uniqueness of Dāwūd is the
“deputy of judgment” (khalīfat ḥukm)
which is also based on the Qurʾān.[112]
Adamʼs caliphate is not as high as Dāwūdʼs because he does not have any
necessary requirement. In other words, he is merely the first human created, so
that whoever was there before his caliphate can dominate his position.
Some deputies (khulafāʾ) appointed by God are the apostles (al-rusul). They have apostleship, but not all apostles are caliphs.
According to Ibn ʿArabī, not every apostle is a deputy, just as not every
apostle is a prophet.[113] The
caliph can dismiss and appoint governors freely by the sword, whereas the role
of an apostle is to convey the message. According to Ibn ʿArabī, if the apostle
has political power, he could be the deputy-apostle (al-khalīfah al-rasūl).
Third, Ibn ʿArabī discusses the
caliphate between “the deputy of God” and “the deputy of apostle of God.”
Already in the period when Ibn ʿArabī was alive, the deputy was not from God,
but from the apostle. This means that the caliph was the deputy of the apostle,
and followed the rules which he transmitted to the people. Actually, Ibn ʿArabī
admitted the idea of a deputy of God, because a pious believer who follows the
apostle can judge the right, and comes to receive the divine principle.
Apparently, such a believer is a saint (walī) who, by reaching such a position, is
eligible to be a deputy. Of course, Ibn ʿArabī differentiated the apostleship
from the caliphate, and emphasized the superiority of Muḥammadʼs apostleship.
However, one who stands in the same position as an apostle is a deputy of God
esoterically, and a deputy of the apostle of God exoterically.
In
truth, he (one who follows God) is special and suitable in what he realizes in
the form of reception (ṣūrat al-akhdh)
[of the divine principle]. He is in the place which the apostle [Muḥammad] (May
God be peace upon him) confirmed the Law of one who preceded [his] apostleship.
Through the existence of [previous] apostleship, he could confirm it. We follow
Muḥammad in his confirmation [of apostleship before him], not the law for such
previous apostles before him. Thus, the reception of the caliphate is from God,
just as apostle received [apostleship] from Him. Esoterically speaking, we say
of such a person that he is a deputy of God, and exoterically speaking, he is a
deputy of the apostle of God.[114]
Ibn ʿArabīʼs discussion of the caliphate is the
argument of spiritual authority though which one reaches divine wisdom in preserved
treasure and preserves it as deputy of God. The Perfect Man is embodied as
apostle, prophet, and saint. Against the caliphate of spiritual authority, Ibn
ʿArabī raised the idea of the caliphate of religious/political authority, and
pointed out that a deputy sitting in the position of political caliphate often
mistakes his role in judgment by not following the tradition of the prophet
Muḥammad and instead persisting in their personal opinion. Moreover, the
political caliphate called “outer caliph” (al-khilāfah
al-ẓāhirah) and the spiritual caliphate called the “spiritual caliph” (khilāfah al-maʿnawiyyah) can coexist at
the same time in the context of Ibn ʿArabī’s thought. Thus, the term khilāfah is word which gives him the
imagination of the Perfect Man.
2. Muḥammad and the Metaphysical Foundation of
the Perfect Man
Adam was the first human being created in the form of
God, and he embodies the divine names. For this reason, he is regarded as the
Perfect Man, that is, deputy in this world. In spite of his perfection, it is
fact that he does not have any validity to sit in the position. His honored
position is the result of an “accident,” and at least is not the necessary
requirement. Again, Ibn ʿArabī did not mention the matter in Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam. On the other hand,
Muḥammad fully satisfied the necessity of the position, as Ibn ʿArabī often
cites the Ḥadīth in his works: “I was a prophet when Adam was between water and
clay (bayna al-māʾ wa-l-ṭīn).”[115]
Moreover, the phrase “Muḥammadan reality” (al-ḥaqīqah
al-Muḥammadiyyah) in al-Futūḥāt
al-makkiyyah reinforces the mythical-metaphysical foundation of his
priority though Ibn ʿArabī did not use the phrase in Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam.[116] Though
there is no clear statement that Muḥammad is equal to the Perfect Man, it is
beyond doubt that he is the Perfect Man.
Based on the analysis of the
Perfect Man, it has two categories with regard to the deputyship: (1) the
perfect man with a general meaning, and (2) the Perfect Man with a specific
meaning. First, human beings are given the names of all things and created in
the form of God, as far as they are the posterity of Adam. They look towards
making other creatures on the earth obey them by force. This kind of
vicegerency corresponds to “outer caliph,” which is the material authority. In
this meaning, the idea that any human being could be the perfect man by birth
matches our general imagination of a deputy. Second, there is the idea of the
Perfect Man having superiority to others, by which someone can be the
“spiritual caliph” who realizes the Truth and guides others to gnosis. The
Perfect Man in this specific condition can be the holder of a hidden knowledge
which is the treasure of God. Apostles, prophets and saints can be the Perfect
Man. This classification makes the framework of the theory of the Oneness of
Existence. The idea of the Perfect Man in the context of self-disclosure of
Existence (tajallī) demonstrates the
metaphysics of the divinity. Moreover, apostleship and prophethood are
positions given by God. On the other hand, the process of becoming the Perfect
Man by deeply understanding the divine principle[117]
is an acquired position. This is equal to spiritual training in Sufism. Ibn
ʿArabī discussed the position of the Perfect Man, in comparison with the
universe.
Amazingly
on the matters of the being who has humanity, the highest in whole existent is
the Perfect Man. Height (ʿulū) does
not matter to him except adherently
(bi-l-tabiʿiyyah), whether it is place (makān), or position (makānah),
that is, station (manzilah). Thus,
his height is not through his essence. He is high through the height of place
and the height of position, so his height is due to both [place and position]. [118] Thus
human beings are the perfect man of the general meaning in accordance with our
classification. However, height of rank, which shows the existential place and
spiritual position in the universe, is not decided in nature. The position is
not determined thorough essence. In addition, Ibn ʿArabī argues the height of
rank of the Perfect Man as follows:
Concerning
the deputyship among people, if their height were through the deputy [who is
implicitly] essentially high, all of them will have height. When it is not
general, we know that the height belongs to the position. Among His beautiful
names is “the Most
High” (al-Aʿlā)139
This quotation is not related to the matter of the
outer caliphate, but that of the spiritual caliphate. As far as human beings
go, they are the perfect man in the general meaning, following the deputy
automatically. The height of deputyship just belongs to the position, so it is
said that the height is given from God adherently. In order to be the Perfect
Man in its true meaning, one needs the spiritual position as divine favor.
The representations of divine favor
are apostleship and prophethood, which are gifts from God to humans. Therefore,
these are neither rewards as results of their efforts, nor their requirement to
Him.140 Moreover, God bestows benevolence to individuals on each
occasion, as one of the divine names al-Wahhāb
(the Bestower) shows. Ibn ʿArabī says that the holder of the name Yahyā (John)
as described in the Qurʾān was the first one bestowed the name.[119] The name
of Dāwūd also demonstrates a special gift from God. In Arabic writing, each
letter of his name is isolated (داوود).
This is because the letters comprising his name do not connect with those which
follow. God intends to show through his name that Dāwūd himself is separated
from the universe by God. On the other hand, the name of Muḥammad (محمد) has connected letters with the next
letter (mīm, ḥā), and unconnected letter with the next one (dāl). According to Ibn ʿArabī, he is separated from the universe,
and is connected with God. In this explanation, Kāshānī comments that his name
shows divine favor for the gathering of apostleship, prophethood, caliphate,
kingship, knowledge (ʿilm), wisdom (ḥikmah), and disjunction (faṣl) without any intermediary.[120]
In this way, God shows His grace in
human names to give special positions to them. Without any exception, however,
every human name connects with God. Based on the self-disclosure of existence,
the emanation of existence in the higher level contains that of existence in
the lower level. Due to the entity of existence, the divine names contain every
name in the universe, so does any human name.
The
divine names are every name on which the universe depends, and [every name]
from the Universe is equivalent to Him or the entity of the Real. It is
precisely God, not others. Thus, He says, “O you men! It is you that have need
of God, while God is the Self-sufficient, the Praised” (Q35:15). It is known
that we are mutually dependent, [and not the self-sufficient]. Therefore, our
names are the names of God, that is, the requirement to Him is without doubt.
And, our entities are nothing but His shadow
(ẓillu-hu).
He is [at once] our Hisness (hūwiyyatu-nā),
and [at the same time] not our Hisness.[121]
In the allusion of shadow, the creature is nothing
but the shadow of the Real. The entity of human beings is derived from the
Real, so they enjoy the Hisness of the Real. At the same moment, however, the
intensity of His Hisness is thin because humans are on a lower level of
existence.
Despite of this thinness of
existence, the prophet Muḥammad is separated from the
universe, and shown his specialty. The wisdom
illustrated by him is singularity (fardiyyah),
because he is the most perfect of humankind (al-nawʿ al-insāniyyah). According to Ibn ʿArabī, nothing starts and
ends except with him.
His
wisdom is [the wisdom of] singularity (fardiyyah),
because he is the most perfect existent in this humankind. Thus, the matters
are begun with him and ended (khutima)
[with him]. He was a prophet when Adam was between water and clay. Through his
elemental origin (bi-nashaʾati-hi
al-munṣuriyyah), he is the seal of the apostles, and first (awwal) of the three singular ones,
insomuch as all others derive from this firstness (awwaliyyah) of singular ones. Thus, he is its entity. He (be peace
upon him) was the clearest evidence for his Lord, and he was given the
totalities of words, which is the names named by Adam.[122]
The proof of his uniqueness is based on his
fundamental position at the seal of apostleship, and the first singularity of
three. About the latter of “the first of three,” Qayṣarī regards the three as
“the absolute Essence” (al-dhāt
al-ahadiyyah), “divine degree” (al-martabah
al-ilāhiyyah), and the “Muḥamaddan spiritual reality” (al-ḥaqīqah al-rūḥāniyyah al-Muḥammadiyyah) which is called “the
first intelligence” (al-ʿaql al-awwal),
and regards the first as the “Muḥamaddan spiritual reality.”[123]
In the same part, however,
Kāshānīʼs understanding is complicated. In the solidarity of Muḥammad, he shows
the perfect gathering of the one (aḥad),
the even (shafʿ), and the odd (watr). According to him, each of them
shows the emanation of Existence: one means the one spring of “the Essence of
the Absolute Oneness” (al-dhāt
al-aḥadiyyah). The “even” indicates the Absolute Oneness (aḥadiyyah). Moreover, the odd consisting
of knowledge (al-ʿilm), the knower (al-ʿālim), and the known (al-ʿmaʿlūm) is equal to the Integrated
Oneness (wāḥidiyyah). Muḥammad is the
one who understands the subtle relationship among knowledge, the knower, and
the known.146 In this way, Qayṣarī and Kāshānī interpret differently
what the first of the three means, but they share the same idea that this word
expresses the ontological explanation of Muhammadʼs position related to the
self-disclosure of Existence.
Because of his realization through
his prophethood and metaphysics, Muḥammad is the clearest proof for his Lord.
This point leads to the relationship between God and Muḥammad. As discussed
above, the divine name of al-Rabb is
the outer name of Allāh, whereas Allāh inwardly integrates other divine
names below the Merciful. The relationship of Muḥammad to God is as same as
that of Perfect Man to the hidden treasure of God. That is, as the Perfect Man
is the seal of the treasure and the proof of divine gnosis, Muḥammad is the
seal of the prophets (khātim al-anbiyāʾ)
and the proof of his Lord. However, the universe necessitates the Perfect Man
for preservation of it even after the seal of the prophets. The argument of the
seal of the saints originates in this point.
3. Human Perfection through Sainthood: the Heirs
of the Prophet
The Arabic term walī
(pl. awliyāʾ) is translated literally
“to be near,” and is translated generally “friend of God” in the context of the
Qurʾān.[124] The term
al-Walī is one of the divine names in
spite the of Lord-servant relationship between God and human beings. In the
context of Sufism, it is translated “saint,” who is nearer to God than ordinary
people. Thus, some Sufi who has wilāyah
or walāyah (sainthood) is regarded as
a walī (saint), and is the object of
saint veneration. Ibn ʿArabī also develops the concept of sainthood fully in the
context of Sufism.
The death of the prophet Muḥammad
caused many problems in Islam because he was the seal of the prophets, meaning
that no new prophet will appear with revelation or new laws. People face the
problem that they cannot receive the direct message from God concretely, and
the universe leads to a spiritually inactive situation. Concerning the latter
meaning, the lack of the Perfect Man would be the disorder of the universe
because the highest among prophets and apostles - all of whom are the Perfect
Man - will never appear in this world. Instead of him, saints inherit the
spiritual caliphate whether it is the “deputy of God” or “deputy of apostle of
God,” and preserve the mystical knowledge of God.
Know that sainthood (wilāyah) is the comprehensive and universal sphere (al-falak al-muḥīṭ al-ʿāmm), so it will
never cease. The sainthood has [the faculty of] universal communication (anbāʾ) [with God]. As to the legislative
prophethood (al-nubūwwah al-tashriyyah)[125] and
apostleship, they ceased. It stopped at Muḥammad (May God peace and blessing
upon him), so there is no prophethood after him, meaning [there is neither]
anyone who legislates (musharriʿ),
nor anyone who is legislated, nor any prophet who is legislator.[126]
The apostleship represented by Muḥammad is called the
“legislative prophethood,” which is lawgiving. He brought law and gave the
community divine rule. After Muḥammad, the “universal prophethood” (al-nubūwwah al-ʿāmmah), which is
prophethood without law, remains. This universal prophethood is equal to
sainthood, which started from the past without start, and lasts forever.
In accordance with the Oneness of
Existence, al-Walī is a divine name.
This name can show the relationship between God and man though they are in a
Lord-servant relationship. The friend of God is one of the names which denote
the nature of the relationship like the apostle of God or the prophet of God.
After Muḥammad, the name al-walī has
an important role to indicate the supreme name which shows such relationship (al-Walī) and the friend of God (al-walī). The friendship between God and
man derived from the divine name al-Walī
has lasted forever in this world and the next world, as well as being adopted
for the living and the dead.
This
name (walī) remains to apply to the
servants of God in this world [the alive] and the next world [the dead]. The
name [of walī] which is peculiar to
servant, excluding to the Real- remains until the end of prophethood and
apostleship. However, God shows subtlety through servants, and left the
universal prophethood (al-nubūwwah
al-ʿāmmah) which does not have legislation with it. Moreover, He left
legislation for them in individual effort (al-tashriʿ
fi-l-ijtiḥād) for fixation of opinions. And, He left legacy (wirāthah) for them in legislation. The
prophet said, “The scholars (ʿulamāʾ)
are the legacy of prophets.”[127]
Instead of direct law or revelation, God gave people
after Muḥammad some tools instead of the prophet. The first is universal
prophethood, that is, sainthood. The second is legislation by themselves
through individual efforts (ijtiḥād).
The third is the legacy of scholarly discussion in the Islamic sciences.
Concerning the relationship between prophethood or apostleship and sainthood,
Ibn ʿArabī regards that sainthood is the base of prophethood and apostleship.
Both prophethood and apostleship derive from sainthood and knowledge (ʿilm).151 As whoever knows
himself knows the Lord, obtaining mystical knowledge of God leads to becoming a
true knower (ʿārif). Compared to
“legislative apostleship” which bears law, sainthood seeks knowledge by saying
“O my Lord, increase me in knowledge” (Q20:114). Through sainthood and
obtaining knowledge, one becomes perfect and a true knower: the Perfect Man.
Thus, it is clear that perfection through sainthood demonstrates an upward
direction from lower existential level to higher existential level. In this
sense, it is possible to say that the spiritual training in Sufism aims to
reach the sainthood. Ordinary man steps up to God from low to high so that he
becomes the Perfect Man by acquring sainthood.
Every
prophet from Adam enjoys the “Muḥammadan reality” in which Muḥammad is
manifest ontologically in his niche
(mishkāh). In spite of the fact that
the prophecy of
Muḥammad was the last in time, he is always located
as the first in terms of ontology. Moreover, even when he was in the condition
of clay, his reality (ḥaqīqatu-hu) is
existent which indicates the Muḥammadan reality in the self-disclosure. In this
sense we understand “I (Muḥammad) was a prophet when Adam was between water and
clay.” He always displays his prophethood through other prophets beyond time
and space, whereas other apostles could be apostles only when they are sent to
the people. In this sense, apostles except Muḥammad were restricted. Ibn ʿArabī
suggests an existence that can be higher than apostles.
This knowledge [of gnosis] is not [attained] except
through the seal of apostleship and the seal of saints. Nobody among those
posessing apostleship or sainthood can understand it except from the niche of
the seal of the apostle, and nobody among those posessing sainthood can
understand it except from the niche (mishkāh)
of the seal of the saints. As a result, no apostle can understand it when he
[tries] to understand it except the niche of the seal of the saints. This is
because the prophet and the apostle -meaning legislative apostleship (nubuwwat al-tashrīʿ)- have their roles
end, while sainthood does not cease. Thus, the apostles who belong to saints
cannot understand what we have mentioned except from the niche of seal of the
saints. How are they lower than sainthood? Though the seal of the saints
follows the judgment brought by the seal of the prophets of legislation, that
does not diminish his position (maqām-hu),
or contradict what we have said about him. In one sense, he is lower [than an
apostle], and in another sense he is higher [than an apostle].[128]
As we understand in the consideration of the Perfect
Man, height of spiritual rank is not inherent to human beings or the Perfect
Man. Rather, one has to acquire it through oneʼs own efforts. However, the
niche here, which is a kind of height, is given inherently. The niche of the
seal of the apostles was given to Muḥammad, and the niche of the seal of the
saints is to be given to someone. The niche makes a difference between the
holder of it and non-holders, so that the seal of the saints is lower than an apostle
or a prophet in some sense, and higher than them in some sense.[129] Truly,
even a prophet, apostle, and saint of high status cannot reach gnosis except
with the height of the seal of the prophets and the seal of the saints. In
other words, the seal of the prophets can access what the seal of the saints
reaches, but such special people need to elevate themselves until the niche at
which both seals are located. For this reason, Ibn ʿArabī says that the seal of
the saints was a saint when Adam was between water and clay. Ibn ʿArabī seems
to have a unique idea that this world will last without end. The end of
sainthood is the end of this world, but this world will not be able to end
until sainthood is sealed. Sainthood is the spiritual deputyship for preserving
the treasure of God and bringing order in the universe.
In spite of the special status of
the seal of the saints, he also follows the law brought by Muḥammad. It neither
contradicts sainthood, nor lowers the level of the seal.[130]
This is because Muḥammad is also a saint and a prophet, so he can share what
the seal of the saints has intrinsically. Beyond the commonness between both,
the existence of Muḥammad itself has incomparable property with the seal of
sainthood.
The
seal of saints is the saint (al-walī),
the heir (al-wārith), and the looker
at [whole] grades (al-mushāhid
li-l-marātib). It is excellent among excellence of the seal of the
prophets, Muḥammad (peace and blessings of God upon him) is the guardian (muqaddim) [of the Community], (honorable
title of) Sayyid, preceding Adam in opening door of intercession (shafāʿah). [Here] he defines (ʿayyana) what spreads universally as
level and in particular (ḥāl-an khāṣṣ-an).
In this special level, he precedes the names of divinity.155
The seal of sainthood as well as the seal of
prophethood are the two wheels for maintaining the universe and preserving
divine knowledge. Ontologically speaking, though human creation has a large gap
in rank from the prophet Muḥammad, their human perfection is executed through
sainthood. As a result of their perfection, the Perfect Man who embodies the
divine names and divine presence reveals himself in the universe, being the
true knower and the spiritual deputy. The saint is the heir of the prophets and
the bezel of divine wisdom: this process lasts perpetually as if it is a
circle, with neither beginning nor end.
The Perfect Man has a privileged
rank in the universe because God gave Adam knowledge of the names and created
him in His form. He is the seal of the treasure of God, so that he is called a
deputy (the Perfect Man in its specific meaning). Human beings as his posterity
inherit him, so Ibn ʿArabī also regards them as the “perfect man” innately (the
perfect man in its general meaning). In creation, the prophet Muḥammad has
special status. The wisdom of singularity showed by him is that he is the seal
of the prophets and gives
ontological prestige to other created things like the
Muḥammadan Reality (al-ḥaqīqah
al-Muḥammadiyyah). After him, sainthood was left for people to reach gnosis
through obtaining knowledge. The saints are the heirs of the prophets, and they
maintain the universe by preserving divine treasure.
In the intellectual history of
Islam, Ibn ʿArabī presented a new perspective of Islamic ontology in the
context of the divine names, which is based on the Qurʾān, Ḥadīth, and previous
theological speculations. Thus, his thought is epoch-making in the meaning that
it opens new aspects of divine knowledge.
Conclusion
We have considered how the divine names are discussed
in Ibn ʿArabīʼs theory of the Oneness of Existence. Historically, he is one of
the most controversial thinkers in terms of othersʼ evaluation of his thought.
Some intellectuals like Ibn Taymiyyah, al-Dhahabī, and their followers had a
hostile attitude towards him, whereas some like Ibn Ḥajar and al-Shaʿrānī
appreciated his thought very much. In the academic world of Islamic Studies,
moreover, scholars have engaged with Ibn ʿArabīʼs thought. Academic results
have been published at high levels, but discussion about the divine names based
on the name itself and about the relationship between the divine names and the
Perfect Man is not clearly undertaken. The Oneness of Existence brings another
meaning to the concept of tajallī
(self-disclosure), which means the ontological
self-disclosure of Existence from the One to many. In the purest level of
Existence, It cannot be described with any word (the level of Essence of
Existence or the level of Being qua
Being). The divine name Allāh which
is the persona form of allāh comes
into existence, just after the determination of Existence. In other words, the
name of Allāh is the appearance of
existence in the process of determination. The first self-disclosure is the
undescribed emanation of the unlimited Existence, and the Real appears by
determination in the stage of Absolute Oneness (al-aḥadiyyah). Next, the second self-disclosure is the emanation of
a fixed entity (ʿayn) and, through
shifting from existential essence to divine essence, the name of allāh comes into existence. God as Allāh is as a result of the appearance
of the divine persona, and a result of the determination of the unlimited
Existence in the stage of the Integrated Oneness (al-wāḥidiyyah). Other divine names also appear in the plane of
divinity. “Name” in general has five properties and consists of three parts:
essence, attribute, and action. This framework in “name” is derived from the
divine name, and from the fixed entity of divine names.
Among
the divine names, the name of Allāh
is the first name showing divinity. The
Lord (al-Rabb) has the external role of God as a relationship with
creatures, whereas God
(Allāh)
integrates other divine names internally. Following both names, the Mercy
(al-Raḥmah)
is ranked, and the essence of the Mercy is included in other names. As far as
the divine presence consists of essence, attribute, and action, its visible
appearance is the divine names. In this meaning, the divine name is a “thing”
which stems from essence and contains the divine presence. The Mercy executes
the deed of preparedness (istiʿdād)
in order to affect the Essence of it to other names. The process of preparedness
is equal to that of acquiring a name after nameness. Moreover, the Lord
necessitates the servant to have a Lord-servant relationship. This Lord-servant
relationship based on the primordial contract cannot be dissolved, whereas the
lord-servant relationship in human world could be dessolved. The Perfect Man
embodies this divine presence in the perfect situation, and becomes the
mediator between God and human beings.
The Perfect Man has a privileged rank in the
universe because God gave Adam names of things and created him in His form. He
is the seal of the treasure of God, and for this reason he is called a deputy
(the Perfect Man in its specific meaning). Human beings as his posterity
inherit various natures him, so Ibn ʿArabī also regards them as the “perfect
man” innately (the perfect man in the general meaning). The prophet Muḥammad
has special status in creation. The wisdom of singularity possessed by him is
that he is the seal of prophets and he has ontological prestige over other
creatures through the “Muḥammadan reality.” After him, sainthood is left for
people to reach gnosis through the attainment of knowledge. The saints are the
heirs of the prophets, and they, true knowers, maintain the universe by
preserving divine treasure. Thus, the Perfect Man has an important role of
ithmus (barzakh) by acting as bridge
between supreme Existence and universe.
In the intellectual history of
Islam, Ibn ʿArabī had a new perspective of Islamic ontology in the context of
the divine names, which is based on the Qurʾān, Ḥadīth, and previous
theological speculation. His thought is epoch-making in the meaning that he
opened new aspects of divine knowledge and a new interpretation of the Qurʾān.
Appendix I: The Distribution Chart of tajallī
in Laṭāʾif al-iʿlām fī ishārāt ahl al-ilhām
The number after each term is the one
used in Kāshānī’s work. An asterisk (*) means that he does not indicate exactly
any equivalent word in his definition. For example, if the sentence is “al-tajallī al-dhātī: it is the tajallī awwal,” the word al-tajallī al-dhātī is categorized into
the tajallī awwal.
The
first self-disclosure (al-tajallī
al-awwal 293)* (al-tajallī al-dhātiyy 295)=293 (al-tajallī al-aḥadiyy al-jumʿiyy 296)=293 (al-tajallī al-ghayb al-mughīb 297)=293 (tajallī al-ghayb al-mughīb 297)=293 (tajallī al-hūwiyyah 301)=297=293 (tajallī ghayb al-hūwiyyah 302)=301=297=293 (al-tajallī al-muʿṭī li-l-istiʿdād 304)=297=293 (al-tajallī al-ikhtiṣāṣiyyah 320)=295=293 (al-tajallī al-bargiyyah 321)=295)=295=293 (al-tajallī al-tajarradiyyah 322)=295=293 |
The
second self-disclosure (al-tajallī
al-thāniyy 294)* (tajallī al-ghayb 298)=294 (tajallī al-ghayb al-thāniyy 300)=294 (tajallī al-mumīz li-l-istiʿdādāt 305)=294 |
The
others (tajallī al-shahādāh 303)* (tajallī al-muʿṭī li-l-wujūd 306)=303 -- (al-tajallī al-sārī fī jamīʿ al-dharārī 307)* (al-tajallī al-sārī fī ḥaqāʾiq al-mumkinah 308)=307 (al-tajallī al-muḍāf 309)=307 -- (al-tajallī al-fiʿliyy 310)* (al-tajallī al-taʾnīṣiyy 311)=310 -- (tajallī al-jamʿiyy 316)* (tajallī al-jami bayna humā 318)=316 -- (tajallī al-bāṭiniyy 315)* (tajallī al-muḥbūbī 317)=315 -- (tajallī al-ṣifātī 312)* (tajallī al-ism al-ẓāhir 313)* (tajallī al-ẓāhirī 314)* (tajallī al-dhātiyyah 319)* |
Appendix II
Appendix II: The List of the Divine Names in the
Works of Islamic ThoughtThe List of Divine Names in the Works of Islamic
Thought
|
Tirmidhī Sunan |
|
Qushayrī Al-Fuṣūl
fī al-uṣūl |
|
Qushayrī Asmāʾ Allāh al-ḥusnā |
|
Ghazālī al-Maqṣad al-asnā fī
sharḥ asmāʾ Allāh al-ḥusnā |
|
Ibn ʿArabī al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyah |
1 |
Allāh |
1 |
Allāh |
1 |
Allāh |
1 |
Allāh |
1 |
Allāh (al-ḥaḍrah al-ilāhiyyah) |
2 |
al-Raḥmān |
2 |
al-Raḥmān, al-Raḥīm |
2 |
al-Malik |
2 |
al-Raḥmān |
2 |
al-Rabb (al-ḥaḍrah al-thāniyyah,
al-ḥaḍrah al-rubāniyyah) |
3 |
al-Raḥīm |
3 |
al-Malik |
3 |
al-Quddūs |
3 |
al-Raḥīm |
3 |
al-Raḥmān,
al-Raḥīm (ḥaḍrat al-raḥamūt) |
4 |
al-Malik |
4 |
al-Quddūs
|
4 |
al-Salām |
4 |
al-Malik |
4 |
al-Mālik (ḥaḍrah al-mālik) |
5 |
al-Quddūs |
5 |
al-Salām |
5 |
al-Muʾmin |
5 |
al-Quddūs |
5 |
al-Quddūs (ḥaḍrat al-taqdīs) |
6 |
al-Salām |
6 |
al-Muʾmin
|
6 |
al-Muhaymin |
6 |
al-Salām |
6 |
al-Salām (ḥaḍrat al-salām) |
7 |
al-Muʾmin |
7 |
al-Muhaymin
|
7 |
al-ʿAzīz |
7 |
al-Muʾmin |
7 |
al-Muʾmin (ḥaḍrat al-īmān) |
8 |
al-Muhaymin |
8 |
al-ʿAzīz |
8 |
al-Jabbār |
8 |
al-Muhaymin |
8 |
al-Muhaymin (al-ḥaḍrat muhayminiyyah) |
9 |
al-ʿAzīz |
9 |
al-Jabbār
|
9 |
al-Mutakabbir |
9 |
al-ʿAzīz |
9 |
al-ʿAzīz (ḥaḍrat al-ʿizzah) |
10 |
al-Jabbār |
10 |
al-Mutakabbir
|
10 |
al-Khāliq |
10 |
al-Jabbār |
10 |
al-Jabbār (ḥaḍrat al-jabarūt) |
11 |
al-Mutakabbir |
11 |
al-Khāliq |
11 |
al-Bāriʾ |
11 |
al-Mutakabbir |
11 |
al-Mutakabbir |
|
|
|
(=al-Bāriʾ)
|
|
|
|
|
|
(ḥaḍrat kasb al-kibriyāʾ) |
12 |
al-Khāliq |
12 |
al-Muṣawwir
|
12 |
al-Muṣawwir |
12 |
al-Khāliq |
12 |
al-Khāliq (ḥaḍrat al-khalq) |
13 |
al-Bāriʾ |
13 |
al-Ghaffār
|
13 |
al-Ghaffār |
13 |
al-Bāriʾ |
13 |
al-Bāriʾ (ḥaḍrat al-bāriʾiyyah) |
14 |
al-Muṣawwir |
14 |
al-Qahhār
|
14 |
al-Qahhār |
14 |
al-Muṣawwir |
14 |
al-Muṣawwir (ḥaḍrat al-taṣwīr) |
15 |
al-Ghaffār |
15 |
al-Wahhāb
|
15 |
al-Wahhāb |
15 |
al-Ghaffār |
15 |
al-Ghaffār,
al-Ghāfir, al-Ghafūr (ḥaḍrat isbāl al-sutūr) |
16 |
al-Qahhār |
16 |
al-Razzāq
|
16 |
al-Razzāq |
16 |
al-Qahhār |
16 |
al-Qahhār
(ḥaḍrat al-qahr) |
17 |
al-Wahhāb |
17 |
al-Fattāḥ
|
17 |
al-Fattāḥ |
17 |
al-Wahhāb |
17 |
al-Wahhāb (ḥaḍrat al-wahb) |
18 |
al-Razzāq |
18 |
al-ʿAlīm |
18 |
al-ʿAlīm |
18 |
al-Razzāq |
18 |
al-Razzāq (ḥaḍrat al-alzāq) |
19 |
al-Fattāḥ |
19 |
al-Qābiḍ |
19 |
al-Qābiḍ |
19 |
al-Fattāḥ |
19 |
al-Fattāḥ
(ḥaḍrat al-fatḥ) |
20 |
al-ʿAlīm |
20 |
al-Basīṭ |
20 |
al-Basīṭ |
20 |
al-ʿAlīm |
20 |
al-ʿAlīm,
al-ʿĀlim al-ʿAllām (ḥaḍrat al-ʿilm) |
21 |
al-Qābiḍ |
21 |
al-Khāfiḍ
|
21 |
al-Khāfiḍ |
21 |
al-Qābiḍ |
21 |
al-Qābiḍ (ḥaḍrat al-qabḍ) |
22 |
al-Basīṭ |
22 |
al-Rāfiʿ |
22 |
al-Rāfiʿ |
22 |
al-Basīṭ |
22 |
al-Bāsiṭ (ḥaḍrat al-basṭ) |
23 |
al-Khāfiḍ |
23 |
al-Muʿizz
|
23 |
al-Muʿizz |
23 |
al-Khāfiḍ |
23 |
al-Khāfiḍ (ḥaḍrat al-khafḍ) |
24 |
al-Rāfiʿ |
24 |
al-Samīʿ |
24 |
al-Mudhill |
24 |
al-Rāfiʿ |
24 |
al-Rāfiʿ (ḥaḍrat al-rifʿah) |
25 |
al-Muʿizz |
25 |
al-Baṣīr |
25 |
al-Samīʿ |
25 |
al-Muʿizz |
25 |
al-Muʿizz (ḥaḍrat al-iʿzāz) |
26 |
al-Mudhill |
26 |
al-Ḥakam |
26 |
al-Baṣīr |
26 |
al-Mudhill |
26 |
al-Mudhill |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
(ḥaḍrat al-idhlāl) |
27 |
al-Samīʿ |
27 |
al-ʿAdl |
27 |
al-Ḥakam |
27 |
al-Samīʿ |
27 |
al-Samīʿ (ḥaḍrat al-samʿ) |
28 |
al-Baṣīr |
28 |
al-Laṭīf |
28 |
al-ʿAdl |
28 |
al-Baṣīr |
28 |
al-Baṣīr
(ḥaḍrat al-baṣar) |
29 |
al-Ḥakam |
29 |
al-Khabīr
|
29 |
al-Laṭīf |
29 |
al-Ḥakam |
29 |
al-Ḥakam (ḥaḍrat al-Ḥakam) |
30 |
al-ʿAdl |
30 |
al-Ḥalīm |
30 |
al-Khabīr |
30 |
al-ʿAdl |
30 |
al-ʿAdl (ḥaḍrat al-ʿadl) |
31 |
al-Laṭīf |
31 |
al-ʿAẓīm, al-ʿAlī,
al-Kabīr, al-Mutaʿālī, Dhū al-Jalāl, al-Jalīl |
31 |
al-Ḥalīm |
31 |
al-Laṭīf |
31 |
al-Laṭīf (ḥaḍrat al-luṭf) |
32 |
al-Khabīr |
32 |
al-Ghafūr (=al-ʿAfūw) |
32 |
al-ʿAẓīm |
32 |
al-Khabīr |
32 |
al-Khabīr (ḥaḍrat al-khibrah wa-l-Ikhtibār, ḥadrat al-ibtilāʾ bi-l-niʿam wa-l-niqam) |
33 |
al-Ḥalīm |
33 |
al-Shakūr
|
33 |
al-Ghafūr |
33 |
al-Ḥalīm |
33 |
Ḥalīm (ḥaḍrat al-ḥilm) |
34 |
al-ʿAẓīm |
34 |
al-Ḥafīẓ |
34 |
al-Shakūr |
34 |
al-ʿAẓīm |
34 |
al-ʿAẓīm (ḥaḍrat al-ʿAẓamah) |
35 |
al-Ghafūr |
35 |
al-Muqīt (=16 al-Razzāq) |
35 |
al-ʿAlī |
35 |
al-Ghafūr |
35 |
al-Shakūr
al-Shākir (ḥaḍrat al-shukr) |
36 |
al-Shakūr |
36 |
al-Ḥasīb |
36 |
al-Kabīr |
36 |
al-Shakūr |
36 |
al-ʿAlī (ḥaḍrat ʿulūw) |
37 |
al-ʿAlī |
37 |
al-Karīm |
37 |
al-Ḥafīẓ |
37 |
al-ʿAlī |
37 |
al-kabīr (ḥaḍrat al-kubriyāʾ al-ilāhiyy)
|
38 |
al-Kabīr |
38 |
al-Raqīb |
38 |
al-Muqīt |
38 |
al-Kabīr |
38 |
al-Ḥafīz (ḥaḍrat al-ḥifẓ) |
39 |
al-Ḥafīẓ |
39 |
al-Mujīb |
39 |
al-Ḥasīb |
39 |
al-Ḥafīẓ |
39 |
al-Muqīt (ḥaḍrat al-muqīt) |
40 |
al-Muqīt |
40 |
al-Wāsiʿ |
40 |
al-Jalīl |
40 |
al-Muqīt |
40 |
al-Ḥasīb |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
(ḥaḍrat al-iqtifāʾ) |
41 |
al-Ḥasīb |
41 |
al-Ḥakīm |
41 |
al-Jamīl |
41 |
al-Ḥasīb |
41 |
al-Jalīl (ḥaḍrat al-jalāl) |
42 |
al-Jalīl |
42 |
al-Wadūd |
42 |
al-Karīm |
42 |
al-Jalīl |
42 |
al-Karīm (ḥaḍrat al-karam) |
43 |
al-Karīm |
43 |
al-Majīd (=al-ʿAẓīm, al-Kabīr cf. 31) |
43 |
al-Raqīb |
43 |
al-Karīm |
43 |
al-Raqīb (ḥaḍrat al-murāqabah) |
44 |
al-Raqīb |
44 |
al-Bāʿith
|
44 |
al-Mujīb |
44 |
al-Raqīb |
44 |
al-mujīb (ḥaḍrat al-ijābah) |
45 |
al-Mujīb |
45 |
al-Shahīd
|
45 |
al-Wāsiʿ |
45 |
al-Mujīb |
45 |
al-Wāsiʿ (ḥaḍrat al-siʿah) |
46 |
al-Wāsiʿ |
46 |
al-Ḥaqq |
46 |
al-Ḥakīm |
46 |
al-Wāsiʿ |
46 |
al-Ḥakīm (ḥaḍrat al-ḥikmah) |
47 |
al-Ḥakīm |
47 |
al-Wakīl |
47 |
al-Wadūd |
47 |
al-Ḥakīm |
47 |
al-Wudūd (ḥaḍrat al-wudd) |
48 |
al-Wadūd |
48 |
al-Qawī,
al-Matīn (=61 al-Qādir) |
48 |
al-Majīd |
48 |
al-Wadūd |
48 |
al-Majīd (ḥaḍrat al-majd) |
49 |
al-Majīd |
49 |
al-Walī |
49 |
al-Bāʿith |
49 |
al-Majīd |
49 |
al-Ḥayy (ḥaḍrat al-ḥayāʾ) |
50 |
al-Bāʿith |
50 |
al-Ḥamīd |
50 |
al-Shahīd |
50 |
al-Bāʿith |
50 |
al-Sakhāʾ (ḥaḍrat al-sakhāʾ) |
51 |
al-Shahīd |
51 |
al-Muḥṣī |
51 |
al-Ḥaqq |
51 |
al-Shahīd |
51 |
al-Tayyib (ḥaḍrat al-tīb) |
52 |
al-Ḥaqq |
52 |
al-Mubtadīʾ
|
52 |
Al-Mubtadīʾ |
52 |
al-Ḥaqq |
52 |
al-Muḥsin (ḥaḍrat al-Iḥsān) |
53 |
al-Wakīl |
53 |
al-Muʿīd |
53 |
al-Wakīl |
53 |
al-Wakīl |
53 |
al-Dahr (ḥaḍrat al-Dahr) |
54 |
al-Qawī |
54 |
al-Muḥyī, al-Mumīt |
54 |
al-Qawī |
54 |
al-Qawī |
54 |
al-Ṣāḥib (ḥaḍrat al-ṣuḥbah) |
55 |
al-Matīn |
55 |
al-Ḥayy |
55 |
al-Matīn |
55 |
al-Matīn |
55 |
al-khalīfah (ḥaḍrat al-khilāfah) |
56 |
al-Walī |
56 |
al-Qayyūm
|
56 |
al-Walī |
56 |
al-Walī |
56 |
al-jamīl (ḥaḍrat al-jamāl) |
57 |
al-Ḥamīd |
57 |
al-Wājid (al-ghanī) |
57 |
al-Ḥamīd |
57 |
al-Ḥamīd |
57 |
al-Misʿar (ḥaḍrat al-tasʿīr) |
58 |
al-Muḥṣī |
58 |
al-Mājid (43 al-Majīd) |
58 |
al-Muḥṣī |
58 |
al-Muḥṣī |
58 |
al-Qurbah,
al-Qarb, al-Qurab (ḥaḍrat al-iqrab) |
59 |
al-Mubdiʾ |
59 |
al-Wāḥid |
59 |
al-Mubdiʾ |
59 |
al-Mubdiʾ |
59 |
al-Muʿṭā (ḥaḍrat al-ʿAṭāʾ
wa-l-Iʿtāʾ) |
60 |
al-Muʿīd |
60 |
al-Ṣamad |
60 |
al-Muʿīd |
60 |
al-Muʿīd |
60 |
al-shāfī (ḥaḍrat al-shifāʾ) |
61 |
al-Muḥyī |
61 |
al-Qādir |
61 |
al-Muḥyī |
61 |
al-Muḥyī |
61 |
al-Fard (ḥaḍrat al-ifrād) |
62 |
al-Mumīt |
62 |
al-Muqaddim, al-Muʾakhkhir |
62 |
al-Mumīt |
62 |
al-Mumīt |
62 |
al-Rafiq
(ḥaḍrat al-rafq wa-l-Murāfaqah) |
63 |
al-Ḥayy |
63 |
al-Awwal |
63 |
al-Ḥayy |
63 |
al-Ḥayy |
63 |
al-Bāʿith (ḥaḍrat al-baʿth) |
64 |
al-Qayyūm |
64 |
al-Ākhir |
64 |
al-Qayyūm |
64 |
al-Qayyūm |
64 |
al-Ḥaqq (ḥaḍrat al-ḥaqq) |
65 |
al-Wājid |
65 |
al-Ẓāhir (61 al-Qādir) |
65 |
al-Wājid |
65 |
al-Wājid |
65 |
al-Wakīl (ḥaḍrat al-wilālah) |
66 |
al-Wāḥid |
66 |
al-Bāṭin |
66 |
al-Wāḥid |
66 |
al-Mājid |
66 |
al-Quwan (ḥaḍrat al-quwwah) |
67 |
al-Ṣamad |
67 |
al-Wālī (=49 al-Walī) |
67 |
al-Aḥad |
67 |
al-Wāḥid |
67 |
al-Mutīn (ḥaḍrat al-matānah) |
68 |
al-Qādir |
68 |
al-Barr |
68 |
al-Ṣamad |
68 |
al-Ṣamad |
68 |
al-Walī (ḥaḍrat al-naṣr) |
69 |
al-Muqtadir |
69 |
al-Tawwāb
|
69 |
al-Qādir |
69 |
al-Qādir |
69 |
al-Ḥamīd
(ḥaḍrat al-ḥamd) |
70 |
al-Muqaddim |
70 |
al-Raʾūf (=al-Tawwāb 2 al-Raḥmān, al-Raḥīm) |
70 |
al-Muqtadir |
70 |
al-Muqtadir |
70 |
al-Maḥsī (ḥaḍrat al- Iḥṣāʾ) |
71 |
al-Muʾakhkhir |
71 |
Mālik
al-Mulk |
71 |
al-Muqaddim |
71 |
al-Muqaddim |
71 |
al-Mubdaʾī |
|
|
|
(=3
al-Malik) |
|
|
|
|
|
(ḥaḍrat al-badʿ) |
72 |
al-Awwal |
72 |
al-Muntaqim
|
72 |
al-Muʾakhkhir |
72 |
al-Muʾakhkhir |
72 |
al-Muʿīd (ḥaḍrat al-iʿādah) |
73 |
al-Ākhir |
73 |
al-Muqsiṭ
|
73 |
al-Awwal |
73 |
al-Awwal |
73 |
al-Muḥī (ḥaḍrat al-iḥyāʾ) |
74 |
al-Ẓāhir |
74 |
al-Jāmiʿ |
74 |
al-Ākhir |
74 |
al-Ākhir |
74 |
al-Mumīt
(ḥaḍrat al-mawt) |
75 |
al-Bāṭin |
75 |
al-Ghanī |
75 |
al-Ẓāhir |
75 |
al-Ẓāhir |
75 |
al-Ḥayy (ḥaḍrat al-hayāh) |
76 |
al-Barr |
76 |
al-Mughnī
|
76 |
al-Bāṭin |
76 |
al-Bāṭin |
76 |
al-Qayyūm (ḥaḍrat al-qayyūmiyyah) |
77 |
al-Tawwāb |
77 |
al-Māniʿ |
77 |
al-Barr |
77 |
al-Wālī |
77 |
al-Wājid (ḥaḍrat
al-wajidān, ḥaḍrat al-kun) |
78 |
al-Muntaqim |
78 |
al-Ḍārr |
78 |
al-Tawwāb |
78 |
al-Mutaʿālī |
78 |
al-Wāḥid (ḥaḍrat al-tawḥīd) |
79 |
al-Barr |
79 |
al-Nāfiʿ |
79 |
al-Muntaqim |
79 |
al-Barr |
79 |
al-Ṣamad (ḥaḍrat al-ṣamadiyyah) |
80 |
al-Raʾūf |
80 |
al-Nūr |
80 |
al-ʿAfuww |
80 |
al-Tawwāb |
80 |
al-Qādir, al-Qadir, al-muqtadir (ḥaḍrat al-iqtidār) |
81 |
al-Muntaqim |
81 |
al-Hādī |
81 |
al-Raʾūf |
81 |
al-Muntaqim |
81 |
al-Muqaddim (ḥaḍrat al-taqdīm) |
82 |
al-ʿAfuww |
82 |
al-Badīʿ |
82 |
Dhū al-Jalāl wa-l-Ikrām |
82 |
al-ʿAfū |
82 |
al-Muʾakhkhar (ḥaḍrat al-taʾkhīr) |
83 |
al-Raʾūf |
83 |
al-Bāqī |
83 |
al-Muqsiṭ |
83 |
al-Raʾūf |
83 |
al-Awwal (ḥaḍrat al-awwaliyyah) |
84 |
Mālik al-Mulk |
84 |
al-Rashīd (=81 al-Hādī) |
84 |
al-Jāmiʿ |
84 |
Mālik al-Mulk |
84 |
al-Ākhir (ḥaḍrat al-ākhiriyyah) |
85 |
Dhū al-Jalāl wa-l-Ikrām |
85 |
al-Ṣabūr (=30 al-Ḥalīm) |
85 |
al-Mughnī |
85 |
Dhū al-Jalāl wa-l-Ikrām |
85 |
al-Ẓāhir (ḥaḍrat al-ẓuhūr) |
86 |
al-Muqsiṭ |
86 |
|
86 |
al-Māniʿ |
86 |
al-Muqsiṭ |
86 |
al-Bāṭin (ḥaḍrat al-buṭūn) |
87 |
al-Jāmiʿ |
87 |
|
87 |
al-Ḍārr |
87 |
al-Jāmiʿ |
87 |
al-Tawwāb (ḥaḍrat al-tawbah) |
88 |
al-Ghanī |
88 |
|
88 |
al-Nāfiʿ |
88 |
al-Ghanī |
88 |
al-ʿAfuww (ḥaḍrat al-ʿAfw) |
89 |
al-Mughnī |
89 |
|
89 |
al-Nūr |
89 |
al-Mughnī |
89 |
al-Raʾfah (ḥaḍrat al-raʾfah) |
90 |
al-Māniʿ |
90 |
|
90 |
al-Hādī |
90 |
al-Māniʿ |
90 |
al-Wālī (ḥaḍrat al-imāmah) |
91 |
al-Ḍārr |
91 |
|
91 |
al-Badīʿ |
91 |
al-Ḍārr |
91 |
al-Jāmiʿ (ḥaḍrat al-jamʿ) |
92 |
al-Nāfiʿ |
92 |
|
92 |
al-Bāqī |
92 |
al-Nāfiʿ |
92 |
al-Ghinan (ḥaḍrat al-Ghina
wa-l-Ighnā) |
93 |
al-Nūr |
93 |
|
93 |
al-Wārith |
93 |
al-Nūr |
93 |
al-Maʿṭā al-Māniʿ (ḥaḍrat al-aʿṭāʾ
wa-l-minaʿ) |
94 |
al-Hādī |
94 |
|
94 |
al-Rashīd |
94 |
al-Hādī |
94 |
al-ḍārr (ḥaḍrat al ḍarar) |
95 |
al-Badīʿ |
95 |
|
95 |
al-Ṣabūr |
95 |
al-Badīʿ |
95 |
al-Nāfiʿ (ḥaḍrat al-nafʿ) |
96 |
al-Bāqī |
96 |
|
96 |
|
96 |
al-Bāqī |
96 |
al-Nūr (ḥaḍrat al-nūr) |
97 |
al-Wārith |
97 |
|
97 |
|
97 |
al-Wārith |
97 |
al-Ḥādī (ḥaḍrat al-hadī wa-l-hudā)
|
98 |
al-Rashīd |
98 |
|
98 |
|
98 |
al-Rashīd |
98 |
al-Badīʿ (ḥaḍrat al-ibdāʿ) |
99 |
al-Ṣabūr |
99 |
|
99 |
|
99 |
al-Ṣabūr |
99 |
al-Wārith (ḥaḍrat al-wārith) |
100 |
|
100 |
|
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(Damas: Institut franc ais de Damas, 1964).
[1] O. Yahyā compiles a list
of Ibn ʿArabī's all works.
O.Yahyā, Histoire et classification de lʼoeœuvre
dʼIbn ʿArabī: étude critique (vol.
), (Damas: Institut franc ais de Damas, 1964), pp. 547-600.
[2] The English translation of
the Qurʾān in this thesis is based on Yūsuf ʿAlīʼs translation, but his version
is not always appropriate, thus it is modified in this context and compared
with other translations. ʿAbdullah Yūsuf ʿAlī, The Meaning of the Holy Qurʾān, (Kuala Lumpur: Islamic Book Trust,
2007).
[3] This Ḥadīth is the one
transmitted by Abū Hurayrah.
Abū Hurayrah reported the Messenger (May God peace be upon
him) as saying: “There are ninety-nine names of God, that is (the number)
subtracted one from hundred. And he who memorizes them will enter Paradise.”
And Hammām adds (tradition reported) from Abū Hurayrah, and the Messenger (May
God peace be upon him): “Verily, God is odd-number, and He loves odd-number.”
[4] Ibn ʿAsākir, Tabyīn kadhib al-muftarī fī-mā Nusiba ilā
al-Imām Abū al-Ḥasan al-Ashʿarī, (Damascus: al-Qudsī, 19 8) [abridged
translation in R. McCarthy, The Theology of al-Ashʿarī, (Beirut:
Imprimerie
Catholique, 1953)].
[5]
Concerning the later Platonism and its development in Islam, refer to the
following works.
Peter
Adamson, The Arabic Plotinus: A
Philosophical Study of the Theology of Aristotle, (London: Gerald Duckworth
& Co. Ltd.), 2002.
[6] There are some
translations of Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam in
English. They might be useful for reader to understand the general ideas of Ibn
ʿArabīʼs thought, but it is hard to say that they are trustworthy translations
of the Arabic text. Rather, my translation is based on the commentary by Kāshānī
and Qayṣarī though I referred to such publications.
[7] For the Arabic text we
examine in our research, the main text of Fuṣūṣ
al-ḥikam is the forthcoming publication edited by Saiyad Nizamuddin Aḥmad.
In general, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam is
published with notes based on commentators like Kāshānī, Qayṣarī, and so on.
Each commentator divides Ibn ʿArabīʼs original text into some portion, and
states his comment after it. On the other hand, his edition of Fūṣūṣ al-ḥikam collects only Ibn
ʿArabīʼs text, and adds footnotes in terms of ambiguous phrase based on
Qayṣarīʼs commentary. In this meaning, his edition overcomes the weak point of
previous editions of Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam.
Moreover, his edition is trustworthy for academic usage because it is based on
the only known surviving copy dictated by the author himself to his disciple
Ṣadr al-Dīn al-Qūnawī, Evkaf Müzesi 1933. It is in Qūnawīʼs handwriting and
bears an authorization note in Ibn ʿArabīʼs handwriting on the first page,
which is dated 630/1232. However, I adopt different vocalization (tashkīl) and punctuation from his in
accordance with some publications of Sharh
Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam and their punctuation.
[8] T. Izutsu mentions that he
uses Kāshānī’s commentary of Fuṣūṣ
al-ḥikam in his analysis of Ibn ʿArabī.
T. Izutsu, Sufism and Taoism, (Los Angeles:
University of California Press, 1983), p. 25.
[9] A. Karamustafa, Sufism: The Formative Period, (Berkeley;
Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2007).
[10] Dhahabī was an Iraqi
historian and biographer. His History of Baghdād called Dhayl or Mudhayyal is the
historical biography which continues the work of Abū Saʿd ʿAbd al-Karīm
al-Samʿānī (d. 562/1166). cf. “Ibn al-Dubaythī”
and “Samʿānī” in EI2.
[11] A. Knysh also translates
the explanation of Ibn ʿArabī, but the edition he uses may be different version
from this quotation. According to him, Ibn al-Dubaythī met Ibn ʿArabī during
the short visit to Baghdad though he does not describe any information.
A.
Knysh, Ibn ʿArabi in the Later Islamic
Tradition: The Making of Polemical Image in Medieval Islam, (Albany: State
University of New York Press, 1999), p. 27.
[12]
The phrase of “people of the Reality” is used in Sufism to show that Sufis are
close to God.
[13]
Abū ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Muḥammad al-Sulamī (d. 412/1021) is a well known Sufi
biographer who wrote the work of biographical dictionary of Sufism: Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyyah (The Biographical Dictionary of Sufism).
[14]
His name is known as Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿUthmān b. Qaymāẓ
b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Dhahabī al-Turkumānī al-Fāriqī al-Dimashqī al-Shāfiʿī; “al-Ḏh
ahabī,” in EI2.
[15] cf. Tonaga, Islām to Sūfism (Islam and Sufism), (Nagoya: Nagoya University Press, 2013), pp.
[16] -203.
[17] Knysh makes a chart of
the genealogy of Ibn Taymiyyah. Knysh, Ibn ʿArabi in the Later Islamic Tradition,
p. 64.
[18]
Dhahabī, Mīzān al-iʿtidāl fī naqd
al-rijāl, pp. 269-270.
Ibn
Ḥajar quotes Dhahabī’s whole explanation in his biographical dictionary. In
order to conduct textual criticism, Ibn Ḥajar’s quotation of Dhahabī is
referred to. Ibn Hajar, Lisān al-mīzān,
pp. 391-392.
[19]
Dhahabī, Mīzān al-iʿtidāl
fī naqd al-rijāl, p. 270.
[20]
Some separate “Sunni Sufism” from “philosophical Sufism.” According to them,
the former is orthodox way of Islam following Sharīʿah, whereas the latter is
apostasy based on Greek philosophy and Shīʿī tradition.
cf. Maḥrūs Sayyid Aḥmad
Muḥammad, Naẓariyyat al-ittiṣāl bayna
al-taṣawwuf al-sunnī
wa-l-taṣawwuf al-falsafī, (Cairo:
Maktabat al-Thaqāfah al-Dīniyyah, 009);
Muḥammad Zaynahum Muḥammad ʿAzab, Silsilat
al-taṣawwuf, (Cairo: Maktabat Madbūlī, 1993).
[21] Ibn Ḥajar, Lisān al-mīzān, p.
393. cf. “Ibn Ḥad j ar al-ʿAsḳalānī,” in EI2.
27 Ibn Ḥajar, Lisān al-mizān,
p. 394.
[22] Ibn Ḥajar, Lisān al-mizān, p. 396. 29
“al-S h aʿrānī,” in EI2.
[23]
The name of the book is mentioned in the list of Ibn ʿArabī’s works, which was
compiled by O.
Yaḥyā.
Yaḥyā, Histoire et classification de lʼoeœuvre
dʼIbn ʿArabī: étude critique (vol. 2), p. 581.
[24] Shaʿrānī, ʿAbd al-Wahhāb
al-, Tahdhīb ṭabaqāt al-kubrā: taʾlīf
ʿAbd al-Wahhāb ibn Aḥmad ibn ʿAlī al-Anṣārī al-Shāfiʿī al-Miṣrī al-Maʿrūf
bi-l-Shaʿrānī; hadhdhabahu Muḥyī al-Dīn al-Ṭuʿmī. Wa-maʿa-hu al-Barq al-sāṭiʿ
al-arqā fī sharḥ mā ashkala min al-Ṭabaqāt al-kubrā / li-Muḥyī al-Dīn al-Ṭuʿmī
(vol. 1), ed. Muḥyī al-Dīn ūʿmī ( airo:
Dār al-Rawḍah, 2009), p. 383.
[25] ʿIzz al-Dīn ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz
b. ʿAbd al-Salām b. Abī al-Qāsim b. al-Ḥasan al-Dimashqī (d. 660/1262), who was
born in Damascus and died in Cairo.
“al-Sulamī” in EI2.
[26]
Shaykh al-Islām is an honorific title
in Islam.
“Shaykh al-Islām” in EI2.
[27]
Abu al-Ḥasan al-Shādhilī (d. 656/1258) is the founder of Shādhilī Sufi ṭarīqah,
but there is actually no evidence that he met IbnArabī.
[28] Shaʿrānī, Taghhīb ṭabaqāt al-kubrā, p. 384.
[29]
In this context, interests in spiritual thought or mysticism in the world
flourished rapidly in the western world. In the Eranos conference founded by
Rudolf Otto (1869-1937), famous scholars who were interested in mysticism like
C. Jung, L. Massignon, H. Corbin, M. Eliade, G. Scholem, and T.
[30] A. Afīfī, The Mystical Philosphy of Muḥyid Dīn-Ibnul
ʿArabī, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1939), p. 33. 38
Ibid., p. 46
[31]
H. Corbin, L’imagination créatrice dans
le soufisme d’Ibn ʿArabi, (Paris: Flammarion, 1958), p.
[32]
.
[33]
Massignon created two types of classification of Sufism; one is “monisme
existentiel” which is the Oneness of Existence (waḥdat al-wujūd), and the other is “monisme testimonial” meaning
the Oneness of Testimony (waḥdat
al-shuhūd). According to him, Ibn ʿArabī is categorized into the former,
but Ḥallāj is put into the latter.
L.
Massignon, “L’alternative de la pensée mystique en Islam: monisme existentiel
ou monisme testimonial, ” Annuaire de
Collège de France 52, 1952.
[34]
H. Corbin, L’imagination créatrice dans
le soufisme d’Ibn ʿArabi, p. 98.
cf. L. Massignon, La passion d’al-Hosayn-ibn-Mansour al-Hallaj, martyr mystique de
l’Islam (2 vols), (Paris: P. Geuthner, 1922).
[35] Izutsu, Sufism and Taoism, p. 99.
[36]
In spite of this, this neither means that the present work focuses on political
thought in Islam, nor regards Ibn ʿArabī’s thought as what Hamid Enayat
mistakenly says:
The modernists
reiterate the meaning of tawḥīd to
denounce devotion to anything other than God, and this includes not only the
apotheosis of ‘perfect man’ as suggested by Ṣūfī teachings, but also servile
obedience to the tyrants and ṭaghūts (‘satans’
or illegitimate rulers).
H.
Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Thought:
The Response of the Shīʿī and Sunnī Muslims to the Twentieth Century,
(London; New York: I.B.Tauris, 1982), pp. 8-9.
[37] M. Takeshita, “Ibn
ʿArabī’s Theory of the Perfect Man and Its Place in the History of Islamic
Thought,” (Ph.D Dissertation submitted to University of Chicago, 1986).
[38] Tonaga, Islām to Sūfism (Islam and Sufism), pp. 132-153.
[39] Arabic uses huwa to indicate the pure Existence
because it does not have any neuter gender like it in English and es in
German. On the level of pure Existence, it is not appropriate to call such a
Being qua Being any gender. Though
the term It instead of He is better for indicating this level
of Existence, how to translate the word, whether to say It or He, depends on the
context. Again, in this thesis, I will use capitalized “He” or “It” in
translating the transcendent.
[40]
Ḥadīth Qudsī is the prophetic tradition in which the subject of the tradition
is God.
[41]
Ibn ʿArabī, Divine Sayings Mishkāt
al-anwār: 101 Ḥadīth Qudsī, trs. S. Hirtenstein & M. Notcutt, (Oxford:
Anqa Publishing, 2004), p. 99.
[42]
Sarrāj, Kitāb al-lumaʿ fi-l-taṣawwuf,
ed. R. A. Nicholson, E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Series 22, (London: Luzac & Co,
1914), p. 363.
[43] In the analogy of Sufism,
the word heedlessness (ṭaysh)
corresponds to drunkenness (sukr),
and the word liveliness (ʿaysh) does
to recovering from intoxication (ṣaḥw).
In other words, they are heedless because of the drunkenness of the divine
ecstacy, whereas they are lively because of they are sober after drunkenness.
[44] Qushayrī, al-Risālah al-Qushayriyyah (vol. 1),
eds. ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm Maḥmūd and Maḥmūd Ibn al-Sharīf, ( airo: Dār al-Kutub
al-Ḥadīthah, 1966), pp. -225.
[45]
Kāshānī, Iṣṭilāḥāt al-ṣūfiyyah, ed.
Majīd Hādī Zādah, (Tehran: Muʾassasa-yi Intishārāt-i Ḥikmat, 2002), p. 126.
[46]
In the context of the Oneness of Existence, there are some words which show
absolute Existence. The Absolute Unity (al-aḥad)
is one of them. According to the section in Iṣṭīlāḥāt
al-ṣūfiyyah, it is described as “the name of the Essence (al-dhāt) in respect to the absence of
multitudes of attributes, names, relationships (nisbah), and divergences (taʿayyunāh)
from them.” In this meaning, it is possible to understand that Kāshānī’s use of
dhāt (the Essence) is as same as al-aḥad (the Absolute Unity). Kāshāni, Iṣṭilāḥāt al-ṣūfiyyah, p. 5.
[47] Ibid., pp. 126-127.
[48]
Ibid., p. 127.
[49] The explanation of
visible self-disclosure is based on “al-wujūd
al-musammā.” Ibid., p. 127.
[50] Concerning all the
terminologies related to tajallī,
refer to Appendix I The Distribution Chart of tajallī in Laṭāʾif al-iʿlām
fī ishārāt ahl al-ilhām.
Kāshānī, Laṭāʾif
al-iʿlām fī ishārāt ahl al-ilhām, ed. Majīd Hādīʿ Zādah, (Tehran: Mīrāth-i
Maktūb, 2000).
[51]
Ibid., p. 151
[52] The word maʿānī is used here as the opposite
meaning to form (ṣūrah). That is the
level of abstractness which is distinguished from the concreteness.
[53] Ibid., p. 151
[54]
Tonaga, Islām and Sūfism, p. 1 9.
[55]
He divides his introduction into three parts: 1) investigation of the Reality
of the Absolute Essence (ḥaqīqat al-dhāt
al-aḥadiyyah), 2) clarification of the Reality of names and their
infinities, and 3) clarification of the divine affairs. These are intended by
him to explain “the principles of The
Bezels of
Wisdom.”
Kāshānī,
Sharḥ Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, ed. Majīd Hādīʿ
Zādah, (Tehran: Anjuman-i Āsār va
Mafākhir-i Farhangī, 2004), p.76.
[56]
The prayer phrase al-hamd li-llāh rabb
al-ʿālamīn is usually used in the books, following the beginning of the
first chapter of the Qurʾan.
[57] This word is based on the
following verse in the Qurʾān: “To Allah belong the East and the West;
whithersoever you turn, there is the Face of Allah (wajh Allāh). For Allah is All-Pervading, All-Knowing” (Q :115).
[58] Kāshānī, Sharḥ Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p. 77.
[59]
Kāshānī, Iṣṭilāḥāt al-ṣūfiyyah, p. 9.
[60]
Qushayrī, Sharḥ Asmāʾ Allāh al-ḥusnā,
eds. āhā ʿAbd al-Raʾuf Saʿd & Ḥasan
Muḥammad ʿAlī, ( airo: Dār al-Ḥaram lil-Turāth), 001, p. 59.
[61] According to hittick, Ibn ʿArabī does not always
distinguish between descriptions and attributes. Chittick, Ibn
alʿArabi: The Meccan Revelations (2 vols.), trs. M. Chodkiewicz, W. C.
Chittick, and J. W. Morris, (New York: Pir Press, 2002-2004), p. 248.
[62] Ibn ʿArabī, al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah (vol. 4),
(Cairo: Dār al- ibāʿah, 1876a), p. 216.
[63] Izutsu, Sufism and
Taoism, p. 49. 71 Kāshānī, Iṣṭīlāḥāt
al-ṣūfiyyah, p. 120. 72 Ibid.,
p. 9.
[64] Ibid., p. 120.
[65]
Ibn ʿArabī, al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah (vol.
4), p. 316. See the list of divine names raised by Ibn ʿArabī: “Appendix II The
Divine Names in Islamic Thought.”
[66] Appendix II “The List of
the Divine Names in Islamic Thought” in the end of this thesis shows the list
of the divine names by representative scholars who discuss the divine names. 78
Qushayrī, al-Risālah al-Qushayriyyah
(vol. 1), pp. 214-216.
[67]
Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p. 348.
[68]
Ibn ʿArabī, al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah (vol.
4), p. 316.
[69]
The main text edited by Saiyad Aḥmad makes tashkīl
as yukannā, but I read tukannā in accordance with Kāshānīʼs
commentary.
Kāshānī, Sharḥ Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p. 133.
[70]
Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p. 46.
[71]
Ibn ʿArabī, al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah
(vol. 4), p. 317.
[72]
These important names - Allāh, al-Rabb, and al-Raḥmān illustrating the Reality - occur in the first chapter (sūrat al-fātiḥah) of the Qurʾān.
[73]
Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p. 304.
[74]
Kāshānī, Sharḥ Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p.
450.
[75]
Qayṣarī, Sharḥ Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam
li-l-Qayṣarī (vol. ), ed. Dār
al-Iʿtiṣām, (Iran: Muʾassasat Muḥibbīn li-l- abāʿah wa-l-Nashr, 2002), p. 1147.
[76] Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p. 244.
[77] Ibn ʿArabī, al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah (vol. 4), p.
320. 90 Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ
al-ḥikam, p. 45.
[78] Qayṣarī, Sharḥ Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam li-l-Qayṣarī
(vol.1), p. 368. 92 Kāshānī, Iṣṭilāḥāt
al-ṣūfiyyah, pp. 14-15.
[79] There are seven names in imām al-aimmah: the life (al-ḥayāh), the knowledge (al-ʿilm), the wish (al-irādah), the power (al-qadrah),
the hearing (al-samʿ), the sight (al-baṣar), and the speech (al-kalām).
[80] Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p. 110.
[81] Ibn ʿArabī, al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah (vol. 4), p.
317.
[82] According to Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary (8th
edition), the zodiac means “the imaginary area in the sky in which the sun,
moon and planets appear to lie, and which has been divided into twelve equal
parts each with a special name and symbol.”
[83]
In IbnʿArabīʼs thought, ʿamāʾ is the
abstract place in which creations appear. This idea is based on the Ḥadīth:
“Where was our Lord before He created the creatures?” “He (Muḥammad) answered:
“He was in a cloud (ʿamāʾ).” This
Ḥadīth is often used in al-Fuṭūḥāt
al-makkiyyah. Mohamed Haj Yousef considers the issues related to Ibn ʿArabī
cosmology.
Cf. Mohamed Haj Yousef, Ibn ʿArabī -Time and Cosmology, (London
and New York: Routledge, 2008), p. 8 and pp. 193-194.
[84] Ibn ʿArabī, al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah (vol. 4), pp.
317-318. 99 Refer to Fig. 1 and Fig. 2.
[85]
This figure is copied from the following work.
Samer Akkach, Cosmology and Architecure
in Premodern Islam, Albany: State University of New York Press, 2005, p. 114.
[86]
Ibid., p. 131.
[87] Ibn ʿArabī, al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah (vol. 4), p.
319.
[88]
Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, P. 175. 104
Ibid., P. 112.
[89] Ibn ʿArabī, al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah (vol. 4), p.
319. 106 cf. “sabab” in EI2.
[90]
In regards to enclitic forms of personal pronoun (al-ḍamāʾir al-muttaṣilah) in Arabic, there are three types which
denotes “you.” The Singular form is ka
(masculine, ك -) and ki
(feminine, ك -), the dual form is kumā
(same word is used in both masculine and femine, كُما-), and plural form is kum
(masculine, كُم-) and kunna (feminine, كُ ن-). 108 Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p. 149. 109
Izutsu, Sufism and Taoism, p. 113.
[91] Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p. 229.
[92]
In this point, commentators have different opinions. Qayṣari and Kāshāni regard
it as the Reality
(al-haqīqah), but Jāmī identifies it as
“the essence of principle” (ʿayn al-aṣl).
Qayṣarī, Dāwūd, Sharḥ Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam
li-l-Qayṣarī (2 vols.), p. 380.
[93]
Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, pp.
67-68.
[94] Takeshita points out that
the phrase al-insān al-kāmil appears
seven times in The Bezels of Wisdom,
but four out of these seven times are in the first chapter (The Chapter of
Wisdom of Divinity in the Word of Adam) of Fuṣūṣ
al-ḥikam.
Takeshita, “The Theory of the Perfect Man in Ibn
ʿArabīʼs Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam,” Orient 19, 1983, pp.
[95] -102; Takeshita, “Ibn
ʿArabī’s Theory of the Perfect Man and Its Place in the History of Islamic
Thought,” pp. 9-73.
[96]
Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, pp.
348-349.
[97]
In general, the doctrine of Islam distinguishes the prophet (rasūl) from the Apostle (nabī). A prophet is sent as a new
law-giver or with divine canon, but an apostle succeeds the old one and guides
people. Thus, prophets are apostles, but not all apostles are prophets.
However, this differentiation is not necessarily obvious in the topic of sin.
cf. “Rasūl” in EI2.
[98]
Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p. 349.
[99] According to the Qurʾān,
it is said that there are seven heavens (sabʿat
samawāt), but Ibn ʿArabī says that there are fifteen heavens, divided into
higher spheres and lower spheres. In Ibn ʿArabī's cosmology, planets and stars
are located based on their ranking. See the last section in this chapter. 118
For example, the background of this idea is based on the following verses in
the Qurʾān:
He (God) said: “Indeed, I know what
you know not.” And He taught Adam the names of all things; then He showed them
to the angels, and said: “Tell Me the names of these if you are right.” They
said: “Glory to You, we have no knowledge except what You have taught us.
Indeed, it is You who is the Knowing, the Wise.” He said, “O Adam, tell them
their names.”
And
when he had told them their names, He said, “Did I not tell you that I know the
unseen of the heavens and the earth? And I know what you reveal and what you
have concealed.” And when We said to the angels, “Prostrate before Adam”; so
they prostrated, not so Iblīs. He refused and was arrogant and became of the
disbelievers (Q2:30-34)
[100]
Qayṣarī, Sharḥ Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam
li-l-Qayṣarī (vol.2), p. 1263.
[101] Kāshānī and Qayṣarī
think that this part denotes the “primordial covenant” (Q7:17 ), which is the
first Lord-servant contract between God and human beings:
When your lord drew forth the Children of Adam
from their loins and their descendants, and made them testify concerning
themselves, (saying): “Am I not your Lord?”, they said: “Indeed (balā)! We do testify!” (Q7:17 ).
Kāshānī, Sharḥ
Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p. 227; Qayṣarī, Sharḥ
Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam li-l-Qayṣarī (vol.1), p. 614.
[102]
Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p. 115.
[103] Kāshānī, Iṣṭilāḥāt al-ṣūfiyyah, p. 134.
[104] Concerning the refer to
the following works: W. Madelung, The
Succession to Muḥammad: A Study of the Early caliphate, (Cambridge; New
York: Cambridge University Press, 1997); H. M. Jafri, Origins and Early
Development of Shiʾa Islam, (London; New York: Longman, 1979); M. Momen, An Introduction to Shi’i Islam, (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1985).
[105] P. Crone, God’s Caliph: Religious Authority in the
First Centuries of Islam, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).
[106]
“And He taught Adam the names of all things; then He placed them before the
angels, and said: ‘Tell me the names of these if ye are right’” (Q :31).
[107] I read the text by
adding bi-hi (through him) in
accordance with Qayṣarīʼs Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam,
though the main text does not mention it. Jāmī notes that he in the world is
the Perfect Man.
Qayṣarī,
Sharḥ Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam li-l-Qayṣarī
(vol.1), p. 247. 127 Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ
al-ḥikam, pp. 18-19.
[108]
Ibid., p. 26.
[109]
Ibid., p. 26.
[110] Qayṣarī, Sharḥ Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam li-l-Qayṣarī
(vol.1), p. 295.
[111]
Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p. 267.
[112]
This verse is the same verse in which God nominates Dāwūd as deputy: “Judge
between the people in truth” (Q38:36).
[113] Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p. 363.
[114] Ibid., p. 270.
[115]
Ibid., p. 377; Ibn ʿArabī, al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah (vol. 1), p.
243.
[116] Chodkiewicz points out
that the terms al-ḥaqīqah
al-Muḥammadiyyah and al-insān
al-kāmil are not purely synonymous, but express differing views of man: the
former is in terms of his primordiality, and the latter is in terms of his
finality.
M. Chodliewicz, Seal of the Saints: Prophethood and
Sainthood in the Doctrine of Ibn ʿArabī, tr.
Liadain
Sherrard, (Cambridge: The Islamic Texts Society, 1993), p. 71.
[117]
This point will be considered in the next section.
[118] Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p. 73. 139 Ibid., pp. 73-74. 140 Ibid., pp. 263.
[119] “O, Zakariah! Indeed, We
give you good tidings of a boy whose name will be Yaḥyā. We have not assigned
to any before [this] name” (Q19:7).
[120]
Kāshānī, Sharḥ Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p.
406.
[121] Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, pp. 146-147.
[122]
Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, pp.
377-378.
[123] Qayṣarī, Sharḥ Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam li-l-Qayṣarī
(vol.2), 1328. 146 Kāshānī, Sharḥ
Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, pp. 538-539.
[124] “God is the Friend of
those who believe” (Q2:257). “He is the Friend, the Praiseworthy” (Q42:28).
[125] Ibn ʿArabī distinguishes
“legislative Prophethood” (al-nubuwwah
al-tashriyyah) from “universal Prophethood” (al-nubuwwah al-ʿāmmah). The former is the Prophethood which is
brought with law, but the former is the one which is not brought with law (Ibn
ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p. 205). In al-Fuṭūḥāt al-makkiyyah, the former
corresponds to “legislative Prophethood” (al-nubuwwah
al-tashriyyah), and the latter corresponds to the “absolute Prophethood” (al-nubuwwah al-muṭlaqah).
Concerning “absolute Prophethood,” see Ibn
ʿArabī, al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyyah (vol.
2), p. 53; Takeshita, “Ibn ʿArabī’s Theory of the Perfect Man and Its Place in
the History of Islamic Thought,” p. 120.
[126] Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p. 205.
[127] Ibid., pp. 204-205. 151 Ibid., p. 207.
[128]
Ibid., pp. 40-41.
[129] As a proof on it, Ibn
ʿArabī raises the example of ʿUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb (d. 23/644) in the war of
Badr. Concerning to the treatment of enemyʼs captures, ʿUmar had the opinion
that they should kill them, whereas Abū Bakr (d. 12/634) issued that they
should ransom them. At that time, Abū Bakrʼs idea was accepted, but later the
verse of the Qurʾān (Q8:67) proved that ʿUmarʼs opinion is right: “It is not
for a Prophet to have captives [of war] until he inflicts a massacre [upon
Allāhʼs enemies] in the land. Some Muslims desire the commodities of this
world, but Allāh desires [for you] the Hereafter. And Allah is Exalted in Might
and Wise” (Q8:67).
[130] Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam, p. 41. 155 Ibid., p. 44.