2016/11/08

相生 > 알립니다 > "상생의 세상"이란



相生 > 알립니다 > "상생의 세상"이란

"상생의 세상"이란
글쓴이 : 원정 날짜 : 03-07-28 06:42 조회 : 5439
홈페이지 : http://sangsaeng.com
트랙백 주소 : http://www.sangsaeng.com/main/bbs/tb.php/ss06/1

이 세상에는 계절의 흐름이 있듯이, 삼라만상은 때로는 서로를 살리는 상생의 관계를 맺으면서, 때로는 서로를 해치는 상극의 관계를 맺으면서 그렇게 흘러가는 것 같습니다.

그러나 삶은 죽음에 의지하듯이 일견 서로 해치는 듯한 관계일지라도 멀리 보면 이 또한 서로를 살리는 관계인 것 같습니다.
강 상류의 모난 돌들이 강 하류로 흘러 내려가면서 서로 부딪혀 상처를 주고받을 때는 상극의 관계인 듯 보이지만, 그렇게 서로 상처를 주고받지 않았다면 강 하류에 이르러 어떻게 둥근 돌이 될 수 있었겠습니까?
아무리 주인의 귀여움을 독차지하는 강아지로 태어났을지라도 죽음이 없어 강아지의 모습으로만 머문다면 그 강아지가 어떻게 더 큰 깨달음을 얻을 수 있겠습니까?
자신의 철천지원수가 알고 보면 자신에게 가장 큰 깨달음을 주는 스승입니다.
그래서 일견 상극의 관계로 보이는 경우에도 잘 살펴보면 그 또한 상생의 관계임을 알 수 있습니다.

따라서 엄밀한 의미에서는 이 세상은 이미 상생의 세상이요, 삼라만상의 모든 관계는 상생의 관계라고 볼 수 있지만(상생의 눈으로 보면 상생의 세상이고 상극의 눈으로 보면 상극의 세상이기에, 결국 알고 보면 상생도 상극도 없지만), 외면적인 모습이 상생관계로 보이는 곳에 에너지를 모아주고 싶은 마음이 동하여 "상생의 세상"을 열었습니다.

"상생의 세상"에는 자신들을 진정으로 사랑할 줄 아는, 그리하여 자신들도 모르게 이 세상을 살리는 그런 사람들이 머물고 있습니다.

모든 물은 결국 바다에서 만납니다.
물이 강으로 흐르든지 지하로 흐르든지 서로 다투지 않듯이 우리도 서로를 존중하면서 이 세상에서 욕심껏 흘러가길 바랍니다.
그리고 이 다음에 바다에서 만나 우리는 항상 한 몸이었음을 마음껏 노래합시다.

상생의 세상을 열면서


2003. 7. 28. 아침에

원정 올림


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글쓴이 : 모모 날짜 : 03-08-04 18:44


하나 하나 알아가면 갈수록, 원정님의 글들은, 절 감탄하게 만듭니다..
에고와 해탈과의 관계도 그렇고,, 상생에 대한 글들도 그렇고,,,,,,,^^*
하여튼, 이렇게 좋은 자리 마련해 주신 원정님께 언제나 감사드립니다.^^
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글쓴이 : 원정 날짜 : 05-12-23 16:56


2003. 7. 원정이라는 자는 이러한 생각을 가지고 있었군요.
지금은 강아지 부분은 거두어 들여야 할 듯....
전생도, 내생도, 윤회도 없어라.
지금의 원정은.....
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글쓴이 : 원정 날짜 : 06-08-22 15:39


강 상류의 모난 돌인들 어떠랴, 강 하류의 둥근 돌인들 어떠랴
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글쓴이 : 김성일 날짜 : 06-09-07 20:49


법(法)이란 '물'과 '가다'로 이루어져 있습니다.

물의 속성, 즉 자연의 섭리가 법이라는 선인들의 생각인 것 같습니다.
물은 아래로 가기도 하지만 위로 날라가기도 하지요.

이 하늘로의 비상이 '가다'의 원인이겠지요.
그렇지 않다면 결국 모든 물은 고여 있게 되겠지요.
여러분들에게도 이와 같은 비상이 있기를 바랍니다.
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글쓴이 : 원정 날짜 : 06-09-08 03:55


저도 물처럼 살기를 바랍니다.

상생의 세상에 오심을 진심으로 환영합니다.
좋은 날 되십시오.
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글쓴이 : 원정 날짜 : 06-09-25 10:43


저는 개인적으로 상생의 세상에 방문하신 분들이 정신적인면과 물질적인 면에서 서로 조화를 이루면서 발전하셨으면 좋겠습니다.
그리고 저는 궁극적으로는 정신적인면과 물질적인면이 서로 다르지도 않다고 생각하고 있습니다.
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글쓴이 : 임광철 날짜 : 06-11-03 17:42


마음이 평안해지는 기분이 느껴지는데요...
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글쓴이 : 임광철 날짜 : 06-12-16 11:29


사진없었는데 .. 뽀샵처리가 필요한듯..ㅎㅎ


글쓴이 : 원정 날짜 : 06-12-17 00:54


사진이 너무 크게 올려져 있네요.
나중에 지구인님에게 부탁해야 할 것 같습니다.
뽀샵에 기타 온갖 사기술을 동원한 상태로 알고 있는데...
기본이 부족하다보니 아직도 많이 부족한가 봐요.^^


글쓴이 : 이선복 날짜 : 07-12-17 23:00


안녕하세요... 저 연천에 선복이예요..
기억하실란가 모르겠네요
그간 잘지내셨는지요
이제야 한번 들어와 보네요
사진 뵈니 너무 반갑습니다
그때 만나고 계신 여친과는 잘 되어가는지 궁금하네요
혹시 결혼을하신건 아니겠지요
날짜 잡으시면 연락주세요
꼭 가서 축하드릴께요...
참! 싸이 한번 들어가보려고 하는데 아무리 찾아봐도 못찾겠네요
제 싸이주소는 sunsoka0a0@naver.com 입니다
꼭 한번 놀러 오세요
별 볼건 없습니다..ㅎㅎ
얼마 남지 안은 한해 마무리 잘 하시고 새해에도 만사형통하시길 바라겠습니다.
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글쓴이 : 원정 날짜 : 07-12-18 16:44


잘 지내세요?
제가 잊을리가 있겠습니까?

결혼할 일이 있으면 연락드릴께요.
전 싸이는 없습니다.

항상 말씀드리지만 법률문제는 예방이 더 중요합니다.
일도 쉽게 해결되고 비용도 들지않고...
언제든지 연락주세요.

이선복님에게는 제가 평생 고문변호사 역할을 해드리겠습니다.

연말 잘 보내시고 새해도 좋은 해 되세요.
--

2016/11/07

解明의 수사학 : 남다른 사이였던 백제와 고대 일본

解明의 수사학 : 남다른 사이였던 백제와 고대 일본



남다른 사이였던 백제와 고대 일본 독서

660년 7월, 나당 연합군이 백제를 기습 공격했습니다. 계백(階伯, ?~660)이 황산벌에서 신라군을 맞아 분전했으나, 끝내 방어선이 뚫려 버렸고, 사비성과 웅진성이 잇달아 떨어졌습니다. 백제의 의자왕(義慈王, ?~660, 재위 641~660)은 적에게 사로잡혀 당(唐)으로 끌려가 그곳에서 쓸쓸히 죽었습니다. 이렇게 백제는 멸망했습니다. 하지만 사실 백제는 아직 멸망하지 않았습니다. 도성과 왕을 잃었지만, 백제 땅 곳곳에서 나라를 되살리려는 부흥군이 들고일어나 나당 연합군을 괴롭히기 시작했습니다. 부흥군은 일본에 있던 왕자 부여풍(扶餘豐)을 데려와 왕으로 삼고 나당 연합군을 더 세게 압박했습니다. 백제가 다시 일어서는 것은 시간문제로 보였습니다.

663년 3월, 일본은 부흥군과 함께 나당 연합군과 싸울 2만7천 명이나 되는 대군을 한반도로 보냈습니다. 같은 해 8월, 일본 수군은 부흥군의 근거지인 주류성을 치고자 바다를 건너온 당의 수군을 백강 어귀에서 맞아 싸웠습니다. 수적으로 우세했음에도 일본군은 당군과 네 번 싸워 네 번 모두 패하며 4백 척에 이르는 전선을 잃었습니다. 중국과 한국의 사서들은 이때 불탄 일본의 전선들에서 나는 연기와 불꽃이 하늘을 환하게 했고, 바닷물을 붉게 했다고 기록했습니다. 이 싸움, 백강 전투 또는 백촌강 전투의 참패로 부흥군은 무너졌고, 백제는 정말로 멸망했습니다. 부여풍이 고구려로 망명했다는 풍문이 떠돌았고, 많은 백제인이 정든 고향을 등진 채 일본으로 떠났습니다.

이와 같은 백제 최후의 날 풍경을 보면, 물음표 하나가 우리 머릿속에 떠오릅니다. 일본은 무엇 때문에 당시 동아시아 최강국인 당과 전쟁을 벌이는 것도 마다치 않고, 백제를 도왔을까요?

일본에서는 백제가 일본의 속국이었으므로 속국의 멸망을 막고자 원군을 보냈다고 말하는 이들이 있습니다. 반대로 한국에서는 백제를 돕기로 마음먹은 사이메이덴노(斉明天皇, 594~661, 재위 655~661)를 비롯한 일본의 지배층이 백제 출신이기 때문에 조국을 부흥하고자 출병했다고 말하는 이들이 있습니다. 이른바 조국부흥전쟁설인데, 여기에는 사이메이덴노가 의자왕의 누이였다는 근거 없는 상상까지 덧붙습니다. 다른 듯하지만, 다르지 않은 이 주장들을 사실로 받아들이기란 어렵습니다. 백제가 일본의 속국도 아니었지만, 속국이었다고 하더라도 정권이 무너지면서까지 속국을 돕는 나라가 세상 어디에 있을까요? 또 일본의 지배층을 백제 출신으로 만들고자 억지로 사료를 비튼 조국부흥전쟁설도 설득력 없기는 마찬가지입니다.

오랫동안 고대 한일 관계의 역사를 연구한 김현구 교수는 앞의 두 주장을 모두 비판하면서 일본의 백제 부흥군 지원이 일종의 공세적 방어 전략이었다고 말합니다.

"일본은 당의 침입을 앉아서 기다리다 혼자서 싸우기보다는 한반도에 와서 백제·고구려와 연합전선을 펼치는 길을 선택했다. 일본이 왜 전쟁터를 한반도로 설정했는가는 1894년 청일전쟁의 장소를 한반도로 설정한 것이나, 제2차 세계대전 때 수천 킬로미터나 떨어진 진주만(眞珠灣, Pearl Harbor)을 선제공격하여 전쟁터를 미국 쪽에 설정한 사실을 살펴보면 쉽게 이해할 수 있다. 한반도로 와서 백제·고구려와 손을 잡고 당·신라와 싸우기로 한 이상, 일본은 백제가 완전히 무너지기 전에 서두르지 않으면 안되었다. 그래서 정권의 운명을 걸고 백촌강싸움에 출병하게 된 것이다."

백제가 무너졌다는 소식이 바다 너머에서 들려오자 일본 열도는 공포에 휩싸였습니다. 백제에 이어 고구려까지 무너진다면, 머지않아 나당 연합군이 일본으로 쳐들어오리라고 여겼기 때문입니다. 이미 몇 년 전부터 적들이 올 만한 곳에 성을 쌓아 나당 연합군의 침공에 대비했지만, 막상 백제가 멸망하자 일본인들의 불안감은 더욱 커졌습니다. 물론 당에 맞서 싸워야 한다는 것은 적잖은 부담이 되었습니다. 그래도 그것은 자신들도 백제처럼 멸망할지 모른다는 두려움보다 크지 않았습니다. 쉬운 결정은 아니었지만, 부흥군을 돕기로 한번 결정하자 일본은 통 크게 부흥군을 지원했습니다. 수만이 넘는 병력과 많은 군수 물자를 한반도로 보냈습니다. 그렇지만 이미 앞에서 살펴봤듯이 일본군은 나당 연합군에 패했고, 주류성까지 함락되면서 백제 부흥 운동은 끝내 실패하고 말았습니다. 『일본서기(日本書紀)』는 이때 백제인들이 "백제의 이름은 오늘로 끊겼다"라며 한탄했다고 기록했습니다.

백제와 왜는 특수한 용병 관계였다

김현구 교수의 『백제는 일본의 기원인가』(관련 정보)는 제목만 보면 왠지 고대 일본이 백제의 속국이었다는 주장이 튀어나올 듯하지만, 실제로 책을 읽어 보면 그런 내용은 전혀 나오지 않습니다. 오히려 김 교수는 이 책에서 백제와 왜가 "특수한 용병관계"이자 "맹우"로서 대등한 사이였다고 주장합니다.

"당시 백제는 일본에 필요한 선진문물을 제공하고, 일본은 백제에 필요한 군사원조를 제공하는 특수한 용병관계였음을 알 수 있다. 이런 용병관계는 기본적으로 당시 동아시아의 정세에서 비롯되었다. 그러나 왕의 역할이 절대적이던 당시로서는 용병관계의 이전 단계에서 이루어진 양국 왕실간의 오랜 혼인관계를 무시할 수 없을 것이다. 또한 오랜 인적 교류가 있었기 때문에 양국은 단지 용병관계로만 설명할 수 없는 관계로까지 발전할 수 있었던 것이다."

아닌 게 아니라 두 나라는 오늘날 우리가 생각하는 것보다 그 관계가 훨씬 깊었습니다. 고구려의 남진으로 위례성을 잃고 위기에 빠졌던 백제를 중흥한 군주인 무령왕(武寧王, 462~523, 재위 501~523)은 일본에서 나고 자랐다고 하는데, 나중에 무령왕이 죽어 무덤에 묻힐 때 쓰인 관이 일본의 특산종인 금송으로 만들어졌다는 사실은 백제와 왜가 남다른 사이였음을 암시합니다.

무령왕이 묻힌 무령왕릉과 무령왕이 왜의 남제왕에게 주었다는 거울(한겨레21)

물론 왕실 사람들만 두 나라를 오갔던 것은 아닙니다. 백제에서 일본으로 간 사람도 많았지만, 왜에서 백제로 온 사람도 적지 않았습니다. 백제로 온 사람들 가운데에는 관료로 활약한 이도 있었습니다. 학자들이 흔히 왜계 백제 관료라고 부르는 이들은 일본에 군사 원조를 청하러 가는 사절단에 한두 사람씩 꼭 끼였는데, 왜계 백제 관료들이야말로 백제와 일본 간의 특수한 용병 관계를 만드는 주인공이었습니다. 뒷날 일본 지배층이 백제 부흥군을 통 크게 지원할 수 있었던 것은 공세적 방어 전략 차원에서 일본 열도가 싸움터가 되는 것보다 한반도로 군사를 보내 싸우는 것이 더 낫다고 판단했기 때문이기도 하지만, 이처럼 두 나라가 오랫동안 깊은 관계를 맺었기 때문이기도 합니다.

그러나 백제가 멸망하고 일본이 제 갈 길을 가면서 백제와 왜의 인연은 거의 다 잊히거나 비틀렸습니다. 특히 고대 일본의 야마토 정권이 한반도 남부를 다스렸다는 임나일본부설은 왜곡의 절정이었습니다. 일제는 실상과 다른 임나일본부설을 내세워 조선 침략을 정당화하기도 했고, 그 후유증은 여태껏 남아 한일 관계를 어지럽히곤 합니다.

『백제는 일본의 기원인가』에서 김현구 교수는 왜곡된 고대 한일 관계의 역사를 바로잡아 쉽게 설명하고자 했습니다. 임나일본부설 문제도 책에서 빠뜨리지 않고 다루었는데, 후속작이라고 할 만한 『임나일본부설은 허구인가』(관련 글)는 임나일본부설의 맹점을 더 깊이 파고들었습니다. 이 두 책을 함께 읽으면 임나일본부설이 왜 사실이 될 수 없는지 확실히 알 수 있으리라고 생각합니다.

그 밖에도 책에는 신라와 일본의 관계를 다룬 글도 실렸고, 도래인(渡來人)들의 흔적이 남은 고대 일본의 유적들을 답사한 내용도 볼 수 있습니다. 책 구성이 조금 느슨해 보이지만, 비교적 적은 분량 속에 고대 한일 관계에 관한 이모저모를 풍성하게 담았습니다. 한때는 아주 가까웠던 백제와 고대 일본처럼 오늘날 한국과 일본도 가까워지기를 바라는 사람이라면, 이 책을 읽어 볼 만하지 않을까 싶습니다.

Roberto Alagna - Una Furtiva Lagrima (Elisir d`Amore) (HD 720p) - YouTube

Roberto Alagna - Una Furtiva Lagrima (Elisir d`Amore) (HD 720p) - YouTube

2016/11/06

Christianity in Japan – Theory and Methods in the Study of Religion

Christianity in Japan – Theory and Methods in the Study of Religion



Christianity in Japan

This annotated bibliography is composed of both seminal and recent works on Christianity in early modern and modern Japan. As reflected in the selections here, the vast majority of scholarship on this topic is focused on two historical moments—the “Christian Century” of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, and Protestant Christianity in the Meiji Period. This annotated bibliography is a first attempt to review a few frequently-cited works as well as more recent scholarship, and is by no means comprehensive. Given my own orientation as a student of history, I have also restricted this list primarily to works arising out of that discipline.*

 Anderson, Emily. “Tamura Naoomi’s ‘The Japanese Bride’: Christianity, Nationalism, and Family in Meiji Japan.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 34, no. 1 (2007): 203-228.
Historian Emily Anderson examines the strongly condemning responses to the publication of Christian minister Tamura Naoomi’s English-language book, The Japanese Bride in 1893, bringing to light the intersections of nationalism, religion, and family in modern Japan. In his controversial English-language publication, Tamura described Japanese marriage and familial customs and compared them to American ones observed in his travels, a comparison perceived as an attack on the Japanese family and a betrayal of Japanese Christianity and the nation at large. Nationalists and Japanese Christians, as Anderson argues, saw the work as jeopardizing Japanese Christians’ authority over a foundational aspect of Japanese society (the family) and undermining the parity that Japanese sought with Western nations, which it needed for its imperialist enterprise. As she writes, “By characterizing Japanese families—the very core of the nation—as shameful, backwards, and unhappy, Tamura was in fact defying the central argument of Japanese claims to modern legitimacy” (225). His publication thus revealed the anxieties of the Japanese nation about its position not only in East Asia, but vis-à-vis the West.
Anderson contextualizes Tamura’s publication within a larger collection of his writings as well as a host of other Japanese-language archival materials. Like Notto Thelle’s study on the Buddhist-Christian relationship, Anderson’s study interrogates the relationship between nationalism, Christianity, and anti-Westernism in Meiji Japan.
Breen, John and Mark Williams, eds. Japan and Christianity: Impacts and Responses. London: Macmillan, 1996.
Japan historian John Breen and literature scholar Mark Williams aim in this compilation, the product of a 1991 conference on Christianity in Japan, to complicate the “Western ‘impact’ and an “Eastern” ‘response’” structure used in understanding Christianity in Japan (1). They frame their study by setting in conversation two scholars—Ebisawa Arimichi, who has argued that Christianity laid a crucial foundation for Tokugawa thought, and George Elison, who declared less positively that in the Japanese context Christianity’s “cultural contribution was nil’ (Elison, qtd. in Breen and Williams, 2).
The collection covers a broad scope of topics and periods, from Christianity from the Tokugawa period to the twentieth century by Mark Mullins, Notto Thelle, Helen Ballhatchet, John Breen, Michael Cooper, Stefan Kaiser, Ohashi Yukihiro (the only Japanese scholar included), Stephen Turnbull, Christal Whelan, and Mark Williams. Collectively, they aim to show the slow but myriad processes by which Japanese interacted with Christian and Western ideas and institutions, and, importantly, the ways in which Japan contributed back to Western Christianity. Topics range from Western-style painting in Japan to the tensions between evolutionary theory and Christian theology to Japanese literary works on Christianity.
Elison, George. Deus Destroyed: The Image of Christianity in Early Modern Japan. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973.
In this seminal work, George Elison challenges narratives of Catholicism in Tokugawa Japan—the “Christian Century”—by eschewing the “Western” point of view adopted by scholars in favor of one that approaches the topic from the “inside,” made possible by his translation of Japanese-language anti-Christian texts. (The title of his book is from an anti-Christian tract written by Japanese Jesuit convert later turned skeptic, Fabian Fucan.) The book is composed of two main sections: the first, an analysis of Christianity in Japan from entry in 1549 to its rejection by the state; the second, translations of four anti-Christian works by Japanese Buddhists, Confucians, and apostate Jesuits. Though acknowledging the complexity of the history of Christianity in Japan, Elison is quite clear in his position that Christianity failed to make any lasting positive contributions to Japan, instead reifying the state’s control over society and religion and contributing to its continued isolation. Elison’s challenge to the legacies of Christianity as well as his contribution of translated texts make this a key work in assessing Christianity both in the Tokugawa period and its continued influence in Japan today.
Hardacre, Helen. Shinto and the State, 1868-1988. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1989.
Historian Helen Hardacre aims to change the “faceless quality of research on State Shinto” by examining peripheral voices, particularly those of the priesthood, to understand interactions between the state and Shinto between 1868 and 1945. Hardacre argues that Shinto as a religion of Japan was invented after the Meiji Restoration—the word itself is “purely a modern, post-Meiji invention”—and that this invented tradition has been enlisted in the service of the creation of the modern nation (19, 4). Nevertheless, her decision to omit the 1930-1945 period from her analysis does seem to be a critical missed opportunity to bolster her argument about Shinto’s cooptation as a handmaiden of the state.
Hardacre’s work on religion draws attention to another aspect of the state-invented tennosei system on which scholars such as Carol Gluck (Japan’s Modern Myths, 1985) and Takashi Fujitani (Splendid Monarchy, 1996) have also focused. Her argument that postwar Shinto faces serious challenges because of its loss of hegemony over national symbols and because of the rise of religious pluralism also contrasts with Daniel Holtom’s more optimistic conclusion (Modern Japan and Shinto Nationalism, 1943).
—. Religion and Society in Nineteenth-Century Japan: A Study of the Southern Kanto Region, Using Late Edo and Early Meiji Gazetteers. Ann Arbor: Center for Japanese Studies, University of Michigan, 2002.
In this more recent publication, Helen Hardacre presents a detailed study of Buddhist and Shinto institutions from the 1830s to the early Meiji period. Rather than simply tracing the historical development of a single religion, she adopts the method of examining institutions (temples and shrines) within a given geographic area. A secondary aim is to examine the impact of the transition between the Tokugawa and Meiji periods on religious institutions and popular religious life. Hardacre argues provocatively that the Meiji state’s adoption of Shinto did not necessarily guarantee the dwindling of Buddhism in Japan; it was instead local factors that were most influential in the decline of Buddhist shrines. Hardacre’s point thus runs counter to that of Shigeyoshi Murakami and Thelle, who take a state-centric approach to religion in Japan.
Also in contrast to broader works like Murakami’s, Hardacre’s work maintains a sharp focus on a specific region. In the process of focusing on the local, however, Hardacre does not connect her findings to larger trends in Japanese religion; further historical and historiographical context would be beneficial to evaluating her desired contribution. It may be fruitful to compare her work with Mary Elizabeth Berry’s Japan in Print (2007), which also uses gazetteers.
Higashibaba, Ikuo. Christianity in Early Modern Japan: Kirishitan Belief and Practice. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2001.
 Comparative religions scholar Ikuo Higashibaba is interested in this monograph on popular forms of religion and “culture of ordinary Japanese followers,” whom he terms the “laity,” within the Kirishitan community in early modern Japan (xiv, xvi). He argues that these commoners practiced a form of religious syncretism that is often omitted from existent narratives of Christianity in Tokugawa Japan, which have focused on orthodox Catholic belief, and that the earlier acceptance and syncretization of Buddhism set the precedent for acceptance of foreign religions. Like Kitagawa, Higashibaba adopts a “history of religions” approach in which he places Kirishitan beliefs, practices, and symbols within their historical and cultural contexts, drawing particularly on Jonathan Z. Smith’s theoretical work (1987).
Higashibaba’s work is the most recent in a line of works on the Kirishitan community in Tokugawa Japan. His attempt to shift the focus of discussion from intellectual or theological discussions of Catholicism to popular religions provides a counterpoint to works like Elison’s. Nevertheless, it is unclear how exactly he measures the fidelity of the believers—were they really Kirishitans?—whom he makes the focus of his study. Moreover, his thesis that Catholicism became a Japanese religion is neither unique nor a significant intervention in the historiography—this work should be valued for its topical focus rather than actual argument.
Howe, John F. “Japanese Christians and American Missionaries.” In Changing Japanese Attitudes Toward Modernization, edited by Marius B. Jansen, 337-366. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1965.
John F. Howe’s contribution to a 1965 collection edited by the late Marius Jansen focuses on Japanese Christians’ experience of psychological “self-abasement” resulting from the belief that Meiji Japan was lagging behind in modernization compared to the West. Through an examination of Japanese Christian and Western missionary, Howe highlights the similarities between ten influential figures—five Americans and five Japanese—and their cooperative religious efforts, which became to be increasingly challenged by growing anti-Western and nationalist sentiment in the 1880s. Howe identifies this at the point that Japanese Christian leaders, with the exception of Uchimura Kanzo, decided to break from their Western brethren to fashion their own version of Christianity, which helped them overcome their own self-abasement.
As in his 2005 book, Howe takes a psychohistorical approach in this work. While he makes a notable attempt at showing the very personal impact of modernization and Christianity in Japan, his reasons for the selection of the main figures in his book are not clear and his narrative of overcoming “self-abasement” strikes one as a bit simplistic.
—. Japan’s Modern Prophet: Uchimura Kanzo, 1861-1930. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2005.
In a book that has generated much discussion, given the apparently vast amount of scholarship on Uchimura Kanzo (1861-1930) and the author’s provocative perspective, John Howe presents a nearly hagiographic account of Uchimura’s life as a leading Japanese Christian intellectual.[1]
Lauding a native convert’s deep engagement with and mastery of a foreign religion, Howe places Uchimura alongside “the Old Testament prophets, Dante, Luther, Kierkegaard, Carlyle, and Gandhi” (11). According to Howe, the author and theologian bridged East and West by developing a distinct “Japanese Christianity” in which he fused Japanese sociocultural values with those of Christianity, and rejected foreign missionaries in favor of his non-church movement (mukyokai). Drawing on Uchimura’s publications and correspondences, Howes attempts to intervene in the rather large historiography on Uchimura by highlighting his eschatological beliefs and emphasis on “individual faith and morality,” rather than his well-known opposition to war and founding of mukyokai (388). Unfortunately, any real critical examination if missing from this book; Howe neglects to show why people disliked Uchimura as well as incorporate what might have been useful theoretical perspectives on religion and nationalism into his work.
Ion, Hamish. American Missionaries, Christian Oyatoi, and Japan, 1859-1873. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2009.
In this monograph on Christian oyatai (foreign employees) and Episcopalian, Congregational, Presbyterian, and Dutch Reformed missionaries, historian Hamish Ion seeks to challenge the existent narrative of Christianity in late Tokugawa and early Meiji Japan—pointing out Howe’s 1965 essay in particular—which he articulates as a binary of “acceptance or rejection” (285). His thesis is that despite the missionaries’ commendable optimism and vigor, the period from 1859 to 1873 already foretold the demise of the effort to Christianize Japan, not due to any failure of the missionaries and oyatoi, but Tokugawa and Meiji state policies regarding religion and the relative lack of support from American diplomats. Like Anderson and Thelle, he thus contextualizes Christianity in Japan within the global politics and cultural exchanges of the era. Ion draws from a broad array of primary documents by the American Church mission, individual missionaries, and diplomatic materials. He also engages heavily with the secondary literature, rejecting the applicability of Said’s orientalism to oyatoi, since recording the experiences of the “other” was not a focus of missionary records.
Kitagawa, Joseph Mitsuo. Religion in Japanese History. New York: Columbia University Press, 1966, repr. 1990.
This work is a compilation of six lectures given by historian of religion Joseph Kitagawa on religion in Japan from the Heian period to the postwar period, an endeavor he calls “autobiographical” given his own background. Despite the broad scope of these lectures in both time and topics covered, Kitagawa announces that he is attempting to apply a Religionswissenschaft (science/history of religion) approach, eschewing the “peculiar Western convention to divide human experience into such semi-autonomous categories as religion, philosophy, ethics, aesthetics, culture, society, etc.” in favor of continuing the spirit of Ritsuryo, Tokugawa, and Meiji syntheses of these categorizations (xiii). It is difficult to understand exactly what Kitagawa means by a Religionswissenschaft approach, though it appears to be in the vein of Max Muller’s rejection of classifications. Rather than examine religions individually, Kitagawa attempts to understand the “universal phenomenon called ‘religion’” within the Japanese historical context (3). Of particular interest to the scholar of Christianity in Japan are Kitagawa’s fourth and fifth lectures. In the fourth, he examines the relationship between Christianity and neo-Confucianism respectively to the Tokugawa regime; in the fifth, he briefly touches on the impact of Christianity on Japanese modernization, in which Japan preserved the age-old principle of “immanental theocracy” through state Shinto.
Mullins, Mark. Christianity Made in Japan: A Study of Indigenous Movements. Honolulu: University of Hawaii, 1998.
Sociologist Mark Mullins asks in this volume how a religion comes to be indigenized, focusing appropriately on the “indigenous and independent expressions of Christianity” in Japan. He argues for a shift in understanding Christianity as a “Western” to viewing it as a “world” religion, much like Buddhism and Islam, which adapts to a given context. There is, therefore, no pure Christianity but rather localized forms. Like Higashibaba, he is interested less in the mainstream versions of Christianity, instead focusing his study on thirteen indigenous groups from the Meiji Period and onward that developed apart from the influence of missionaries and churches. The book includes discussions of Uchimura Kanzo’s mukyokaimovement, among other subgroups, the confluence of Christianity and concerns for ancestors, and a fascinating comparison of Christianity in Korea and transplanted Korean Christianity in Japan.
This book is based on fieldwork that the author conducted primarily in the Kanto and Kansai regions. Perhaps most provocative in this work is the author’s validation of syncretistic, indigenous Christian groups as critical, defining incarnations of Christianity, rather than heterodox deviations from the theological standard, by placing them at the center of his argument on the nature of universal religions. Mullin’s science of religion approach stands in stark comparison to studies oriented to theological belief.
Nirei, Yosuke. “Globalism and Liberal Expansionism in Meiji Protestant Discourse.” Social Science Japan Journal15, no. 1 (2012): 75-92.
Historian Yosuke Nirei charts the liberal Christian arguments of Uchimura Kanzo (1861-1930) and his Protestant colleagues in this recent article. He argues that Uchimura adopted the ideology of liberal expansionism, defined as espousing “Japan’s expansion through peaceful and economic means in tandem with British and American imperialism and emigration overseas,” to justify the Sino-Japanese War and Japan’s advance in Asia (75). Rather than citing political or economic justifications alone for expansionism, Uchimura developed a brand of expansionism ideologically driven by the ideals of freedom and rhetoric of civilization. (Later, he would advocate complete pacifism as his theology became more conservative, but Nirei’s focus is on his earlier, liberal convictions.) The large part of this article is composed of comparisons that Nirei draws between Uchimura and his contemporaries Takekoshi Yosaburo, Tokutomi Soho, and Yamaji Aizan, as well as Leo Tolstoy, which makes for rather dense reading.
The extent of Uchimura’s massaging of Protestant theology to fit the Japanese political and cultural contexts, as Nirei shows, accords with many other studies included in this bibliography on the “indigenization” of Christianity. Here, Nirei shows that indigenization did not simply occur at the level of popular, “common” practices, but at an intellectual, discursive level as well. Greater contextualization with the Japanese religious milieu at the end of the twentieth century, as well comparisons with Western liberal theology, are also opportunities for expansion.
Oshiro, George M. “Nitobe Inazō and the Sapporo Band: Reflections on the Dawn of Protestant Christianity in Early Meiji Japan.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 34 (2007): 99-126.
The title of historian George Oshiro’s article is misleading, because it supposes a much broader scope than the author actually takes. Oshiro presents a short biographical sketch of Nitobe Inazo (1862-1933), best known for his 1990 publication of Bushido but also a Protestant Christian internationalist who grappled with “attain[ing] a genuine Christian faith free from the taint of foreign culture” (99). Oshiro narrates Nitobe’s childhood interest in and openness to Christianity, followed by his time at Sapporo Agricultural College (SAC) during which time he made friends with Miyabe Kingo, Uchimura Kanzo, and others of the “Sapporo Band.” Oshiro draws attention to Nitobe’s doubts about Christianity, especially its soteriological aspects, and argues that it was only in meeting the Quakers while studying at Johns Hopkins a few years later that he found real, satisfying answers to his spiritual questions.
Where Oshiro comes far short is in providing his promised “reflections” on Protestant Christianity at large in early Meiji Japan. Oshiro’s sketch of Inazo also lacks a serious engagement with the question of how Quakerism quelled—theological, or otherwise—Nitobe’s worries that “he could not, to be intellectually honest, believe in the grace of an all-loving Savior,” as well as how to set Nitobe’s evolving religious views in the broader religious and intellectual context of Meiji Japan (111).
Paramore, Kiri. Ideology and Christianity in Japan. 1st ed. Hoboken: Taylor and Francis, 2010.
Drawing on a rich array of Japanese anti-Christian texts from 1600 to 1900, intellectual historian Kiri Paramore seeks to challenge existent conceptions of anti-Christian discourse in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (the “Christian Century”) and in the nineteenth century as disparate, stressing instead the discursive continuities between the two periods. He thus discards the couching of anti-Christian discourse in the Tokugawa period in a “religious paradigm” versus the placement of Meiji Christian discourse in a the political context. Paramore instead argues that anti-Christian discourse was less about Christianity itself and more about power and conflicts in domestic politics in both the Tokugawa and Meiji periods. Secondarily, he also seeks to dispel the common “Western vs. Eastern” trope that has characterized the reception of Christianity in the Tokugawa period.
In Paramore’s narrative, religion is co-opted by politics; one may therefore draw parallels between Paramore’s work and those on state Shinto, as well as Perelman’s dissertation on the political motives of missionaries.
Perelman, Elisheva Avital. “The Exponent of Breath: The Role of Foreign Evangelical Organizations in Combating Japan’s Tuberculosis Epidemic of the Early 20th Century.” Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 2011.
In this recently submitted dissertation, historian Elisheva Perelman brings under critical examination the work of foreign Christian evangelical missionaries in the Meiji and Taisho periods during both a time of modernization and the unattended spread of disease—specifically, tuberculosis—in Japan. Though Japan saw the rise of science research and modern medicine under the Meiji and Taisho states, tuberculosis also spread unchecked at a rapid pace amongst the urban population and received little governmental attention. Perelman argues that the foreign missionaries who did attend to Japanese tubercular were ruled by political interests. Missionaries focused their attentions on evangelism to the nation’s elite so as to gain financial support as well as the marginalized sick so as to ingratiate themselves to the government by filling a public health need; her answer to the quintessential question of whether missionaries are truly selfless is rather damning. Furthermore, the political motives that laced their medical work “made individuals with a disease into a collective, and, in doing so, removed their agency, essentially creating pawns for the constantly evolving chess games between the organizations and the government” (4).
This work creatively draws together themes of disease, evangelization, gender, and modernization, drawing on an array of missionary archives, hospital records, and Japanese-language sources. Perelman also importantly raises the methodological question of discerning intent and motive, particularly relevant in studying foreign missionaries, to which she provides one response.
Thelle, Notto R. Buddhism and Christianity in Japan: From Conflict to Dialogue, 1854-1899. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1987.
Missiologist Notto Thelle examines the Christian-Buddhist relationship between 1854 and 1899 by placing it in a larger political and social context. Before 1890, Buddhists saw the newly imported Western Christianity as a threat to their power and social order, whereas Christians dismissed Buddhists as innocuous and irrelevant due to corruption and lack of “spiritual vigor” within its ranks (249). With the passage of the Meiji Constitution in 1889, Thelle argues, the tables were turned and Christianity was placed on the defensive. Nevertheless, in this period debates over nationalism that had driven the two religions apart also worked to bring them into friendlier dialogue. He seems to have identified one critical period in which Christianity became part of Japan’s syncretistic religious fabric (a characterization found also in Hardacre and Byron Earhart’s works).
Thelle draws on a rich variety of primary sources by various Japanese leaders and Buddhist and Christian publications. The work is, however, not without faults: Thelle’s use of the terms “Buddhist nationalism” or “Christian nationalism” are not accompanied by clear definitions. More importantly, the author ignores the impact of State Shinto and the 1873 repeal of the ban on Christianity, significant points in Japanese religious history.


*In compiling this bibliography, I am building on work completed for HISTORY 396D: Modern Japan in Fall Quarter 2012 at Stanford University, which focused more broadly on religion in Japan.
[1] James L. Huffman, review of Japan’s Modern Prophet, by John F. Howes, Monumenta Nipponica 62, no. 3 (Autumn 2007): 366-369; Shibuya Hiroshi, review of Japan’s Modern Prophet, by John F. Howes, Church History 78, no. 1 (March 2009): 147-151; John F. Howes, “Responses to comments on Japan’s Modern Prophet,” Church History 78, no. 1 (March 2009): 151-158.
One comment on “Christianity in Japan
  1. dili optim says:
    Youre so cool! I dont suppose Ive learn something like this before. So nice to find any person with some unique thoughts on this subject. realy thank you for starting this up. this web site is one thing that is needed on the internet, someone with somewhat originality. useful job for bringing something new to the web!

Susan Townsend - The University of Nottingham

Susan Townsend - The University of Nottingham



Susan Townsend

Associate Professor, Faculty of Arts
  • TOWNSEND, S. C., 2015. Simianization: Apes, Gender, Class, and Race. In: Simianization: Apes, Gender, Class and Race: Racism Analysis Series B. Yearbooks Lit Verlag. 171-194
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  • TOWNSEND, S.C., 2013. The 'miracle' of car ownership in Japan's 'Era of High Growth', 1955–73 Business History. 55(3), 498-523
  • TOWNSEND, S.C., 2010. Jidōsha no machi Nagoya to Eikoku Bāmingamu no hikaku sengo fukkō-shi' [Envisioning the Motor City: A comparison of post-war reconstruction in Nagoya, Japan and Birmingham, England]. In: ONE HUNDREDTH ANNIVERSARY COMMEMORATION OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE CENTRAL WARD OFFICE COMMITTEE, ed., Nagoya-shi Naka-ku seishikō 100 shūnen kinen [Nagoya City: a one hundredth anniversary commemoration of the administration of the Central Ward Office] Nagoya Central Ward Office. 224-236
  • TOWNSEND, S.C., 2009. Miki Kiyoshi, 1897-1945: Japan's itinerant philosopher Brill. 
  • TOWNSEND, SUSAN C., 2007. Lost in a World of Books: Reading and Identity in Pre-War Japan Literature Compass. 4(4), 1183-1207
  • TOWNSEND, S.C., 2003. Senjika no dai-Nihon teikoku ni okeru bunka, jinshu, kenryoku [Culture, race and power in Japan's wartime empire]. In: KOSUGI, M. and TOWLE, P., eds., Senso no kioku to horyo mondai [the problem of war memories and captivity] Tokyo: Tokyo University Press. 145-160
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  • Japan's quest for Empire 1931-1945 01/01/1900 00:00:00