2019/04/10

Jung, Jiseok, Ham Sokhon’s Pacifism and the Reunification of Korea: A Quaker Theology of Peace,


Jung, Jiseok, Ham Sokhon’s Pacifism and the Reunification of Korea: A Quaker Theology of Peace,
Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 2006, 329 pp.

Introduction. Ham Sokhon (1901 – 1989) was the most influential religious leader in 20th century Korea. In 1961, he started attending Seoul Quaker Meeting, and became a member of the Religious Society of Friends in 1967. However, Quakers influenced him  earlier when he learnt about Quaker pacifism and conscientious objection in 1947 and met British and American Quaker relief workers in Korea after the Korean War. Ham was in the vanguard of the reunification and democratization movements, and an advocate of nonviolence.  

Pacifism and the Just War Theory.  There have been two main attitudes to war and peace: pacifism and the Just War Theory. 

Pacifism, however, is not just one position. It embraces absolutist positions that reject force, killing, war, and the use of weapons - which are all apolitical (e.g. Tolstoy). It also embraces reformist positions which seek to abolish war through restructuring the political order (e.g. 20th century Quakers). The term nonresistance is commonly used to apply to those who withdraw from warfare based on Scriptural proscriptions and who renounce all coercion, even nonviolent coercion (e.g. Mennonites). Nonviolent resistance is regarded as a more practical way of peacemaking and is illustrated by the activism of Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr. Nonviolent resistance believes that pacifism can be successfully applied to politics, and effect social change. It also works to prevent war. 

Christian pacifism began with the anti-militarism of the early Church. It ended when Christianity became the Roman state-church in 313 AD, but was later revived by the Anabaptists, and later still by the Quakers and Brethren. The Cross and the Sermon on the Mount (Matt. 5: 9-44) have been the key tenets of Christian pacifism. The Cross symbolizes agape love, forgiveness and non-retaliation. The Sermon on the Mount demands nonresistance and love of enemies. 

The Just War Theory is a set of principles designed to restrain war by defining the permissible ethical limits. It was developed by Augustine as a synthesis of Christian morality and Roman culture. He believed that war could be an instrument of God’s will, and the state, as a legitimate authority endowed by God, could be justified in its use of violence. His ideas were elaborated upon by Aquinas, Luther and Calvin and the synthesis has been accepted by the mainline churches. The Mennonite, John Howard Yoder, points out that the Just War Theory seeks to measure good and evil in causes and methods, but there are no clear, neat ways to do this. 

For the pacifist, nonviolent and suffering love is the only path to true justice. For the Just War Theorist, the pursuit of justice, even by force, is the only path to true peace.

Quaker Peace Testimony. Early Quakers pursued the reclamation of Primitive
Christianity, including its pacifist faith, but many early Quakers had participated in the English Civil War. There were two heritages:  the political reform movement and the spiritual reform movement. The Puritans were seeking to establish the Kingdom of God on earth through violence in the Civil War, whereas the spiritualists rejected the use of force in building the Kingdom of God. The main groups of radical Puritans were the Baptists, the Independents, the Levellers, the Diggers, the Ranters, and the Seekers. There are many similarities between the radical Puritans and early Quakerism, such as a rejection of Sacraments and seeking a direct personal experience of the Spirit in silence. Quakerism arose from these diverse roots.

George Fox played a key role in founding Quakerism. He proclaimed that the Spirit of Christ dwellt in all people and that it was this Christ Spirit that taught them. 
Furthermore, he said, neither a study of the Scriptures, nor an Oxford education, nor the preaching of a learned man was needed to experience it. Fox, personally, refused all kinds of war or violence, but was,at times, harsh and vengeful.

The Lamb’s War. The Quakers adopted the term ‘Lamb’s War’ to describe their spiritual struggle with the world. For early Quakers, the Kingdom was present and was to be experienced.. This meant that early Quakers were involved in a cosmic struggle against the forces of religion, and economic and political repression, and they modeled a different social order. The Lamb’s War was consistently nonviolent. Human sinfulness led to war and fighting with carnal weapons. Fox’s rejection of war and the belief that the Light Within meant ‘universal saving grace’ which was available to everyone, became the spiritual ground of the Quaker Peace Testimony.

Fox was beaten mercilessly, but never resisted or struck back. In the 1650s Quaker soldiers and Quaker pacifists were found side by side. Sometimes Fox’s pacifism appeared to be ambiguous: he didn’t offer pacifist preaching to Quaker soldiers and he urged war to destroy the Inquisition in Catholic countries. Fox’s attitude was pacifist toward himself, but was not absolute toward society. 

Scholars agree that 1660 was a turning point for Quakerism. The vision of a ‘nation of the Saints’ came to an end and many Quakers were arrested suspected of insurrection. The first official Declaration on pacifism was produced and signed by 12 leaders in 1661. From then on this statement became the standard of the Quaker Peace Testimony.. It was significant in two ways. After the Declaration, Friends who did not adhere to its pacifist principle were expelled from membership. Secondly pacifism henceforth became the hallmark of Quakerism. However this did not mean that Quaker actions were always consistent with Quaker principles. For example, in the American Civil War Quakers were split into participants and non-participants. Afterwards though, American Friends agreed that war was evil.

Quaker Peace Testimony in the 20th century. In the 20th century the understanding of the Quaker Peace Testimony shifted from a testimony against war, to a testimony for peace; from a Christian-centered basis to also include non-Christian and non-religious bases; from a prescriptive to a permissive attitude; and from a narrow to a broad concept of peace.

These shifts reflected the influence of liberal Quakerism and the changing historical context. Friends were faced with conscription, world war, weapons of greater lethality, etc. Prior to World War I a debate arose within British Quakerism whether it was tenable to hold the pacifist idea that condemned Christian governments’participation in war. John William Graham argued that the expansion of the British Empire should be supported, rather than the pacifist principle. During the Anglo-Boer War, many British Quakers criticized British imperialism as a root of war, and this led to a broadening of the anti-war basis of the Testimony to include anti-militarism and social justice. This shift changed a passive attitude against war to positive peace-making. 

There are spiritual, scriptural and humanitarian grounds for the Quaker Peace Testimony (QPT). The first statement is based on the spiritual arguments: ‘The Spirit of Christ which leads us into all Truth will never move us to fight…’ George Fox used scriptural grounds to refuse to accept a commission in the army. Humanitarian reasons were not employed by the first generation Quakers. In the evangelical period of Quakerism in the 19th century, Scripture formed the Christian basis of the QPT. Some individual Quakers, e.g. John Bright, in this period, used pragmatic and humanitarian ideas to support the QPT. By the 20th century the use of scriptural grounds was reduced and spiritual and humanitarian arguments were increasingly used. The concept of the Inward Light led Friends to the conviction that wars and strife were contrary to the Spirit of Christ. This was different to the understanding of early Quakers. Now the QPT was a testimony against the spirit that leads to war; it was a positive testimony. Opposition to war and engagement in peacemaking was done, not only through the Christian faith, but also through the universal spirituality and humanitarian ideas that included non-Christian and non-religious people. Prevention of war, and relief and reconstruction work, were seen as important tasks of peace-building. The ideas of democracy and world federation became grounds for the QPT. 
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In the 19th century, members who violated the QPT, were disowned. In the 20th century there was a shift to increase tolerance towards different interpretations of the QPT. During World War I many young Friends in Britain enlisted in the army but in America the split was more serious. 120 prominent Quakers announced their official support of America’s participation in war. Swarthmore College established a military training unit for students. Henry J. Cadbury was forced to resign from Haverford College, because of his anti-war views. No one who took a pro-war stance was disowned. Liberal Quakerism emphasized individual spiritual experience, which led to a permissive attitude. Quaker peace theology did not become a pacifist dogma, but was broadened to include various interpretations. Quakers supported liberty of conscience on conscription and volunteering for military service. 

Quaker peace work took various forms: conscientious objection, alternative work, relief work, political lobbying and negotiations, and cooperation with other peace churches and faiths. The American Friends Service Committee was established in 1917 and the No Conscription Fellowship in 1916.There were some tensions but overall there was an optimism the different interpretations of the Inward Light could be combined. The decision whether or not to participate in World War I was a question for individual discernment, not for unconditional obedience to the Society’s traditional tenets. 

Peace was more than ‘no war’; it included the whole sphere of life and social justice. True peace involved freedom from tyranny and could only be built upon cooperation and forgiveness. Nonviolence was a way to overcome evil with good. 

The period from the Manchester Conference in 1895 to World War I was a period of Quaker Renaissance and recovery of the spiritual distinctiveness of early Quakerism. The concept of the Inward Light was reclaimed. Rufus Jones focused on mysticism as the spiritual origin of Quakerism, and the intellectual and activism were connected with mysticism. The emphasis on the Inward Light led to consistency between faith and life of the individual. Religious authority was characterized by personal spiritual experience instead of the Bible, and Truth had historical relevance instead of being a fixed concept. Quakerism was ever open to new Light. The concept of the Inward Light became associated with ‘that of God in everyone’.  Jones saw the Inward Light as a source of optimistic and positive belief in human beings and their capacity for goodness. This became a fundamental idea of liberal Quaker humanism in the 20th century and human sacredness and anti-violence became core principles of the QPT.  

Conscientious objection formed an important part of Quaker peace theology in the 20th century. It entailed anti-war sentiment and the defense of individual conscience against state power. The advent of World War I brought the challenges of participation in the war and conscription to British Quakers. The official position of the Society of Friends was not absolute objection, but alternative service. The Society said ‘we hold that the present moment is not one for criticism, but for devoted service to our nation.’ When the conscription law was introduced, Friends argued that compulsory conscription was immoral. London Yearly Meeting encouraged young Quaker men to claim exemption before the Tribunals, indicating that, though it held a position against the principle of the conscription system, in reality it didn’t want to defy legal authority. The Tribunals classified conscientious objectors (COs) into three categories: non-combatants, alternative and absolute. Most Quakers were unwilling to be non-combatants, because they regarded this work as supporting warfare. When the army transformed the Friends Ambulance Unit into a quasi-military organization, British Friends were embarrassed. 

Absolute objectors claimed unconditional exemption from war and were willing to suffer to follow the Prince of Peace. Their intransigence rejected any kind of compromise with militarism. They were misunderstood and wrongly treated by the public, but also by relatives and fellow Friends. 

The British Society of Friends recommended the path of alternative service. However this position was not easy. Those who chose it ‘had to face a double-edged charge of shirking – from their country in the eyes of the public and from their principles in the eyes of their pacifist comrades.’ Absolutists criticized alternative work as a compromise with state power. 

The rigid principles of the past were replaced by tolerance. The Quaker soldiers were regarded as ‘conscientious fighters’, while the Quaker Peace Testimony was never renounced. In Britain 1/3 of eligible Quaker men enlisted in the armed forces. In America popular feeling ran higher against conscientious objectors than in Britain and the law was less tolerant. More than 2/3 of eligible American Quaker men served in combat roles. All American Yearly Meetings reaffirmed the Quaker Peace Testimony, but individuals followed their own leadings and not a corporate discipline. The American conscription law did not allow for alternative service. The only options for the conscientious objectors (COs) were imprisonment or non-combatant service. The American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) offered counseling to COs, organized the Friends Ambulance Unit, and visited prisons where absolutists were held. 

During the Second World War, AFSC was more active in the area of alternative service, with Friends joining with the Mennonites and the Church of the Brethren. The new conscription law allowed members of 13 denominational churches with pacifist tenets to be COs. The resistance against peacetime conscription was so strong prior to the war that the government accepted the idea of alternative service. The AFSC administered some of the camps and when the absolutists lost their civil and political rights as citizens, the AFSC tried to advocate on their behalf, while the Mennonites and Brethren did not. 

The position of an uncompromising anti-war stance was revived during the Vietnam War. Philadelphia Yearly Meeting wrote to the US President demanding American withdrawal from South Vietnam. AFSC created a campaign to repeal the draft and provided draft counseling. In 1965, the Quaker, Norman Morrison, self-immolated outside the Pentagon as an extreme form of witness against the war. At the same time Richard Nixon, a birthright Friend, directed the war as President of the United States. The immorality of the Vietnam War became a decisive element in making pacifist arguments persuasive, and compulsory conscription in America was abolished after the war. 

Quaker relief work became a type of peace movement in the 20th century. Early Quakers had provided help to imprisoned Friends and relief to oppressed Friends and their families. Later Friends provided aide to those suffering from war, slavery, religious persecution and natural disasters. During World War I, British and American Quaker relief work became part of the peace testimony. The AFSC provided people, devoted to service and relief, with an organizational approach, and cooperation with outside agencies, e.g. The Red Cross. 

The Friends Ambulance Unit of British and American Friends provided medical care to soldiers and civilians wounded in battle. The Friends’ War Victims’ Relief Committee was set up to aid civilians and refugees in wartime. It worked in France, Belgium, Serbia, Russia, Austria, Hungary, Poland and Germany, providing food, medical care, shelter, and agricultural help and reconstruction. A third group was the Emergency Committee for Helping Aliens, established to protect those classified as ‘enemy aliens’, who were the victims of war hysteria. They worked to alleviate conditions in the internment camps. 
The Quaker motivation in relief and service was humanitarian and peace. Quakers happily failed to distinguish between friend and foe. This work assumed a politically neutral position and was practical and victim-centered. In 1947 the Nobel Committee awarded the Nobel Peace Prize to both the British and American Quakers for their humanitarian work. 

In summary, early Quakerism included the Lamb’s War and Fox’s pacifism, and was a mixture of pacifism and non-pacifism. This lasted until Quakerism adopted the Declaration of the Peace Testimony (QPT), which became a corporate behavioral rule. In the 20th century the QPT shifted from the anti-war position of the 19th century. It also moved from being Christian-centered to a Christian, non-Christian and non-religious base. It became permissive in attitude and broadened the concept of peace.  The idea of the Inward Light promoted individual interpretation and behavior, based on personal spiritual experience. Liberal Quaker theology and the concept of  ‘that of God in everyone’ became a core belief of the QPT.

CO and Quaker relief work demonstrated expressions of the QPT as a constructive pacifism. British and American liberal Quakers were tolerant of absolutist resisters and those who enlisted in the military. The 20th century QPT developed an organizational peace movement as well as individuals with concerns. The QPT influenced Ham Sokhon’s ideas of peace.

Ham Sokhon’s ideas of peace. Ham Sokhon was a major figure in 20th century Korea. He influenced education, history and theology and was associated with independence, democratization, human rights, reunification, nonviolence, and peace movements. He was born in North Pyongan Province (North Korea) where the people under the Confucian class system were poor and oppressed. He grew up in a peace-loving village as part of a family with an inherent sense of democracy without class distinction. When Japan annexed Korea his family actively participated in the patriotic enlightenment movement.  Christianity was seen as a way to save the country from Japanese rule, and he and his village became Christian. 

The 20th century in Korea was a time of colonialism, war, ideological conflict and tyranny. Ham was jailed eight times (four times by the Japanese, twice by USSR’s communist power, once by the South Korean national security and once by the military dictatorship). In addition, he was subjected to house arrest several times and lived under surveillance and investigation. While he was in prison he read philosophy and theology. For the first half of the 20th century Ham’s ideas were developed under Japanese colonialism (1910 – 1945), liberation, the rule of the US and USSR and the division of North and South Korea (1945 – 1948). During this time the main influences were Christian nationalism and Non-church belief. In the second half of the century there was the Korean War, the military coups (1961, 1980) and the resulting military dictatorships (1961 – 1987). It was during this period that Ham’s thoughts on pacifism, nonviolence and minjung  (the theology developed from the suffering of the people) came to maturity.
For Ham, peace was a way of life, not a notion or theory. Japan won two imperialistic wars (Sino-Japanese War, 1894; Russo-Japanese War, 1904), established control over Korea in 1905, then annexed it in 1910. In response to this, two streams arose; a civilian army movement and a patriotic enlightenment movement. The first was initiated by Confucian scholars and former Korean soldiers and aimed to achieve liberation through military means. The second sought independence through nonviolence means and education. Christianity rapidly increased in the period 1897 – 1906 and brought ideas of democracy, equality and freedom. The new religion was seen as a way of saving the country through social reform. Genuine conversion went hand in hand with social and political aspirations. Christianity was conflated with nationalism. 

While some Christians pursued military struggle (Just War Theory), the majority advocated nonviolence (Pacifism). In his childhood, Ham went to a Presbyterian Church and a Christian school and his Christian faith became the foundation of his peace-loving personality. He loved the Sermon on the Mount. 

The March First Independence Movement was a national nonviolence movement, influence by President Woodrow Wilson’s proposal for national self-determination at the Paris Peace Talks at the end of World War I. Ham gave up his ambition to become a medical doctor to participate in this movement. After the Movement, the Korean churches withdrew from politicization. Ham criticized this position and kept away from the church. 

In 1921 he entered Osan School, a school of the national independence movement, established by Yi Sunghun, a leader of the March First Movement and advocate of nonviolence. The principal of the school, Yu Yongmo, attempted to provide a synthesis of western Christian ideas and eastern philosophy (Lao-Tzu). Ham learned of Uchimura Kanzo’s Non-church belief. He read Tolstoy, Gandhi, and H. G. Wells. Ham continued his studies in Tokyo from 1923 – 1927. He was attracted to socialism, but rejected socialists’ use of violence. It was at this time he met Uchimura Kanzo.

Uchimura Kanzo sought a spiritual Christianity which stressed direct communication with God and followed Jesus Christ through spiritual ties with Christ. He opposed the institution of church because of its hierarchy. He stressed a personal relationship with God unhampered by regulations. He argued for a continual spiritual revolution based on a fellowship of believers in Christ. The Non-church movement had similarities with German Pietism and British Quakerism. 

Originally Kanzo was not a pacifist, but thought that the Sino-Japanese War of 1894 was righteous. But he came to see that it was an imperialistic war and he then adopted a pacifist position and preached the complete abolition of war. After his death in 1930 his followers continued his pacifist legacy which developed a strong anti-war movement in Japan during the Manchurian War of 1931 and during World War II. Not all in the Nonchurch movement were pacifists. 
In 1924 Ham attended Uchimura’s Bible study meetings in Tokyo. Ham followed the Non-church faith at the Osan School during 1928 – 1938 where he taught history. He criticized the churches’ non-political attitude. Only religious writings were allowed by the Japanese authorities, so Ham was forced to express his ideas in religious language. Consequently Ham read religious writings. He stressed God’s righteousness as a priority to achieving earthly justice and power. He was skeptical of accomplishing peace through an ideal society (socialism) or by international law (internationalism). He stressed the need for fundamental change in human hearts in order to achieve peace. He asserted that Christians needed to pursue spiritual experience and national salvation at the same time. Loyalty to God was placed above the state.

Ham wrote Korean history from a biblical perspective. He interpreted the meaning of suffering under Japanese colonialism in terms of a theology of the Cross. The weak, who were prey of the strong, were the faithful people who comprised the Kingdom of God. His theology criticizes the violence of the powerful and the counter-violence of the people, but also places the role of the weak and powerless in historical context. Ham developed this idea as the theology of minjung;  the suffering of the people. He also opposed Shinto worship and bowing toward the Japanese emperor at every public meeting, which had been demanded by the Japanese authorities. Ham saw Shinto worship as justifying imperial warfare and statism. Because his writings challenged Japanese imperialism, they were frequently suppressed and he was imprisoned in 1942.

When Japan invaded mainland China in 1937, Ham wrote that ‘the Christian’s weapon is to repent’. The Korean peninsula was used as a supply base for the Japanese wars. Ham worked for national independence and spiritual enlightenment for the suffering people.  He stressed spiritual experience and koinonia (community, sharing and intimacy). For Ham, a religious faith-based peace was only possible through spiritual regeneration. His minjung theology first appeared in the form of a book, Korean History from the Biblical Perspective. Ham did not seem to be greatly influenced by Uchimura’s pacifism, but developed his pacifist ideas as an outgrowth of his spiritual and scriptural seeking after Truth. Like George Fox, Ham was engaged in a spiritual war. 

Ham’s pacifism. Ham’s pacifism developed in the context of the politico-military tension caused by the division of Korea into North and South. The threat of war continued after the armistice in 1953 and there were at least three serious crises of war, in 1968, 1976 and 1994. 

Ham spent his twenties under the influence of the humanitarianism and pacifism which followed World War I. During World War II Ham was expelled from the Osan School and twice imprisoned for two years. These experiences led to his ideas of anti-statism, anti-imperialism, and consciousness of the relationship between state and church. But it was the Korean War that affected him most directly. It was only after the war that he expressed anti-war and anti-military pacifism in the writings. His pacifism was grounded in the ideas of the Sermon on the Mount, the prophet Isaiah, Quakerism, Gandhi, Tolstoy, Lao-tzu and Chang-tzu. 

Quaker pacifism awakened in Ham the concept of Christian pacifism. He was not a Christian pacifist until after he came into contact with Quakerism. He saw Christian pacifism as inseparable from a recovery of a free spiritual faith, liberated from the spiritual and political bondage of being a state-church. He read Tolstoy in his twenties and was impressed by his religious belief-based humanitarian ideas. There were many similarities between Ham and Tolstoy, especially in their anarchistic views and their criticism of institutional churches.  Gandhi was influenced by Tolstoy, but admitted there was a place for government and sought political change, while Tolstoy withdrew from politics. Ham sought social change through political activism. For him Gandhi was an ideal mentor. 

Ham also enriched his pacifism with the ideas of anti-war, anti-militarism, non-killing, and anti-statism of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu. Lao-tzu’s ideas were revolutionary for him in the military-dominating world around him. Chuang-tzu was the second great pacifist of the early Taoist school.  Chuang-tzu’s ideas were cosmic, absolute and infinite. Ham’s nonviolent thinking was deepened by Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu.

In 1940s Ham read Buddhist scriptures while in prison. This led him to conclude that all religions have a common pursuit of Truth, but there is little evidence of a Buddhist influence in his peace ideas. He felt that Buddhism had done nothing meaningful for social justice during the Japanese colonialism. He emphasized the power of spirituallyrenewed religion to forge history and lead society. Gandhi and Quakerism gave him the most relevant guidance. 

Ham’s anti-war ideas. Ham believed war was endemic to humanity and based on instinctive impulses rather than spirituality based on love. This was similar to George Fox, who said all wars arose from human lust. Ham felt that a spiritual transformation could overcome war, and thus pacifism was only possible through the power of the soul, inspired by religious truth. When Ham insisted on non-resistance, contrary to South Korean Government policy which was based on the military conquest of North Korea, he was viewed as subversive and pro-North Korea. He was arrested and tortured in 1958.

Ham recognized a gap between political realism and religious truth. His pacifism was criticized in the light of the ‘realistic’ threat of North Korea. For him, the realistic way forward was for a world peace organization, composed of ordinary people with some from the ‘Third World’ playing a significant role. His pacifism was closely related to his idea of minjung theology and his idea of reunification expressed his realistic pacifism, based on a political program. His pacifism embraced political alternatives, absolute conscience, and an honest study of cases.

Anti-militarism. Ham expressed opposition to militarism as a way of eradicating the causes of war. This was done through conscientious objection, a stance against the military regime and his desire for peaceful reunification. 

Ham’s idea of conscientious objection began with his learning about the Quaker CO movement in 1947. After the Korean War, Ham advocated conscientious objection in peacetime. He denied the necessity of the army, proclaiming the military’s role to kill people was not a good vocation. He demonstrated his anti-militarism through his strong nonviolent resistance against the military regime in South Korea. When the regime started to use national security as an apparatus to maintain its power, Ham criticized it. 

He also advocated peaceful reunification between the two Koreas. His program,was to conclude a treaty of non-aggression between North and South Korea, then to work at mutual disarmament and then a national policy of peace.

He criticized Christianity for not leading human civilization through self-denial and selfsacrifice. The Catholic Church brought about wars and the Protestant Church compromised with the State and thus with Mars, the god of war. Christianity was no longer playing the role of peace. It had been silent on conscientious objection and compulsory conscription. He also criticized the Churches for their materialism. He maintained that the Churches needed to be liberated from the state in order to recover their ability to be peace-makers. 

Nonviolence.  Ham based his nonviolence views on Gandhi’s nonviolent political resistance. He became aware of Gandhi when in his twenties he read Mahatma Gandhi by Romain Rolland. However instead of leading a national movement as Gandhi did, Ham devoted his energy to the Non-church movement and spiritual enlightenment of the people. He read the Bhagavad Gita and attempted to apply Gandhi’s ideas in a Korean context. He established Ssial Farm, based on Gandhi’s Ashram. He tried to educate young Koreans as Gandhi had done with young Indians at Tolstoy Farm in South Africa. His approach was practical and religious. He translated Gandhi’s books into Korean and in 1970 visited Gandhi’s community in India. In his own country he was known as a Korean Gandhi.

He understood that Gandhi’s nonviolence was based on religious truth, i.e. Satyagraha (firmness in truth).  Satya means truth and agraha means firmness. Gandhi described his life as experiments in truth. He applied religious truth equally to individuals and to the nation, and followed the truth as Jesus, Buddha, and Confucius did. (Nonviolence in its positive form is called Ahimsa (non-injury) and this means I must love my enemy.)

Ham sought to solve national problems on the basis of religious truth as Gandhi did. This led Ham to be concerned with political problems and to fuse religion and politics. Religion and politics must be in harmony for a warless society. Gandhi and Ham did not seek political power, but a release of suffering for their people. 

Minjung (the people). Gandhi’s concept of a people-centered nonviolence movement had a deep impact on Ham. It was a movement from below. It began with people’s education, and for Gandhi it consisted on publishing Voice of India, Young India and Harijan as well as setting up his ashrams. Ham saw a people’s movement as a way to achieve reunification of Korea.

Ham criticized the military coup of May 1961. This criticism foreshadowed his nonviolence resistance to the military regime. The regime’s economic development program oppressed laborers, farmers and freedom of the press, and the rights of assembly and association were also curtailed. Ham aroused public opinion by calling for the need for democracy. His ideas were published in a monthly magazine, The World of Thought, by Chang Chunha, one of his followers, who suffered a mysterious death in 1973. After this magazine folded, Ham published his own monthly magazine, Voice of the People. 

In 1965, Ham undertook a two-week fast and cut his hair, in protest to the regime’s diplomatic ties with Japan. He continued his nonviolent protests until after democracy was achieved in the 1980s. His stance was strengthened by his mysticism. He believed that human conscience had the capability to recognize and conquer evil. 

His nonviolence was absolute in principle, but in practice he once slapped a policeman’s face in order to stop his harsh treatment of a woman resister. He saw nonviolence as not merely a strategy to resist the military regime, but as a way to effect fundamental change in society. His thinking about violence was similar to Rene Girard’s theory, which discusses the vicious cycles of violence and the sacrifice of Christ. Girard asserts that violence can put the entire society in jeopardy because of vengeance and imitation (mimesis) unless it is controlled. The mechanism that was developed to control it arose in primitive religion and was the ‘scapegoat’. Sacred violence resolved violence violently, creating a chain of violence. This chain was broken by the power of the Cross, with repentance and empathy for the victim and forgiveness. An example is the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa.

Ham viewed both Communism and Liberal Democracy as following a philosophy of power. Nonviolence offered an alternative to this and was also essential for peaceful relationships between nations. He believed that corporate evil could only be challenged by a cooperative spirit of corporate nonviolence with involved self-sacrifice. 

His nonviolence was criticized by South Korean radicals, especially after the Kwangju massacre in 1980 when several hundred civilians were killed. The radicals argued for counter-violence, based on liberation theology and Marxism, but Ham kept resolutely to nonviolence. He was criticized by conservatives, as an agitator and by members of the Non-church movement who believed Christians should be non-political. 

Ham emphasized the importance of corporate actions by the minjung, rather than the individual. However followers of the minjung theology were inclined to advocate the use of positive violence.

In 1979, Ham spoke to Quakers at Woodbrooke about his nonviolence philosophy. His underlying principles were a criticism of the falsehood of the government, without hatred; working openly, not secretly; keeping his word to all, including the government; having no political ambitions. These principles are similar to Gandhi’s.

In the early 1970s when tensions between North and South Korea increased, Ham saw the movement of living together as promoting the Kingdom of God. He believed that this could be realized by awakening the minjung to the truth in themselves. Such a movement would be a revolution in its struggle against evil, and in changing the national character through spiritual power. 

Outline of Ham’s idea of Minjung. The word minjung is a combination of two Chinese characters: min (people) and jung (mass).  Ham viewed the minjung as the suffering people. Their suffering was also redemptive; they were the vehicle to achieve true peace. Ham hoped that religion would awaken the minjung, but was disappointed that the Church was a slave of the state. He was influenced by the March First Movement and by the idea that Christianity was connected with national enlightenment. He was also influenced by the ideas of post-World War I humanitarianism and the writings of Gandhi, Tolstoy and H. G. Wells. 

Ham first expressed his concept of minjung in the early 1930s. He wrote the book, Korean History from a Biblical Perspective, in which he explains that the suffering of the minjung was to be understood in the light of Jesus Christ’s suffering on the Cross. The suffering of the Korean nation was an example of how suffering like Christ’s could be seen as redemption for the sins of the world. He recognized a religious and sociological dimension to the minjung movement.  It represented a suffering, poor and oppressed people in its social and historical contexts, and simultaneously in a religious notion, the eschatological and salvific nature of redemptive suffering. The negative understanding of suffering was to be overcome historically, and suffering in a positive sense was to be encouraged religiously. He hoped to find a way to relieve the minjung of their suffering and awaken the minjung through the suffering.

 Ham introduced the idea of ssial that is a combination of ssi (seed, life, eternity) and al (immutable essence). He thought the word min was being corrupted by those wishing to control people, and ssial would be a more appropriate term to convey the underlying principles of minjung. The nuance of ssial involves a more positive image than minjung, as the will towards realizing freedom. Ssial represents the dynamic unity between God (transcendence) and humans (immanence) where the life of the universe is condensed in a seed, and the life of the universe and God are contained in human beings.

Minjung humanism. Ham believed that God being present in the minjung, gave the minjung a dignity, whereas they had been treated as slaves by the ruling class. God was the head and the minjung were His feet and people who abused the minjung, slighted God. Secondly, the minjung were the vessel of God’s revelation. Minjung humanism, which connected the minjung and God as one, was similar to Gandhi’s faith in the immanent God in every one. The innate human goodness gave a capacity to overcome evil, and the goal of the ssial movement was to encourage this goodness. It expressed the universal humanitarianism that all human lives are equally valuable. 

Ham saw minjung humanism as a way to save the whole of life. His idea of the whole was a practical way to transform the body-politics. 

The belief of God’s presence in every one was central to Quakerism, and Quaker influences, through their conscientious objection and relief work, were important in the formation of Ham’s ideas, as was Gandhi’s belief of the presence of God in every one. The Quaker influence was clearer in the development of Ham’s idea of ssial. George Fox used the term Seed of God many times to express religious enlightenment. Howard Brinton in his book, Friends for 300 Years, described the Quaker belief in human goodness, based on the idea of divine Light and seed. Ham translated this book into Korean in 1967.

Minjung pacifism. Ham argued that the minjung opposed war and militarism because they had always been the victims of them. The peacefulness of the minjung had been distorted by political and economic powers, and a new religion was needed to awaken the minjung. The ideologies of statism and nationalism were the main causes of war and of obstructing the reunification of Korea. He believed that when the minjung were enlightened they would become peacemakers. He criticized the Korean churches for their separation from the minjung. 

Anti-statism. Ham first expressed his ideas on anti-statism in the mid-1930s. ‘The state has been based on armed force and has likewise perished by the force.’ He was imprisoned for criticizing Japanese militarism in 1940. He realized that statism resided deeply in the minds of political authorities and in the mind of the minjung. This allowed the rulers to manipulate the people in the name of patriotism. The greatest threat to world peace was the politicians of the Great Powers, who governed by means of armies and technology. He tried to find alternative to striving for power as in statism, and found it in the writings of Lao-tzu, Chuang-tzu and Mencius’ politics of right rule. He saw the United Nations as an alternative to statism. 

Ham and the Quaker Peace Testimony. Ham was deeply impressed by George Fox. Both Quakerism and the Non-church movement rejected formal, institutional faith. He was impressed by the stories of young Quakers choosing to go to prison rather than joining the military. He was also impressed by the Quaker relief work in Korea when his country was ravaged. As a consequence of this relief work in Korea, Ingle Wright and Yi Yun’gu established the first Friends Meeting in Seoul. Ham started to attend regularly because of his own experience of existential distress. It was a time when he felt alone and lonely as he had been involved in a sex scandal in 1960 and all his friends had abandoned him. The Quaker Meeting welcomed him unconditionally as a friend. He found that Quakerism was not only a religion of peace, but also a religion of Friends. This became a turning point for Ham and left the Korean Non-church and became a Quaker.

In 1962, when the US State Department invited Ham to speak to them as one who had boldly criticized the military coup in South Korea, he took the opportunity to visit Quaker Meetings and colleges, and to talk to many Quakers. He was impressed with the Quaker historical records. He went to Pendle Hill and learned about Quakerism from Howard Brinton and took courses on Tolstoy and nonviolence. He then continued his journey to Woodbrooke, where he took courses on Effective Witness for Peace and the United Nations General Assembly. 

In 1967, Ham attended the Fourth World Conference of Friends in North Carolina. He decided then to become a member of the Religious Society of Friends, but continued to be a spiritual seeker. He attended the Triennial meeting of the Friends World Committee for Consultation in Sweden in 1970, London Yearly Meeting in 1970, and Triennial meetings of FWCC in Switzerland in 1979 and Kenya in 1982. 

Ham’s understanding of Quakerism.  He saw Quakerism as a young and vital religion, showing possibilities as a religion for peace, unseen in Buddhism, Catholicism and Protestant Evangelicalism. The Fourth World Conference in North Carolina was a turning point for him. The conference produced four statements: the Vietnam War, racial conflict, sharing of world’s resources, and the service of the Friends World Committee for Consultation (FWCC). 

U Thant, Secretary-General of the United Nations addressed the conference and Lewis Benson led a discussion on the future of Quakerism. Wilmer Cooper urged Friends to keep a Quaker identity within their diversity. John Yungblut stressed the importance of balancing the inward Quaker spiritual experience with the passion for social reform. Hugh Doncaster addressed the tension between the creative encounter of the diverse forms of Quakerism and respect for one’s experience of truth. When Ham returned to Pendle Hill he started to translate Howard Brinton’s book, Friends for 300 Years, into
Korean. He agreed with Brinton that there were important connections between
Quakerism and the religions of Asia. He respected the Quakers’ attitude not to proselytize their religion and, after becoming a member, he assumed a spontaneous responsibility.

Influence of Quakerism on Ham’s ideas of peace. Quaker conscientious objection impacted on Ham because of its roots in Christian pacifism. In spite of his Presbyterian and Non-church experience, he had previously not heard of any Christian teachings about war being absolutely wrong. He was impressed by Quaker conscientious objection as a form of resistance to the state. Uchimura Kanzo was an absolute pacifist, but the Nonchurch members did not feel obliged to practice pacifism. Until he learned of the Quaker Peace Testimony, he did not recognize that pacifism could be implemented in the historical and social context and that Christian faith was incompatible with war. He then re-read Gandhi from the perspective of the peace movement. This led him to an interest in nonviolence grounded in religious faith and truth, and a political concern for peace. 

Gandhi, too, had been impressed by the Quaker Peace Testimony. He had first encountered Quakers and their relief work in South Africa during the Anglo-Boer War in 1900. When he went to London for the Second Round Table Conference in 1931 to discuss India’s constitutional future, he went straight to Friends House. Gandhi also visited Woodbrooke. 

In 1953, American and British Friends started joint relief work when a team of medical doctors and nurses, social workers and physiotherapists arrived in South Korea. This work continued until 1957. Ham was deeply impressed by the Quakers’ humanitarian work, which he saw as an essential expression of the Quaker Peace Testimony. 

Ham did not participate in political action until 1963. The Non-church movement, being grounded in orthodox Evangelicalism, regarded politics as a secular matter. After Ham was ostracized by the Non-church group because of his ‘sin’ in 1960, he became a
Quaker and his faith position changed. He now saw religion and politics as inseparable. 

Korean reunification theology. The division between North and South Korea can be characterized under three categories: colonialism, Cold War and Korean War. The colonization of Korea by Japan lasted 36 years and ended in 1945 with the conclusion of World War II. But instead of building a unified country the two Cold War superpowers divided it into two and tried to create two governments in their own images. The concept of reunification was not abandoned, but both governments viewed it in terms of conquest by force, and the Korean War broke out in 1950. The war solved nothing. There was an armistice in 1953, but technically the war never ended. The division hardened and mutual distrust became ingrained in the Korean psyche. A cycle of arms races increased tension.

In South Korea there were two approaches to reunification; one by force and the other by peaceful means. The government and conservative groups, including churches, supported the former position. The progressive groups accepted North Korea as a reality and as a potential partner for dialogue. The Yi Sungman Government in South Korea viewed all North Korean proposals for peaceful reunification as propaganda and the government’s strategy was to control the reunification discussion and to suppress the progressives. Cho Pongam, who ran for president in 1956 with the slogan ‘Peaceful unification through free election,’ was executed in 1958 as a North Korean spy. In 1960, a people-centered reunification movement brought down the Yi Sungman dictatorship. However this movement was terminated in 1961 by the coup d’etat led by Major-General Pak Chonghui, who revived hostilities toward North Korea. 

In the 1970s the issue of reunification was used to suppress anti-Pak groups, who were labeled as pro-North communists and sentenced to death or life in prison. Progressive Christian groups dedicated themselves to working for human rights and democratization, as well as reunification. In the early 1980s there was a turning point. Pak Chonghui was assassinated and his regime collapsed. However, the aspirations of the people that a civilian democratic government would be formed, were thwarted when there was another coup, and thousands of civilians were killed or injured at Kwangju.

The movement realized that the military was controlled by American power, which then gave rise to radical anti-American action, e.g. the fire-bombing of the American Cultural Institute in Seoul. 

Korean Reunification Theology. Korean Reunification Theology developed in the early 1980s. After liberation from the Japanese, many Christian leaders in the North, influenced by American Presbyterian missionaries, were pro-American and anticommunist This caused oppression of Christians by the North Korean communists. 

There were also neutral Christians who wished to prevent the partition of the Korean peninsula but they split into two factions: socialist and liberal democratic and supported different sides when the Korean War broke out. 

After the Korean War, the number of Christians in the North rapidly decreased. The number of churches increased in the South and the Yi Government regarded itself as Christian, anti-communist and pro-American. For a short time there was a challenge after the April Democracy Revolution in 1960, when Yi’s government fell, and some theologians criticized the blind commitment to anti-communism, but this stopped with the 1961 coup. In the 1970s progressive Christians criticized both communism and capitalism. Participation in the democratization movement against the military dictatorship was seen as a mode of reunification. This had the effect of undermining the South Korean Churches’ fixed stance on reunification and contributed to changing the North Korean Government’s negative attitude toward religion. 

Ham’s ideas of reunification. In 1958, Ham expressed his idea of reunification based on Christian pacifism, and stressed absolute nonviolence between North and South. His idea was to create a brotherhood of reunification. In the 1960s he included the concepts of anti-war, anti-militaristic pacifism, nonviolence, national independence and minjung. National division was sinful, and war could only work for the entrenchment of division. For Ham, a change in human spirituality was essential for solving the problem of national division. His political struggle was an expression of his religious faith. Reunification would only be possible when the minjung in both North and South demanded it. He attempted to build trust between North and South and, instead of considering northern people as enemies, he considered them to be sisters and brothers. This was directly opposed to South Korean Government policy and the faith of South Korean Churches. 

Ham’s neutral reunification aimed at transcending the ideologies of both North and South. His purpose was to eradicate statism. He wished to liberate the minjung, who were oppressed by internal and foreign political powers. Minjung democracy was essential for true reunification and Ham stressed enlightenment of the minjung as the method to achieve peaceful reunification. 

The main reunification theologians. An Pyongmu (1922 – 1996) was the most influential reunification and minjung theologian. He studied sociology in Korea and obtained a Doctorate in Divinity from Heidelberg University. He was born in North Korea and was a Christian nationalist under Japanese colonialism. After liberation he experienced oppression and, because of his anti-communism, he escaped to South Korea. There he participated in the anti-dictatorship democratization movement and was imprisoned and tortured. As a result of his suffering he developed a minjung theology, viewing capitalism and communism as oppressive. He became a key member of the National Council of Churches in Korea’s Committee of Reunification. 

An Pyongmu contrasted the Exodus tradition (liberation of oppressed people) with the
Davidian monarchy, which he saw as the fundamental cause of the Israelite division between the northern Israel and the southern Judah. He felt this division, like the Korean division, was caused by the desire for political power and the idea of military reunification opposed God’s sovereignty. True reunification was only possible through the minjung. He stressed that national independence was necessary for reunification. He also stressed a peaceful reunification and the necessity of arms reduction, the need of an anti-war movement, democracy and economic equality, and criticized the logic of national security. 

An Pyongmu read Ham’s book, Korean History form a Biblical Perspective, and contacted him. He sought Ham’s spiritual and academic advice and, in turn, stimulated Ham’s struggle against the military regime. An’s ideas of reunification were similar to Ham’s and he accepted Ham’s idea of ssial. However An stressed the importance of minjung liberation as a prerequisite to peace, whereas Ham argued that liberation was impossible without experiencing the peace of God. An was a social realist, Ham was religious and individualistic. An stressed a social peace and the need to overcome individualism. An’s ideas arose from a theological basis, whereas Ham’s were philosophical, arising from Lao-tzu, Chaung-tzu and Gandhi. Gradually An came to follow Ham’s idea of peace. 

Kim Yongbok: (1938 - ) studied theology at Yonse University and then obtained a Ph. D. from Princeton Theological Seminary. He used the biblical concept of the Jubilee as a basis for reunification theology. The Jubilee Year (every 50 years) is when the lost land is returned to its original owner, and there is cancellation of debts and emancipation of all slaves. It is a concrete expression of God’s sovereignty in the world and a realization of the Kingdom of God. Kim stressed socio-economic repentance. He argued that the minjung’s identity is realized through their struggles against politico-economic oppression. Minjung messianism regarded the crucifixion as the beginning of messianic politics. He advocated a global Korean nationalism and liberation of all oppressed people in the Third World. Peace, for him, meant the realization of social justice. The context of Korean peace with justice was based on socio-economic security, a peace treaty, disarmament and the removal of nuclear weapons. Kim was deeply influenced by Ham’s Korean History from the Biblical Perspective. His idea of minjung reflected Ham’s ideas. Ham’s interpretation of the suffering nation in the light of Christ on the Cross, underpined Kim’s idea of nationalism of the oppressed people. 

Noh Chongson: (1945 - ) studied theology at Yonse University and received a Ph. D. from Union Seminary in New York. He argued that from the biblical perspective, division is a sin (which has its prototype in the severance of the relationship between God and humanity, with the sin of Adam). He observed that the dependence on foreign ideology is the main cause of the Korean division. Both capitalism and communism, for him, were foreign ideologies. He viewed the Jubilee as an inclusive worldview for reunification. Noh criticized first world theologies used to protect the political, economic and cultural interests of the imperial and neo-colonial powers (e.g. Reinhold Niebuhr’s and John Bennett’s theologies which supported America foreign policy during the Cold War). Noh stressed national independence and security as essential elements of peace, and prefered gradual disarmament to enhance the social welfare of the minjung.

Noh read Ham’s book, Korean History from the Biblical Perspective, and it fascinated him. He attended one of Ham’s lectures in America and was impressed by his criticism of idolatry (Ham called for the removal of Korean and US flags from the altar). Noh’s ideas on reunification and national independence were influenced by Ham, but unlike Ham,  he advocated the necessity of military force for national independence and security. 

Hong Kunsu: (1937 - ) studied theology at Hanshin Seminary in Korea and received a doctorate in theology at the Lutheran Seminary in America. Hong saw the South Korean Churches’ anti-communism as the main spiritual obstacle to the Christian reunification movement. He was influenced by the Marxist, Ernst Bloch, and stressed the need for a dialogue between Christianity and Marxism. He argued that ‘we should repent the sin to hate compatriots because of ideological difference,’ as there is a close relationship between the division of a nation and the division of Church. The Church should transcend ideology and proclaim a revolutionary community of shalom, which is spiritual and politically progressive. The minjung reunification aims at developing an egalitarian and democratic community. Christ is a servant of peace and reconciliation. Hong was influenced by Quaker conscientious objection and the thoughts of the Mennonite theologian, John Howard Yoder. He advocated pacifism, but was not an absolute pacifist as he saw peace as impossible while the situation of division exists. He called for withdrawal of US troops, removal of nuclear weapons, a peace treaty, disarmament between North and South, abolition of conscription and a conversion of the military industry to a peace industry.  

Hong read Ham’s book, Korean History from the Biblical Perspective, and was impressed with the concept of the suffering nation. His idea of minjung reunification was similar to Ham’s but he differed from Ham by having a positive attitude toward socialism, whereas Ham criticized capitalism and communism equally. 

Pak Sungyong: (1923 - ) is a woman who studied theology at the Methodist Theological Seminary in Seoul and received a Ph. D. at Drew University in America. She showed an influence of Karl Barth on her reunification theology. She felt that Korean national liberation had common ground with God’s people in Exodus. Her concept of a nation included both the nation oppressed by imperialistic powers and the minjung socioeconomically oppressed. She stressed that a main task of feminist theology should be the national reunification and social revolution, rather than women’s rights. She adopted Helmut Gollwitzer’s criticism of capitalized Christianity and viewed Christian anticommunism as caused by the capitalization of Christianity. As socialism was seen as an ideal social system but one that could not bring about the transformation of humanity she called for a complementary relationship between Christianity and socialism to achieve a unified egalitarian community. She saw herself, not as a pacifist, but as a peace advocate. and claimed no influence from Ham as she objected to Ham’s criticism of both capitalism and communism. 

All of the reunification theologians advocate peaceful reunification based on anti-war strategies and anti-military pacifism. However Noh stresses the need for military force for maintaining national independence and security. He sees nonviolence as a tactic for achieving social change rather than as a moral concept. Pak agrees with Noh. Hong’s idea of nonviolence reunification is a moral strategy of a weak nation; the military competition of the superpowers is an unrealistic way.  He sees Noh’s military realism as unrealistic. An and Kim agree with Hong and with Ham.

The reunification theologians agree on their idea of the minjung reunification, however there are clear differences about eschatological and socialistic approaches to reunification. Aside from Pak, the other theologians have read Ham and have been influenced by his ideas: peaceful reunification, the reunification of national independence and the minjung, based on minjung democracy and the reunification between the minjung in North and South Korea. Pak’s reunification is nation-centered, aiming for an egalitarian society. 

Conclusion. 

Shared elements of QPT, Ham’s ideas of peace, KRT together with other influences on Ham.

Quaker Peace 
Testimony
Other 
Influences on
Ham
Ham’s Ideas of
Peace
Korean
Reunification
Theology
Anti-war and antimilitarist pacifism, Christian, and inclusive
(non-Christian and non-religion based) pacifism
Gandhi
Tolstoy

Lao-tzu
Chuang-tzu
Korean War
Anti-war and anti-militarist pacifism, and inclusive (nonChristian and nonreligion based) pacifism
Anti-war and antimilitarist pacifism, Christian pacifism
Quaker nonviolent activism based on Gandhi
Gandhi’s nonviolence
Nonviolence and nonviolent activism based on Gandhi
Nonviolent reunification
Quaker
humanitarianism,
Quaker idea of seed,
Quaker belief in ‘that of God in everyone’
Gandhi, Nonchurch, Lao-tzu,
Tolstoy
Minjung humanitarianism,
idea of ssial,
minjung democracy and reunification
Minjung humanitarianism, minjung democracy and reunification

Gandhi’s national liberation
National independence
National independence and social revolution

Ham’s pacifism was influenced by Quakerism.  The idea of ‘that of God in everyone’ became basic to Quaker humanitarianism. Ham saw a divine nature in the minjung and developed the idea of ssial, an inherent goodness of the minjung. His influence on reunification theology included anti-war and anti-militarist pacifism, nonviolence, the minjung and national independence. His pacifism was the basis of this idea of peaceful reunification. He undertook nonviolent political resistance for democracy and human rights. He stressed the minjung’s human dignity and peacemaking capability. 

 Jiseok Jung teaches Ethics of Peace and Peace Education at Hanshin and Songkonghoe Universities in Korea. He is a Korean theologian who has served at a minjung church, and has studied at Pendle Hill and Woodbrooke.

Kitasawa, Sukeo, The Life of Dr. Nitobe, Toyko: Hokuseido Press, 1953, 93 pp.



Kitasawa, Sukeo, The Life of Dr. Nitobe, Toyko: Hokuseido Press, 1953, 93 pp.



Beginnings. Inenosuke (who later changed his name to Inazo) Nitobe was born in 1862 in Morioka in the northeastern part of the island of Honshu. His father, Jujiro Nitobe, was a high official of the samurai clan of Lord Nambu. However, his father’s influence was short lived; he died when Inazo was five years of age. Inazo studied with local teachers in Morioka, but was not satisfied with them. This was the Meiji Era where Japanese society was in transition from feudalism to new structures in internal politics, economy, military, and foreign relations. Inazo wanted to be part of this and nagged his mother to let him go to Tokyo. His uncle Ota lived in Tokyo and wished to adopt Inazo to educate him to become a leader for the new age. So in his early teens he and his elder brother and a servant made the trip of 400 miles to Tokyo. At age 14 he entered the Tokyo English School, the precursor of Tokyo Imperial University.



Inazo’s grandfather,Tsuto, was well known for building a long tunnel and canal which made it possible to develop a vast barren tract of land in Aomori Prefecture into fertile rice fields, saving thousands of poverty-stricken farmers. In 1876 the Emperor Jeiji, honored the Nitobe family in his visit to the northeastern district for Tsuto’s achievement. The Emperor expressed the wish that the family would inherit Tsuto’s noble spirit and contribute to the agricultural development of the country. Although Inazo was in Tokyo at the time, he took this as an imperial command and gave up his idea of studying law in favour of pursuing agricultural science. The Emperor left a generous gift of money to the family and Inazo, being the youngest, received a small portion of it. He used his gift to purchase a copy of the English Bible. He was studying the Bible at the time with one of the foreign teachers at Tokyo English School, M. M. Scott. The story of Jesus’ selfsacrificing mission deeply impressed him and he believed that Christianity would make Japan a strong and civilized nation.



After two years of study, Inazo passed a competitive examination and entered Sapporo Agricultural College in Hokkaido. Among his classmates were Kingo Miyabe, Kanzo Uchimura, Takajuro Minami, Isamu Hiroi and others, who became distinguished leaders. One month after matriculation Inazo became a Christian. Inazo placed second as a scholar his first year and first in his second year at Sapporo. He was also a keen competitor in sports. He was known for his temper outbursts and indignation against unrighteousness of any kind. He later overcame this.



In his second year his beloved mother died. He became depressed. It was by reading Thomas Carlyle’s Sartor Resartus that his melancholia lifted.



Upon graduation Inazo took the entrance examination to study at Tokyo University. He told the examining professor that he wanted to study English and be a bridge across the Pacific. By amalgamating Western and Japanese cultures a better one may emerge. He achieved an excellent record at Tokyo University, but after finishing he resolved to go to America to continue his studies. His uncle Ota approved of this idea and provided funds for him to do this. He did graduate studies in economics, history and literature at Johns Hopkins University. Among his classmates were Woodrow Wilson, Shosuke Sato and John Dewey. He needed funds to live on and history Professor Herbert Adams employed him so that Inazo could support himself. Inazo also earned money by giving public lectures on Japan and the need to revise the unequal treaty imposed on Japan by the West in 1857.



He was invited to speak to the Friends Foreign Missionary Society in Baltimore and met

Mary Patterson Elkinton there. She was the daughter of a well-known Quaker family in Philadelphia (her father, Joseph Scotton Elkinton, was involved with the resettlement of the Doukhobors in Canada). She told him that she wanted to work with her friends to revise the treaty.



Out of the blue in 1887 Inazo received a letter from his former classmate Shosuke Sato, who was then secretary and professor at Sapporo Agricultural College, informing Inazo that he had been appointed assistant professor and would be allowed three years further study in Germany at government expense. This meant that he would have to leave American soon. Also at this time Inazo received a request to write an article for a journal in Japan on the position of women in America. This was a subject with which he was unfamiliar, so he sought the help of Mary Elkinton. Their collaboration gave him the opportunity to get to know more about her character as well as her literary skills and intellectual depth. She made an unforgettable impression on him and he wrote to her as he travelled through Ireland, Scotland, England and Holland on his way to Germany. Shortly after he arrived in Bonn, Mary sent him a report that she and her friends had won over several Congressmen to vote to revise the Japanese treaty.



Many letters of intimate affection must have traversed the Atlantic. Inazo outlined his hopes and aspirations and also the difficulties that lay ahead. Near the end of the year they decided to get married. However there was opposition from both Uncle Ota and the Elkintons. But all attempts to dissuade them were in vain.



Inazo spent his first year at the University of Bonn, the second at the University of Berlin and the third year at the University of Halle. He studied agrar-politics, history of agriculture, economics, and statistics. He finished his thesis, Intercourse Between the United States and Japan, after Mary had corrected his English, he submitted it to Prof. Adams at John Hopkins University. It was published in the Johns Hopkins Historical Series.



In 1888 the government sent him to Belgium where he was influenced by the great scholar Professor de Lavelleye at the University of Liège. One day Prof. de Lavelleye asked him, ‘What moral and religious education is offered in the schools of Japan?’ Inazo replied that religious education was not permitted. ‘How can a nation be led in the way of righteousness without religion?’, asked Prof de Lavelleye. Inazo was unable to adequately reply. Years later he wrote, Bushido, The Soul of Japan, in an attempt to answer this question, but by then Prof de Lavelleye has passed away.



At the end of his three years, Inazo wrote his German thesis, Land Possession and Distribution, and its Agricultural Use in Japan, and received his Ph. D. from the University of Halle in 1890.



Inazo returned to Philadelphia to marry Mary, but her father was bitterly opposed to the marriage would not permit Inazo to enter the house. Joseph Elkinton feared Inazo would take his daughter away from America. The weighty Quakers of the Meeting sided with Elkinton and did not grant permission when the intention was laid before the Meeting in 1890. But the couple persisted and gradually won over Mary’s brothers and then other relatives and influential members of the Meeting. When the marriage proposal was presented to the Meeting for the third time consent was given in spite of parental opposition. Inazo and Mary were married on New Year’s Day 1891.



Marriage and a new life. The wedding took place at Arch Street Meeting House. In addition to Mary’s brothers, and Aunt Sara and Uncle Ephriam Smith, who took the place of her parents, Rendall and Helen Harris, Friends from England attended. A few days prior to the couple sailing to Japan, Mary’s parents relented and gave their approval and invited Mary and Inazo to their home. The journey took 18 days to reach Yokohama. Inazo’s relatives met them at the docks. It was a big task for Mary to adapt to the strange customs and new language. Inazo’s younger sister, Kisa, helped her. At the family welcoming formal dinner, Mary was surprised when Inazo slipped off his shoes, but Kisa brought knitted covers to put on Mary’s shoes as a compromise for her. When Mary was unable to kneel properly, Kisa brought a short stool and put cushions over it. Kisa was more progressive than Inazo and contrasted with her elder sister, Mine, who was quite conservative. Mary was delighted when Uncle Ota took her to a high-class store to order a silk kimono and an obi (belt) and haori (coat) with the crests of the Nitobe family on them, symbolizing she was part of the family.



The Nitobes were invited to a formal tea ceremony by Count Matsuura and on another occasion Prince Konoye, Sr., president of the House of Peers, invited them to the Diet. They met Prince Shimazu and other former feudal lords with the traditional regalia. They also visited the Friends Centre in Mita (Quakers and other Christian missionaries were active in Japan at this time).



Inazo had been appointed full professor at Sapporo Agricultural College. There were almost no railways in northeastern Japan in those days, so the couple travelled mostly by steamer to Hokkaido. At Sapporo all of the professors, some of their wives and two American women missionaries came to greet them. It was an overwhelming reception for both of them and marked the beginning of their new life together. They were provided with a residence with five rooms.



Inazo deeply impressed Mary by the value and magnitude of his work and the true greatness of his spirit. She made him the heart and centre of her life. The strong faith in God and love of humanity she practiced impressed her friends and Japanese relatives, including the admiration of Uncle Ota who had initially opposed the match.



In January 1982 a baby was born to them, but in spite of expert medical help, Thomas died within a week. This was a time of deep sorrow. Mary did not regain her health for some years. Inazo had lost his father at five and been separated from his mother at nine, however this grief was so deep, it became a cause for his breakdown a few years later. The words of Goethe and Carlyle helped him. He considered Buddha’s approach of lifting himself above the suffering of life in an attempt to free life of it, and the Christian approach of bearing the cross, which he thought was noble. He continued to test the truth of both. He adored Abraham Lincoln, who suffered profound melancholy,



The death of Thomas drew the Nitobe family close together. Mary won her Japanese relatives and friends to her because they saw in her the ideal Japanese wife devoted to her husband’s welfare and fully content to submerge her life in his. She abandoned her study of the Japanese language to have more time to help Inazo in English, protect his health and encourage and inspire him. He could never have gained his balanced and saintly character, nor accomplished his great work and service as a scholar, educator, journalist and internationalist without her intelligent devotion to all of his life and activities.



Educator and administrator. Four of the nine full professors had higher degrees from America or Germany. There was one American member of the faculty, Arthur Brigham, from Harvard. Inazo became head of the Instruction Department and revised the curriculum to raise the academic standards. He attracted students for his wide knowledge and humour. In addition to teaching History of Agriculture, Agrar-politics, economics, German and English, he also gave lectures on Thomas Carlyle, Goethe and others. He saw these outside lectures as important opportunities to guide the minds and hearts of the students to the best the West had to offer. He tried to establish friendly relationships with the students and he encouraged them to come to his home. His reputation as a teacher spread and students from Tokyo transferred to the College. In 1891 he was appointed principal of Hokumei Middle School and he enjoyed the chance to teach teenagers. He spent many hours giving them guidance about personal problems. One evening a week he would invite the middle school boys to his home where he would share his favorite stories from Western literature and from his personal experience in America and Europe with them. He taught a group of non-Christian students the Bible as literature and wrote a series of articles on the life of William Penn. This appealed to the people of Hokkaido, because they were themselves colonists and they were impressed by his strong faith and leadership in organizing the Quaker colony.



Inazo also acted as the technical adviser of the prefectural government and gave practical guidance to farmers. A night school was started for the young boys and adults unable to go to day school. Inazo contributed $2,000 to start it. He was deeply concerned about the life of the Ainu tribe in Hokkaido, and wrote articles to promote awareness of the need to protect them. He did at least the work of five men. In 1897 fatigue finally caught up with him. His grief over the loss of his child and Mary’s long illness and temporary absence for convalescence in America culminated in Inazo having a serious nervous breakdown. His doctors advised him to stop all work and reading of any kind and to rest for three to five years. It looked like the brilliant career of this young professor was over at age 36.

He looked haggard. Friends and students gathered weeping to see him off to Ikaho spa, but he was smiling and waving his Sartor Resartus in his hand as the train left the station.



At Ikaho hot spring he had long hours of rest and meditation, and his health improved rapidly. The next year Inazo and Mary settled in Monterey, California, among the pine forests and white sandy beaches. The mild climate and refreshing sea breeze were very effective in promoting his healing. During his convalescence, the question Dr. de Lavelleye raised came to mind. As his health improved, his thoughts crystallized and he got the idea of writing a book to respond to the question, ‘How can one acquire the idea of right and wrong without moral instruction based on religious belief?’ Unable to write, he dictated it to Anna Hartshorne, his friend and secretary. In the following year, 1899, Bushido, the Soul of Japan, was published.



Little was known about Japan in the West. When Japan had a military victory over Russia in 1905 there was great surprise and it was discovered that in Japan there was a strong spiritual quality known as Bushido. To understand this spirit, people read Inazo’s book, and the English version was rapidly translated into German, French, Bohemian, Polish, Norwegian, Mahratti, Chinese and other languages. It was read by many influential people, among them President Theodore Roosevelt, President John F. Kenney and Robert Baden-Powell. He became world famous.



As soon as he finished writing Bushido, he began work on his unfinished History of Agriculture, the second volume of a trilogy on agriculture. In March 1899 the Japanese Government awarded him the degree Doctor of Agriculture for his scholarly contribution to agriculture.



After two years of convalescence as Inazo was about to leave the Pacific coast, he received an invitation to take a position in Formosa. Japan was administering Formosa after the Sino-Japanese War (1894-95). After consulting with his friends at Sapporo he decided to accept the offer, but allow his health to improve and to study colonial administration and industrial developments in other parts of the world, he decided to take a leisurely trip around the world. In 1899, Inazo, Mary and their adopted son, Yoshio, first went to visit Mary’s parents in Philadelphia, who were exceedingly glad to see them.

In 1900 they left America for Spain, London, Paris, Germany, Italy, Greece, and Egypt. In 1901 they returned to Japan. The military occupation of Formosa had ended and Shimpei Goto, the Civil Administrator, had been given a free hand in selecting the best personnel for the Taiwan Government. His first choice was Inazo for the head of the Industrial Bureau with a salary equivalent to that of a minister of a department.



Inazo had thoroughly studied the history, soil, climate, crops and methods of native cultivation. He had conducted a research tour to the Philippines, Java and Australia and prepared a report on Taiwan Sugar Policy for Governor General Kodama. He told Kodama that it would take strong leadership to implement the policy of reform. The Diet wanted to reduce the appropriations required, but when they learned that the bill was based on Inazo’s careful research over years, passed it at once. The sugar policy enabled Taiwan to become economically independent and increased the Japanese national income by several billions of yen.



In 1903 he was offered a professorship at Kyoto Imperial University. He accepted and gave lectures on Agronomics and Statistics. His first speech was on Japan’s Mission in the Orient, and it inspired the entire student body. They adopted a 16-year old niece, Kotoko, a daughter of Mine. Mary had little aptitude to learn Japanese and Kotoko served

as her interpreter. In 1906, Kyoto University conferred the degree Doctor of Jurisprudence on Inazo.



President of the Fist National College. Baron Makino, the Minister of Education, asked Inazo to become president of The First National College in Tokyo. Inazo was reluctant to accept and stipulated three conditions: the appointment be two years at most, an additional post at Tokyo Imperial University be provided, and he be allowed to take a 30 minute nap after lunch. These were agreed to and Inazo moved to Tokyo, where he had the opportunity to teach the cream of youth selected by rigid, competitive examinations. Inazo gave lectures on ethics and morals as well as lectures on Lincoln, Carlyle, Goethe, Schiller, Milton and others. He also held weekly conferences with the students. The twoyear term stretched to eight years. In his time as president, the College rose to its greatest prominence. His speeches of idealism were addressed to all the young men and women in the nation.



There were some who resented Inazo’s popularity. Inazo was the first exchange lecturer from Japan and delivered a series of lectures at Brown, Columbia, Johns Hopkins, Virginia, Illinois and Minnesota Universities. He also spoke to the Japanese living on the Pacific coast and advised them to observe their obligations to America and to respect the habits and customs of their American neighbours. A few ultra-patriotic Japanese thought his remarks were unpatriotic. When he returned home he found the secret police dogged his steps whenever he made a public speech. After one speech a young man, dressed in formal Japanese dress, asked permission to meet with him. When he entered, the young man bowed in perfect samurai fashion with his forehead on the mat. Coming nearer he presented his visiting card to Inazo, and again bowed his head to the mat. Straightening up he said, ‘Dr. Nitobe, I have come to make my most profound apologies. The fact is, I came here tonight prepared to kill you before you left the premises.’ At this point the young man took out a short dagger from concealment under his silk coat. He presented to Inazo, handle first. ‘On account of things which I heard that you had said in America, I thought you were a traitor to our Emperor, but I have patiently listened to your address, and as I heard your words and felt your spirit, I realised I was mistaken. I present to you this dagger as evidence of my sincerity in this apology, and I give you my pledge that as long as you live I shall be one or your protectors.’



Shortly after this incident Inazo was offered the position of Minister of Education. However knowing the Government’s conservative educational policy and the conditions of Emperor Worship and ultra-nationalism that had been fostered in the country, ignoring human rights and disregarding civil rights, he declined.



Inazo contributed to popular journals, including magazines for women. In contrast to other scholars he tried to present difficult philosophical ideas in plain, readable language. He displayed great learning and brought the ideas of East and West, ancient and modern together. He had a deep appreciation of oriental culture, but as a Quaker he loved hours of prayer and meditation, waiting in holy expectancy, communing with God. He had a never-ceasing interest in agriculture.



When he retired from the College, the entire student body followed him to the school gate to bid him farewell. About 600 of them followed him home. The students asked Mary and Inazo to stand on the porch while they gathered in the garden to sing a farewell song, especially composed by a student for the occasion. A representative thanked Inazo and Mary for their love and guidance, and expressed the earnest desire of the students to follow the teachings of Inazo. They presented Inazo and Mary with a basket of azaleas. Inazo requested three minutes of silent prayer in response.



The following year some of the same boys, who had entered Tokyo University, invited Inazo to meet with them. Inazo arrived with a pot of azaleas. When Inazo came to speak, he told them that Mary had planted the azaleas in the garden that they brought the previous year at the farewell party, and they spread their roots and grew, and this blossomed again. Everyone at the banquet was electrified at the thought that the azaleas they had thought had faded and gone away, still survived with fresh vigor. They realised that Inazo and Mary had loved and thought of the boys far more than they had loved and thought of Inazo and Mary. They named this gathering the ‘Azalea Society’ and they met every year thereafter.



Mary had also planted the green cedar branches which were mixed with the azaleas in the basket. These grew into tall trees and were a delight to Inazo and Mary. Today one can find distinguished disciples of Inazo in almost any field or profession in Japan. These include a former Prime Minister, a Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, several University Presidents and former Cabinet members. Education was the prime interest of his life and for seven years he showed his ability as a young professor and principal at Sapporo, for eight years as president of the First National College he fought for school reform, and in his sixties, he created a spiritual foundation of Tokyo Woman’s Christian College as its first president. He improved agriculture and increased the production of the country as an expert advisor in Hokkaido, in Formosa, and the northeastern district of Honshi, but his best crops were the students he taught.



As true world citizen. Inazo and Mary made a tour of America and Europe in 1919 to survey the world situation after World War I. When they visited Paris, the League of Nations had already been formed. Japan was one of the four permanent members (Great

Britain, France, Italy and Japan) of the League Council, and thus was given the post of

Under-Secretary General of the League. Japan’s chief and associate delegates, Prince Saionji and Count Makino, were unable to find a suitably qualified person. Just at that time, Inazo made a formal visit to the Embassy. Count Makino looked at him and exclaimed, ‘Here is a splendid candidate.’ Count Makino had previously appointed Inazo as president of the First National College in 1906, which had given Inazo an opportunity to address the entire nation from the capital. Now in 1919 he was giving Inazo an opportunity to become a figure of international importance.



Inazo’s contribution to the League of Nations was acknowledged in America and Europe. Of particular note was his contribution to the creation of the Committee for Intellectual Cooperation. The League sent lecturers to different countries in Europe to promote the aims of the League. Nine times out of ten Inazo was chosen to be the lecturer from the Secretariat, because he was the most qualified and made the deepest, lasting impression. He became the most loved and respected person in Geneva. The University of Geneva, which rarely conferred honorary degrees, granted a Doctor of Laws degree to Inazo. Inazo was seen as a true world citizen, taking the best in wisdom and culture from Japan, America and Europe and became an intellectual bridge between East and West.



In Japan, however, the Japanese militarists ignored the liberalism and internationalism Inazo stood for, and embraced Fascism instead. This led to the invasion of China and the Pacific War, and finally the complete defeat of the country.



Inazo was respected for his gentleness and spirituality. His love of children was instinctive. He could not refuse requests for personal help or for a lecture or manuscript. However in addition to his meekness, he was also able to be stern and stand up for his principles. This quality was nurtured from his boyhood as the son of a samurai.



Last eight years. In 1924 the US Congress passed the Johnson-Reed Act which limited the annual number of immigrants who could be admitted from any country to 2% of the number of people from that country who were already living in the United States in 1890. The aim was to restrict Southern and Eastern Europeans who were immigrating in large numbers starting in the 1890s. The Act barred specific origins from the Asia–Pacific Triangle, which included Japan, China, the Philippines, Thailand, Indochina, Singapore, Korea, Dutch East Indies, Burma, India, Ceylon and Malaya. Inazo, Viscount Shibusawa and others were deeply disappointed but kept silent. The ultra-nationalists and militarists vigorously proclaimed their judgment against America was correct. Resentment against America steadily grew and rearmament programs were carried out with renewed vigour on a large scale. Inazo resolved to himself that he would not step on US shores until this law was repealed.



After serving six years at the League of Nations, Inazo resigned to return to Japan. He was soon lecturing on world peace and internationalism in the face of the rising tide of militarism.



Inazo was made a member of the House of peers. In his maiden speech he reproached General Tanaka’s Cabinet, where one of the Cabinet members had abused the imperial prerogative to save his term of office. He was so effective that scores of votes supported his position and the overbold general was ousted from office quite precipitately. This was a surprise to many of the Diet members, who had not expected such a result, but Viscount Ishii, also a member of the House of Peers, knew of his outstanding reputation in Europe as a powerful speaker.



In 1929 Inazo became the director of the Institute of Pacific Relations. In 1931 the Institute met in Shanghai for the Fourth Conference. A few days prior to the opening of the Conference, Japan invaded Manchuria. Anti-Japanese riots broke out in Shanghai and they became so violent that Japan landed marines and placed them in the Japanese quarters in the International Concession. Inazo was in poor health and had a nurse accompany him. During the Conference, the Chinese delegates had much to say against the Japanese action. When one delegate made an abusive attack, Inazo rose to his feet with deep indignation and silenced the speaker and extracted a written confession from him.



Three years later Inazo gave an interview in Matsuyama and said, ‘Two insidious dangers confront Japan today --- militarism and communism.’ This remark provoked the military and ultra-nationalists. Some of the young officers, particularly, saw him as unpatriotic and severely criticized and even threatened him. Inazo was ill at the time and confined in St. Luke’s Hospital, when Admiral Sakonji, the Vice Minister of the Navy and Colonel Tetsuzan Nagata of the Army Department come to visit him at the hospital for a frank conference on the issue. They wanted to know what his purpose was in his speech at Matsuyama. They also wanted to know what the international reaction was to Manchurian military action and the recent confrontation between the Chinese army and the Japanese marines at Shanghai. Inazo was a recognised authority on the matter and had an international reputation. He must have convinced them of his patriotism, because after this meeting the press dropped the issue completely.



In April of 1932 Inazo decided to revoke his earlier resolve not to step on the shores of America until the Anti-Japanese Immigration Law was repealed. His Inner Light led him to travel to America to explain the purport of the Manchurian Affair. Chinese propaganda was sweeping America from coast to coast and Inazo was denounced as supporting the militarists. He met with President Hoover and other dignitaries and gave over one hundred lectures on this trip. The Secretary of State, Mr. Stimson, offered Inazo a 30 minute reply to be broadcast on radio right after he delivered his own speech on the Manchurian Affair. Inazo was deeply grateful for this rare opportunity.



In March 1933 Inazo and Mary returned to Japan. Four months later Inazo, age 72, attended the Institute of Pacific Relations Conference in Canada. On 13 September he had an attack of acute indigestion and entered Jubilee Hospital. He underwent an operation, but didn’t rally. He died that evening.



He once said, ‘One of my ambitions is to be remembered by at least one person with affection and gratitude twenty years after my death.’ Thousands of people joined his funeral procession.



One day when Michiko Kawai was hard pressed by her school finances, a man named Okoshi Komuro sent her 1,000 yen. He included a note saying that Inazo had helped his widowed mother with finances during his high school and university time, but had forbidden her to tell him. He had learned about Inazo’s generosity only recently. When he tried to send the money to Inazo, it was returned a note: ‘There is a queer woman named Michiko Kawai who has started a school within funds. If you and your mother do not object to helping her, I should be grateful.’ Komuro had known Miss Kawai, because when he was a student, she would teach him how to use a knife and fork, and other table manners at the Nitobes’ house. He was so impressed with her that he had named his first daughter Michiko.





Sukeo Kitasawa published this biography twenty years after the death of Inazo Nitobe. 




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The Life of Dr. Nitobe 
Hardcover – 1953
by Sukeo Kitasawa (Author), Frontispiece (Illustrator)
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Dr. Inazo Nitobe, who was known as an exceptional product of modern Japan, had a dream in his youth to become a "bridge across the Pacific." This dream was realized far beyond his early expectations. His conversion to the Christian faith in his college days, his studies at Sapporo, Johns Hopkins, Halle, Bonn and Berlin, and his marriage to an American woman of Quaker faith- all these made Dr. Nitobe a competent teacher and scholar of lovable character and personality. While he was yet in his thirties, he wrote Bushido, the Soul of Japan which made his name known throughout the world. His experiences as administrator of the colonial government, as college president and university professor, and as popular journalist and the most noted public lecturer in the Meiji and Taisho eras, prepared Dr. Nitobe for a greater task. Quite providentially he was appointed Under-Secretary General of the League of Nations. He was the moving spirit and the outstanding figure at Geneva. Dr. Nitobe was a true world citizen. Japan, America, and Europe, from each of these, he took the best in wisdom and culture, and became a true intellectual bridge between East and West.

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Editorial Reviews


Dr. Inazo Nitobe, who was known as an exceptional product of modern Japan, had a dream in his youth to become a "bridge across the Pacific." This dream was realized far beyond his early expectations. His conversion to the Christian faith in his college days, his studies at Sapporo, Johns Hopkins, Halle, Bonn and Berlin, and his marriage to an American woman of Quaker faith- all these made Dr. Nitobe a competent teacher and scholar of lovable character and personality. While he was yet in his thirties, he wrote Bushido, the Soul of Japan which made his name known throughout the world. His experiences as administrator of the colonial government, as college president and university professor, and as popular journalist and the most noted public lecturer in the Meiji and Taisho eras, prepared Dr. Nitobe for a greater task. Quite providentially he was appointed Under-Secretary General of the League of Nations. He was the moving spirit and the outstanding figure at Geneva. Dr. Nitobe was a true world citizen. Japan, America, and Europe, from each of these, he took the best in wisdom and culture, and became a true intellectual bridge between East and West.




Product details

Hardcover: 93 pages
Publisher: Hokuseido Press; First Edition edition (1953)
Language: English
ASIN: B000O97H08
Package Dimensions: 8.2 x 6 x 0.2 inches
Shipping Weight: 10.1 ounces


























Ham Sok Hon Resource Site



Ham Sok Hon Resource Site





Ham Sok-Hon
Resource Site

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Updated August 7, 2010

NEW:


Letters from Ham Sok-Hon during his travels in America in the early 1960's - 22 letters


Five Poems by Ham Sok-Hon - in original Korean and in English translation with forward

Message from Sok Hon Ham of Seoul Friends Meeting to the Triennial of the Friends World Committee for Consultation, Sydney,Australia, August 18-25, 1973

Ham Sok-Hon Fought Against Injustice, Corruption By Kim Sung-soo, Korea Times, March 12, 2006

























Seoul (Korea) Monthly Meeting of Religious Society of Friends (Quakers)



Ham Sok-Hon (family name = Ham; sometimes Romanized as Ham Seok-Heon)was one of Asia's most important voices for democracy and non-violence during the 20th century. He lived from 1901 to 1989.

Imprisoned by the Japanese, the Russians and later Park Chung-Hee for courageously yet gently maintaining a sense of integrity, he was and continues to be widely respected by people within a remarkably wide spectrum of political, philosophical and religious beliefs.

Though formally a Quaker, he concluded that all religions are one. Within his unique perspective one can find a complimentary mixture of Christianity, Taoism and other Asian philosophies.

Twice nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize and often called the "Gandhi of Korea," Teacher Ham left a legacy of over 20 books in Korean. This site is dedicated to collecting, preserving and sharing English translations of his work as well as other pieces written about him.

In October 2000 Ham Sok-Hon was selected by the Republic of Korea as a national cultural figure to be posthumously honored by the Ministry of Education (MOE) in April 2001. The MOE published 20,000 60-page booklets and distributed them to all Korean middle and high schools during the spring of 2001.

Should the viewer wish to contribute to this site, please contact Tom Coyner at tomcoyner@gmail.com

© Tom Coyner 2010

This site was featured in a Korea Broadcasting System documentary on Ham Sok Hon aired on Sunday, March 15, 2001.

Korean Language Ham Sok Hon Sites:
http://ww.ssialsori.net
http://www.religionstheology.org/http://user.chollian.net/~hephziba/ham.htmlhttp://myhome.shinbiro.com/~hansranghttp://user.chollian.net/~hephziba/ham06.html

English language books may be available for order from this web site. Please click here to order the following English books:

* An Anthology of Ham Sok Hon - US$20.00 or KRW25,000 each
An English language collection of three interviews of Ham Sok Hon, eight essays by Ham Sok Hon, nine essays about Ham Sok Hon and two papers on Ham Sok Hon (339 pages; Samin Books, 2001)

* Biography of a Korean Quaker, Ham Sok Hon - Voice of the People and Pioneer of Religious Pluralism in Twentieth Century Korea by Kim Sung Soo - US$20.00 or KRW25,000 each
An English language biography with 20 photographs, extensive notes, bibliography and life chronology table by Dr. Sung-Soo Kim (360 pages, Samin Books, 2001)

Chapter VI The Just and the Unjust



Chapter VI The Just and the Unjust




Chapter VI
THE JUST AND THE UNJUST

When Suyarig took the throne with bloody hands as King Sejo, all standards of right and wrong, good and evil, were overturned. Fierce and ruthless men and sly sycophants were pronounced to have been meritorious in introducing a new order under Sejo, and officials of integrity and courage were charged with treason. The court was now a place where evil and disorder reigned.

A few men of justice could not bear the spectacle much longer. Their position was one of loneliness and extreme precariousness. They had only one alternative: to protest by throwing themselves bodily at the enemy, just as Jesus two millenia before them attacked the stronghold of Satan which was devouring the spirit and life of the nation. Such was the cause of the six ministers who plotted to reinstate Tanjong.

Suyang had staged his coup with an eye on the crown that was on the head of his nephew, but even he could not openly defy propriety, so he decided to go through the motions of having Tanjong abdicate the throne in his favor. The date of abdication was set for June of the third year of Tan- jong's reign. Suyang prostrated himself before the king, indicating, according to custom, his desire to decline the offer. A hush fell over the court, all faces turning ashen, when Suyang was about to receive the royal seal proffered from the throne. At his moment Seong Sam-mun, keeper of the seal, who was to get the seal from the king to hand it over to Suyang, broke down and burst out in loud wailing. Suyang, pretending to decline the seal, erked his head up and fixed Seong Sam-mun with a long stare. In a sepulchral air the ceremony came to a close without further mishap. If even at this late hour several more, ready to face death, had sided with Seong Sam-mun in his protest and so disrupted the ceremony and if the populace had joined in the cry against the abdication, even the determin- ed Suyang may well have been stopped. They merely let Seong Sam-mun wail on. Suyang ignored it and proceeded with the ceremony of ascen- sion. Tanjong became ex-king, but only in form. Actually he was held under house arrest. He rued his plight and there were many who shed tears in pity. But the general situation was too far gone for any hope of a reversal. Seong Sam-mun dissuaded his Ue-minded friend, Pak Paeng-nyeon, from committing suicide. The two discussed ways to reinstate the deposed king. They were biding their time.

An opportunity came two years later. A party was being prepared court to honor an envoy of the Ming court from China. Seong Sam-mun and Pak P'aeng-nyeon discussed plans for a coup with Ha Wi-ji, Yu Ung-bu Yu Seong-weon, Yi Kae and Kim Chil. Again, destiny intervened to set a different course. A minor incident happened at the last-minute, and the majority decided to hold off action, except for Yu Ung-bu who, perhaps because he was a soldier, insisted on going through with it even if it was dangerous. Seong Sam-mun rejected it on the ground that the plan was not foolproof. Then Kim Chil changed his mind. He told the king everything. The plan was upset and all six men were arrested. They underwent Sejo's personal interrogation punctuated with the worst conceivable torture.

The noble tragedy of the Six Martyred Ministers to which no human tongue can do justice is required reading for all Koreans. This at least they must know, even if they cannot read Shakespeare or are ignorant of Goethe. This is so because in this event we discern Korea's spirit at its best, in all its vividness, amidst the intensity of suffering. Beneath the layer of dirt and the rotted skin we are witnessing the quick flesh and the warm blood. We catch a glimpse of the shining core deep inside the weathered, eroding crust. One of them scrupulously stored away every grain of rice he received in pay because he did not wish to have anything to do with a stipend paid by the unjust. By way of furniture in his room, the keeper of the royal seal had only a straw mat. Is this not an instance of the integrity of Korea's spirit? With a red-hot iron rod the thigh was stabbed and the navel was burned out, and the arm was slashed off with a sword. Yet no flicker of feeling showed on the countenance. Is this not the fortitude of Korea's spirit? With the vastness of an ocean of a heart, they withstood the torture, laughing it off.

Their souls purer than gold, their devotion warmer than fire, they were able to say, in all seriousness, to Sejo's face: "Sir, you have finished off every important official of the former king except this one, who is innocent of the plot. Keep him alive and make good use of him; he is a very good man.' Again, to the soldier applying torture: "This iron is cold now. Put it back in the fire.' If this is what Korea's soul is capable of, there is little point in being concerned about Koreans being weak. Yu Ung-bu, the soldier, kept standing as the skin on his back was flayed. Faced with his remark, one may rest assured about Korea's unbending will and endurance. He said, "I tried to drive you out with my one sword and bring the king back to the throne. Unfortunately, a treacherous one gave us away to you. I have nothing further to say to you. On the day of the plan," he continued to his fellow plotters, "I wanted to use my sword but you fellows talked me out of it because you thought my proposal was not foolproof, and you brought this on us ... They are no better than beasts. All right, if you want to know more, ask these fellows, these would-be scholars."

Without such statements, the span of five millennia would lose much of its luster. The shame of the five centuries of Yi Korea were more than offset by this event. These six martyrs still live on to exalt us all to pride worthy of Korea.

The mission of the six ministers was not to succeed but to die. They were chosen to die. God had decided on the six ministers for a sacrifice to be offered on the altar of justice, a sacrifice on behalf of the nation. By their death they would repay the debt of injustice and revive the seeds of the just. God is not cruel nor did he particularly hate Korea when he demanded the blood of the Six. The death of the just only partially signifies punishment of the nation's sin. Justice is as much a principle of history as is charity. Therefore, the demand for the blood of the just has a meaning that goes deeper than exacting a price: keeping justice alive.

What King Sejong had failed to nurture in the Chiphyeonjeon by providing its members with clothing and food, liquor, money and power, these six ministers revived by shedding their blood at their place of execution on the southern bank of the Han: Korea's spirit is what they regained. Here is the poem Seong Sam-mun composed just before going to the place of execution:



I will not swerve from principle
But will die to realize my loyalty.
In my dreams the pines
By the king's tomb are green as ever.

Yi Kae, too, wrote:



When life has its proper weight
Then great is life.
But when life is light as a feather
Then glory is in death.
I go out after a sleepless night.
My dreams were of the king's tomb
Where the pines stay vivid and green.

The king's tomb refers to Munjong's. The more we read the story of the six martyrs, the more we find ourselves gritting our teeth and clench- our fists, but as we come to recite these two poems, we feel our hearts heaving, the tears coursing down our cheeks but neither from indignation nor from sorrow. It is our admiration that knows no bounds. Our hearts go out to them for they are so dear to us. It is because they are still living, and it is because we realize that we find our lives in them.

After the martyrdom, on the recommendation of Cheong In-ji and Sin Suk-chu, the king Tanjong was demoted and called Prince Nosan and exiled to Yeongweol in Kangwon-do. A man in his service, Wang Pang-yon, bared his heart:



I drift so far from my lord.
As I sit alone by the wandering stream,
The stream weeps, too, passing by in the dark.

Tanjong, too, was sad:



The cuckoo wails,
The moon hangs over the hills,
As I look out from the pavillion
Reflecting on the dear ones I left.
Your cry fills me with sorrow,
And when it dies down so do my cares.
To those who have parted, I say:
Never go to the pavillion on a spring night
When the cuckoo is crying.

Unable to bear his sorrow, he would go to the pavilion at night and have someone play the flute or sing a song. But his days of washing his tears in the stream of Seogang could not last long. The "loyal" Cheong In-ji, backed by a whole court of officials, made strong representations that Prince Nosan, the former king, should be killed. To them, even the shadow of this helpless young man was a source of irritation. They would not be able to sleep until his image was wiped away. Why were they so uneasy? Tanjong did not have even a needle to defend himself with. It was the populace behind him that they feared. Or perhaps the youthful figure in white pricked their conscience, which they could not entirely smother after all.

Finally, they sent men who strangled him in broad daylight, much as one kills a puppy; he was seventeen. Were Sejo and Cheong In-ji so heartless and ruthless? Rather, it was God, who wished to make this youth a man of sorrow to the full, as a symbol, needless to say, of the Korean nation. His short stay in Yeongweol inspired a great deal of sympathy in the villagers. Many a story was told of him: in the middle of the drought he made it rain by praying for rain; his body was thrown into the river but it did not float away, and someone recovered it for burial; his soul hurried off to Mt. T'aebaek on a white steed.

Sejo may have ruled over his ministers and officials; the young king, although dethroned, ruled the populace. Sejo may have been called "illustrious sovereign" but only for a time; his young nephew continues to rule for all time. Like a child who had the misfortune of parting from his mother, he was given, by dint of his lost life, the job of inscribing on Korea's heart that eternal agape. The sacrificial lamb was slain and the blood of the just was shed.

As if some bloodthirsty devils inhabited the palace, the ministers and officials demanded more blood. Scores more were implicated in the restoration plot and were executed. One of the princes, Keumseong, brother of Sejong, and several others were also executed on charges of conspiracy with the ousted king. Yet for all that, Sejo struggled on to become a good king.

After a complete success in his seizure of the throne by shedding the blood of loyal courtiers as well as his own relatives, Sejo devoted his remaining years to being a model king, as he was later to be known. Then came Yejong, followed by Seongjong. Peace prevailed for some forty years. Seongjong. was so good-hearted and generous that he was widely admired as a sage-king. Between Sejo and Seongjong. it appeared as if a period of advanced culture was brought forth which wiped clean the stains of the blood of the just. But the appearance was superficial. The bloodstains were not to be wiped away that easily or cheaply. The situation was like a whited sepulchre. Attempts at promoting industry, encouraging learning, compiling codes, printing books and enhancing national strength by foreign expeditions-all worthy as far as they went-were far from adequate -to conceal the bones of the just on which all these activities were based.

Conventional historians given to superficial observations like to present Sejo as a king of outstanding ability and his reign as an age of peace and prosperity. The meaning of a period can never be known merely from government rhetoric or tables of figures. One has to go to the hidden, less known side of society, to the back alleys rather than the main streets, to the provinces rather than the capital. One has to look at obscure little people rather than celebrities before one can hope to view the age in its true aspect, to discern its true meaning. On this basis, we must acknowledge that the reigns of Sejo and Seongjong. were a whited sepulchre.

At the time of Sejo there lived an eccentric by the name of Kim Si-suep, one of a group known as the Six Living Ministers; Weon Ho, Yi Maeng-jeon, Cho Yeo, Seong Tam-su and Nam Hyo-on were the others. The Six Living Ministers lived out their lives refusing to enter into government service contrasted with the Six Martyred Ministers who refused to kneel before Sejo. This group of the Living Six was of one mind with the dead six.

Kim Si-suep, was declared a child prodigy as early as his fifth year. He impressed King Sejong who felt a deep attachment to him. A man of magnanimous heart and superior intelligence, he was upright and unassuming, with unyielding rectitude. He was well read and was adept at poetry. He was twenty-one and was reading books in the quiet of the mountains near Seoul when Tanjong was deposed. He broke down in tears at the news. He burned all his books and became a half-crazed monk. He began a career of lifelong wandering, visiting places of beauty and temples. He sought to express in poetry his unrelieved feelings of indignation and frustration.

If someone followed him he would be seen sitting in a temple whiling the time away with the monks, or he would be frolicking with children, or he would be found drunk, wallowing in some ditch. A crazy monk, but 1 he was more than just crazy. He would go with writing paper to the side of a stream, where he would scribble out a verse in fury and grief. then burst out wailing, rip the piece off the roll and let it float away in the stream. He would build a wooden effigy of a farmer and set it up on his desk; he would keep staring at it, then cry aloud. Sometimes, he would plant crops and when they grew up he would suddenly grab a sickle and whack them down, then himself break down and wail. At the sight of of- ficials conducting themselves improperly he would give a scream: what have these poor people done wrong? Again he would collapse wailing. One can gather what he had in mind.

He was crazy, yes, but crazy with his sense of justice. He became crazy because his heart ached so helplessly. He was much too ashamed to live in society to remain sober. Once Sejo picked him for attendance at a Buddhist ceremony but he was nowhere to be found early that morning. He was finally located submerged in a cesspool with only his face above the muck. Such was his way of showing how ashamed he was of the times. He was well acquainted with Sin Suk-chu, who once tried to console him. Sin had someone ply him with drinks and when he was properly drunk had him carried over to his house. The moment he realized where he was up he stood and started to leave. As Sin Suk-chu tried to de- him by tugging at his sleeve, he cut off the sleeve and ran away. So aloof was he in his- dignity. He was the one who laughed at Sejo and his work with such cold if ghastly cynicism. As he urinated by the roadside he felt he was doing it on Sejo's face. When he fell into the cesspool, it symbolized the age, not his body, that was submerged.

There is a story that belies the so-called age of peace and prosperity under Seongjong. Two of Seongjong's ministers brought their dispute before the king with the request that he pass judgment on it. Their quarrel was over, a female entertainer whom each desired for his concubine. Seongjong. ruled: that two ministers should be fighting over a concubine was only conceivable in a time of decline and decay; his reign was no such age; and therefore both ministers should forget the whole matter. But burying a dispute does not bury the fact. These two episodes are facets of the age of Sejo and Seongjong. respectively.

The supposed age of prosperity comes to an abrupt end with Seongjong's passing. The dread disease surfaced on that very day.

Prince Yeonsan with his mad undertakings laughed diabolically at the prosperous age of Seongjong. The reigning prince sent out special envoys to collect young girls of beauty from across the country for his own gratification. Through many another such undertaking he caused the death of numerous innocent people. In addition, coups were staged repeatedly by one faction to oust another, involving exiles and executions of leaders of the defeated faction. Since executions included not only prin- but also their relatives by blood or by marriage, each such coup was a veritable carnage. Such sanguinary feuding continued into the years of the following King Myongjong. At this spectacle who cannot help recalling the Biblical passage: "I come quickly ... with my reward"? Whoever disbelieves this judgment of justice simply because no penalty was visited upon Sejo himself nor was made visible to Tanjong, has no idea what- how Providence works, and lacks an eye for history.

The eternal design of God who rules over history cannot be fathomed any standards of individual, temporal, relative morality. In the absolute aspect where a day is like unto a thousand years there are individuals, and yet a whole nation or even mankind as a whole is taken as one individual. The eye of truth sees a whole in individuals and in- in a whole; for in truth there is no difference of one and many, or of you and me, or of past and present. They do not exist and at the same they do exist. Therefore, what we call blessing is not necessarily blessing. What we call misfortune is not misfortune. What we call a reward is not necessarily reward.

I do not have to tell in detail of Yeonsan's wild wayward conduct, of the numerous cases of carnage among feuding factions. Nor do I have to point to who was right or who was wrong, who deserved to die or who was wronged.

Be they murderers or murdered, all took part in the bloody drama, all plunged into a tangle of deranged minds. One who kills the body in is murdered in the spirit. A man who kills another does so with a loss his mind, and after the act of murder his mind remains deranged. The nation which destroys a righteous man cannot but experience derangement of its mind. That was how there came about the enormous bloodshed, in which murder seemed pursued for its own sake or as some surd pastime. No one can possibly look upon the events of this period the work of normal, intelligent human beings. Murder has been known other histories and factional strifes in other nations. Yet nowhere else can we find such acts of murder done purely out of hate and jealousy without any other motive. It was neither religious persecution nor party struggle, neither ideological fight nor conflict of principles, nor even quarreling between clans. At this time God dealt a blow to Korean conscience.

No, God did not deal the blow; man brought it on himself. That conscience which failed to recognize a righteous man could only lose its sanity. For conscience judges itself. So conscience which committed murder, while knowing full well what it was doing, had no choice but to go mad. It is in this sense that God made men mad. In historical terms, the consequence of defying conscience during the years of Sejo and Seongjong surfaced in the mentality of the time of Yeonsan People's minds were deranged, twisted, paralyzed, and God placed a perverted mind, Yeonsan on the throne over that society. Through this man God handed down a severe judgment on the culture fabricated by Sejo and Seongjong. the whitewash was all scraped off and the putrid corpses were laid bare. The cultu re was shown for what it was: false and worthless.

Many historians may object to the theory that the misfortunes of Yeondan's time go back to Sejo's iniquity. They may pronounce it to be a misunderstanding or forced speculation. It is not because they lack sufficient reason to see it that way. But think a little more and you will see that they are shortsighted.

The name Yeonsan brings to mind lechery and abandon, yet all the blame cannot be laid on him as an individual. In him there were evidently three strains of bad blood-cruelty, lasciviousness and nihilism. The first quality he inherited from his mother, the second he learned from life in the court, the third came from the influence of society. His mother, of the Yuri clan, was so fierce in temperament that she scratched the face of her husband Seongjong. which led to her loss of status. In the complexity of court life the woman may well have had reason to act as she did. Nevertheless, that she should have left scratch marks on the face of none other than her husband, much less the king of a country, tells a great deal about her disposition. Yeonsan seems to have taken after his mother, and besides he must have brooded over the story that her mother had been unjustly demoted and died by foul play. His father Seongjong. was good-natured but he indulged in merrymaking. The name, Age of Peace, was fine, but not a single day at the palace passed without wine flowing and dancing girls entertaining. Yeonsan was brought up in such an atmosphere so his lasciviousness was only to be expected. Men of letters gained the upper hand in the supposed age of peace, but already factionalism had begun to develop among them. Confucianism, which set store by form and formality, also fostered the practice of condemning rivals by stern moral precepts. In reaction, there were signs that small souls were gaining ground with their unprincipled ways. Not a little of his dislike of learning 'and his penchant for nihilistic thinking were due to the kind of trends that 'prevailed in society. Such was Yeondan's personality: he was the one chosen to bear the burden of all the iniquities of the age. This historical duty was imposed on him by Sejo and Seongjong.

Following the drama of madness, relative peace set in throughout the reigns of Myeongjong and Seonjo. Yi Hwang and Yi I, two outstanding Conucians, set the stage for Neo-Confucianism in Korea. Many who had been wronged were vindicated. It seemed as if things in general were looking up. That does not mean that the malaise of the age was cured. Far from it; it was well advanced, affecting, as it were, the very nerve center. The affliction became chronic. Factional feuding was the disease that was for the next three centuries to eat away at the vitals of the nation, paralyze its vitality and spirit, smother its conscience, poison its very life.

This is one subject in Korean history which a foreign reader will be at a loss to appreciate. Only Koreans may be able to do justice to the psychology behind such feuding because it is a property of Korean history and because this feuding arises from abnormal psychology. On the face of it, Korean feuding appears to be partly a fight between younger and older generations, partly a fight between political groups, and partly a fight between old and new ideologies. These differences were merely a matter for contention or a pretext for fighting, or a triggering that, set off a feud, but were not the cause. For the origins of factional feuding one has to go, I believe, all the way back to the Three Kingdoms period. It was during that period that the originally grand scale of national life dwindled. Its broadminded outlook was foreshortened, and the high soaring spirit flagged. As for more immediate causes, one may cite the well-known quarrel between the Kim Chong-jik group and its rival group.

Kim Chong-jik was a man of probity, who held himself so aloof that he aroused jealousy and resentment in Seo Keo-jeong, and this hostility, according to some, paved the way for a flareup that soon followed. Kim Chong-jik's disciples on the whole were overly critical of others and gave rise to serious reaction. Partisan exclusiveness became rife. This practice went from bad to worse until Yi Chun-gyeong, prime minister to King Seonjo. was moved to make dire predictions about the prospects of ferocious factional fighting. From hindsight, it was not even a prediction. All he did was point out what was already visible in the offing.

This is far from an adequate explanation of the causes. One must return to the periods before Seongjong. There is ample proof in the case of Nam I, a youthful commander of legendary fame. A line in a poem by him provided an opening for his enemy:



All the stones on Mt. Paektu
Have been used to sharpen the blades;
The Tumen ran dry for so many steeds
Have been watered.
If you fail to bring peace to the land
Before the age of twenty,
Who will call you hero afterward?

A fellow by the name of Yu Cha-gwang was jealous, and by changing "bring peace" to "seize' (by replacing one Chinese character) he accused Nam I of designs on the throne. Nam was imprisoned and died under torture. Yu Cha-gwang was widely known as a man of small mind but we can readily see how intense and widespread was suspicion in a society capable of dispatching a man of unquestioned reputation. It was not Yu Chaigwang that killed Nam I but the feelings of uncertainty, apprehension, jealousy and suspicion that prevailed in those days. There must have been animosity between those literati out of government and those in positions of power; that crippling -atmosphere had much to do with the violent end of Nam I. The literati on the outside, for their part, suspected that government officials held them in utter contempt.

Although Yu Cha-gwang does not seem to have had an organized following, one may speculate that under Yejong the situation was ripe for fighting to break out along partisan lines. Again, I repeat that it was not something that sprang up during Yejong's years but dates back to the time of Sejo characterized by murderous intent and intrigue.

Our pursuit of the taproot of partisan feuding, indeed, must go back to the Three Kingdoms period. Origins of the feud have often been sought in Confucianism, which takes form and conforming to form seriously. That Confucianism is fraught with such pitfalls goes a long way toward accounting for the history of factionalism in Sung China. Confucian doctrine indeed served to intensify partisan quarrels, yet one cannot rightly attribute all basic causes to it. Individuals and classes too had a part up to a point, but how can individuals or classes sustain such lasting influence on national history for centuries? No, none of these applies.

Until we realize that responsibility rests squarely with the whole nation there can be no satisfactory cure for it. We lost our selves as a nation. In Korean history thousands of evils and abuses stem from this loss of self and there has been no serious attempt to recover the self that was lost. Loss of self means loss of ideals and freedom. Without national ideals there is no way to rally the nation to a cause because it is not force or law but ideals that bring a nation together. Unity of purpose of itself yields national unity. Lack of freedom leads to formation of factions. As factional squabbles are a matter of jockeying for small power, partisans are - bound to be servile before the powerful. From this we can see that factionalism arises from servility. A nation on the decline is open to internal conflict. Nevertheless/ no country can be restored until it rises to an ideal above and beyond all small differences and petty hatred. And this takes deter- that will not be thwarted short of death.

Starting from the fall of Kogury6, Korea has come to this point where its once generous heart has turned to unforgiving hardness. What was once dean and pure is now filthy and murky. A nation that was once good-natured is now starved for love. Readiness to help and fair play are now replaced by suspicion and jealousy. What will God propose to do with this nation, cowardly and shifty, effete and underhanded?

When we ponder what the Creator will do for Korea, we should place ourselves in the position of a loving parent who intends to rear his child in the best possible way. Suppose we have a "prodigal son" Instead of turning him out, we decide to straighten him out. How would we go about reforming the intractable child? Two answers are possible. Reasoning with him is one. Giving him a jolt to reawaken his conscience is the other. For Korea the time for reasoning was over, and God chose the second way, for only at the height of affliction can one come to his senses. Hence the Hideyoshi invasions of 1592 and 1597 and the Manchu invasion of 1627. Little did Koreans know at the time what these invasions meant.

At the time that the factional conflict was about to get worse and the mental disorder of the nation was entering a chronic stage, Yi I pursued his endeavor with clear vision to ward off the disaster he saw coming. Fighting flared up, however, which divided the whole court right down the middle-into eastern and western factions-with the literati taking sides. The only one concerned about the good of the country, Yi I spoke up, in service and out of it, and laid himself open to misunderstanding and censure. He managed to bring the warring parties under control and brought some peace and harmony to court until he completed his brief life of forty-nine years.

Much has been said about his personality. Some disputed his loyalty and impartiality, some argued that he leaned toward the western faction. Undeniably, however, history shows him to have been a clear-eyed, upright person. Of all the stories told about him, one stands out, revealing his character. in the earlier years of King Seonjo. Yi I, while heading the national academy, indicated his desire to resign when he discovered the king had fallen short of his expectations. When his resignation was finally accepted, someone tried to prevail upon him to reconsider: "You are leaving as you have wished and it must give you pleasure. But if everyone in the government leaves who will take care of the country?" Yi I answered with a smile: "If everyone from the three ministers down to the lower ranks wishes to leave, the fortune of the country will certainly improve." In this anecdote you will sense something of a prophet in him.

It was a time that called for a prophet who would denounce iniquities now and warn of dire disaster ahead. But he was not only a prophet; he was a man of Confucian virtue. He was not the one to tell of God's wrath and righteousness. He was one steeped in Confucian ideals upholding Confucian principles. "When in office one will make the world better together with the populace; when out of office, he will go about improving himself." Yi I sought reconciliation, not national repentance.

This is best demonstrated by his theory of "both are right and both are wrong." On the wrongs, he observed that the two factions were fighting over something that had no bearing on affairs of state and that brought nothing but unrest to the court, so both parties were wrong. But inasmuch as both parties were literati, they would both be right if only they made peace. By way of illustration he cited the case of Po I (Chinese: Paegi) and Shu ClYi (Sukche), two brothers who were at odds with King Wu (Mu-wang), as both contending parties being right. As for the case o both parties being wrong, he pointed out that in the absense of a single justifiable cause of war among belligerent states during the warring period of ancient China, none of the belligerents was in the right. His argument is, one may say, apt enough and his reasoning plausible. But that is not a prophet's manner of talking for the simple reason that it offers no cure.

Instead, he should have, despite the prospect of aggravating the situation for a time, judged right from wrong for all to see. He should have gone after what was wrong in the spirit rather than describing individual acts as being right or wrong. Not reconciliation but repentance.

Reconciliation among men does not endure, for a true reconciliation cannot be achieved until all wrongs are corrected in relations between God and each party. That is repentance, and only through repentance can one be born again. What Yi I tried was somehow to bring contending factions together without challenging the wrongs done. And sure enough, results were contrary to what was intended. As expected, both factions complained that Yi's position was equivocal. Some went so far as to call him a small man out to mislead. Yi could not have been a small man. But in puttering over affairs, trying to patch them over and pretending there was peace where there was none, he deserved harsh criticism. He sought the cause for factionalism in the superficial and the immediate, so the futility of his work soon became plain.

While we do not dispute his integrity, his reaction to the proposal of Chun-gyeong remains a puzzle. Perhaps this position of his stemmed his earlier reasoning. Yi Chun-gyeong left some parting advice for the king when he was about to die. It lists four items: urging the to apply himself to learning; preserving the royal dignity in full; discriminating gentlemen (cheun-tzu) from inferior men (hsiao-jen) when filling government posts; and eliminating factionalism. When the ministers we e shown the document, controversy arose over item four. That alone was evidence enough that there was no cohesion or harmony, at court, and the deceased minister was right in his observation. One is thus obliged to interpret the four-point admonition as based on his honest solicitude about the future of the country.

Contrary to the general expectation, Yi I rejected the advice in a memorial to the throne. What is even more astonishing is his description of the late minister: "He is hiding his head but not his body, and he talks deliberately to mislead and bewilder." He also said, "In times of old a man told the truth when he was about to die. Now a man tells a lie when he is about to die." This was totally unexpected. Did Yi I in fact fail to foresee an impending flareup? Yi Chun-gyeong's death preceded it by only three years. It was impossible for him not to have foreseen it. Did he really believe that Yi Chun-gyeong was an evil man? Did he have some particular reason to say what he said while knowing that Yi Chun-gyeong was not evil?

If indeed Yi I did not expect the outbreak of factional strife, he was not perceptive at all, but that is inconceivable considering his personality and judgment. To have thought that Yi Chun-gyeong, was evil means that Yi I lacked judgment, which he did not. There is no reason to suppose that Yi I failed to judge Yi Chun-gyeong correctly or that Yi I was blind to what was coming. We must then conclude that Yi I was deliberate in his condemnation of Yi Chun-gyeong In that case, one may imagine two possibilities. One is that it was calumny arising out of partisanship. The other is that it was an attempt to forestall a flareup by minimizing feelings of factionalism. Yi I could not have been partisan, as can be seen from the fact that he hoped that all court ministers would retire. That leaves the second possibility. What if that indeed was the case?

If Yi I rejected Yi Chun-gyeong's warning in order to hold off the pro disaster how should we take Yi I's view? Many literati hold this position of Yi I's as grounds for high esteem. They admire the act which they believe was calculated to defend the status of the literati and come to some amicable compromise, an act of sagacious benevolence. Is that true? As an ideal for Confucian gentlemen dedicated to amicable settlement, his act may have been sagacious. Was that the way to truth, however?

Not at all. First, trying to patch up peace where there is no peace involves falsehood for each of the contending parties, even if some peace is achieved for a time. So it is not truth. Second, his attempt at minimizing the seriousness of the situation was doubtless from his sincere concern about the country, yet it is falsehood after all. In fact Yi I himself did not underestimate the situation, as his scathing condemnation of Yi Chun- warning seems to indicate. Yet he told the king that the controversy between the eastern and western factions was not at all serious, and many observers tended to blow it up out of proportion partly because these people were superficial and given to lightheadedness. He hoped to bring the situation under control by presenting it as a minor affair, but did his sagacious strategy work? No. One would suppose that major surgery should have been performed at the time of Yi Chun-gyeong's warning.

Third, solution by compromise is wrong. It may have been feasible if the controversy was indeed a matter of bad feeling between the ministers. If that was how he viewed the controversy he was superficial. If, on the other hand, his action was based on a full realization of the cause of controversy, he was equivocating, as his contemporaries charged. It was a serious malady which no such palliative could cure, and such tinkering would only lead, if anything, to a worsening of the sickness toward its chronic stage. So God did not permit it.

Watching Yi I taking great pains to reconcile the feuding partisans, one is moved to tears: "Ah, that was a man. " The sight of his struggling, even citing what a dead man had to say, brings to mind a mother trying to humor her two quarreling sons: "You two are getting along really fine " That was not what God wished, however. He was too well aware of the perverted nature of Koreans to use such self-deceptive methods. Yi I did say to the king that factionalism was a minor affair but was magnified by "lightheadedness." Herein is the crux of the matter. To call it lightheaded- was far from complete but he was right as far as he traced the cause all the way to the national temperament. Yes, there is the cause. Feuding arises from personal animosity but the underlying cause goes beyond the personal right back to the national character.

Yi I's failure to perceive clearly, although vaguely aware, comes from the dimness of his view. Where he should have taken a religious-historical viewpoint, he saw it as conflict of personal feelings. The leaders of the squabbling factions were about to make peace on the basis of a reconciliation worked out through his mediation, when suddenly he was ordered to leave, and the reconciliation fell through. Yi I was only forty-nine then and much was expected of him, but then this towering figure in whom was reposed the trust of a whole nation was whisked from the stage of history. Amazing was the hand of Providence.

At the news of his death King Seonjo. is said to have broken down and cried loudly. The officials and citizens, academicians and villagers, who attended his funeral extended the procession for miles. The sound of the wailings of mourning attendants is said to have carried far afield. It was for his virtue. But far more than that, the sons and daughters of Seoul had weep for what history had in store for them. The man who tried to sew 'up his dream canopy of peace and harmony was now gone, and all they saw was smoke from a seething cauldron rising from both the south and the north threatening to envelop them all. Rejecting all palliative human measures, the mighty hand of God was at work again to perform real surgery on the nation. God's education of us through history is stern and hard to bear after all.

Back to Queen of Suffering Table of Contents On to Chapter VII. Disaster Upon Disaster