5.1 Australian values statement
Australian society values respect for the freedom and dignity of the individual, freedom of religion, commitment to the rule of law, Parliamentary democracy, equality of men and women and a spirit of egalitarianism that embraces mutual respect, tolerance, fair play and compassion for those in need and pursuit of the
public good...Australian society values equality of opportunity for individuals, regardless of their race, religion or ethnic background. [1]
5. Practising Modern Ideology
5.1 Quaker Ideas and Practice
The Quaker community is very much a part of modern secular Australian society; but nevertheless, they are often portrayed as quaint, and perhaps belonging to a distant past, as is demonstrated in the following image displayed on the Quaker
Oats Website, where its product is marketed as “Old Fashioned Quaker Oats.” [2] 5.2 Image on Quaker Oats Website[3]
Making a similar observation in her dissertation on the historical representation of
Quakers in the United States, Connerley states (2006:11) that the Quaker “is often figured as the static remainder of a simpler time—curious and quaint…” This representation of Quakers as being old-fashioned (or non-modern), is seemingly confirmed by current Quaker practice in the un-programmed tradition, which is still characterised by the inward complexity of silence and an outward simplicity of style; both of which are set within an intricate codification of practice.
This codification of practice, noticed by Quaker sociologist, Peter Collins in his study of British Quakers (2002a), is also very evident in Australia. South Australian Quakers, for example, are careful recorders of minutes for business meetings. The Clerk drafts the minute according to what is considered to be the sense of the meeting. Considerable effort is made to reach a well-worded minute which is then read out to the meeting for approval. Sometimes this can be a lengthy process during which those present remain in silence and this appears to outsiders as an old-fashioned and time-consuming way of proceeding. However, this codification of Quaker practice has been interpreted by Collins (2009:213) as being a purification process.262
Notwithstanding Collins’s insightful observation into historical Quaker process, contemporary South Australian Quakers would not identify with the process of purification or plaining. Instead, they are advised to try and live simply; and this advice is more closely linked to ideas of equality and conservation of resources rather than notions of purification. What is more pertinent here is that Collins concludes (2002:86) that the advice that adherents are given requires an “extraordinary interpretive effort on the part of individual Quakers.” He points out that although early Quakers were given practical guidance on what was plain, in
262 According to Collins (2009:211-213), historically Quakers purified religious worship by replacing rituals by their practices and not by belief. The process of plaining, in his understanding, also purified language.
Collins has taken this view from Latour (1993:13,30) who argues that the concept of “modernity” should not be defined only in terms of humanism, but also by the development of a view of God as being “indwelling”, concomitant with a view of “non-humans” as being the source for a new type of authority. The failure to take these three factors together and instead treat them separately (through the work of purification) has, according to Latour, resulted in “a proliferation of hybrids.” The modern paradox, according to Latour, is that “hybrids” are a combination of nature and culture whereas purification entails separation between nature and culture.
the early eighteenth century, there was a movement towards a more individual interpretation with the codification of everyday practices. He interprets this as a way that the Society of Friends monitored and controlled its members.
Collins’s explanation is undoubtedly substantially correct, but more importantly, the individual interpretive effort required, invigorated a movement towards a more individualistic view of life which charged each adherent with the responsibility of living a particular kind of life. Collins also acknowledges this when he remarks
(2009:206) that “with its explicit avowal of the importance of individuality,
Quakerism would seem to be a religion for today.”
Personal responsibility for living a particular kind of life is burdensome so guidance is offered to members in interpreting, and living, the Quaker way. One way this is done is through participation in a twelve week spiritual development course called Hearts and Minds Prepared.[4] Participants are led into examining the experience of meeting for worship and topics such as personal spiritual discipline, reflection on ministry, testimony, individual and corporate discernment, and personal spiritual journeys. The course requires self-discipline and introspection, and sometimes it can be intense and even emotionally draining. Its orientation is towards preparation for a more spiritual experience within meetings for worship and right conduct, both within that context and beyond that, in the world itself. In doing so, it places less stress on the dictates of reason and much more on moral conscience or an inner teacher.
Collins also proposes (2009:206) that Quaker ministry and socialising is characterised by storytelling which he believes tends to be couched in terms of tensions such as inward/outward, faith/practice, individuality/corporate, tradition/change, and equality/hierarchy. I contend that Quaker storytelling is more often characterised by the statement, and exchange, of common values and ideas among members rather than in terms of tensions. In addition, these ideas and practices appear to display forms of individualism and values that are characteristic of modernity. This proclivity can also be seen in Quaker publications which set out the contemporary beliefs and practices of Australian members. One example, although couched in different terms from those of early Quakers, still refers to George Fox’s words, which point to individual spiritual responsibility:
Quakers don’t look to a leader or a book for the answers, we turn to the Spirit. Listening to others who are experienced and reading books where people have explored their experience with the Spirit provide important ground work for all of us, but in the end we come back to George Fox’s: “What canst thou say?’’ 264
Quaker notions such as these have developed from a religious attitude which Weber described as “inner-worldly asceticism.” 265 Early Quakers were vehemently anticlerical, and put great value on the idea of the priesthood of all believers. As Dumont points out (1986:140), this means that all believers have equal spiritual authority and this is an internal property applicable to all. Current South Australian Quakers have retained this strong predisposition towards individual spiritual responsibility, as demonstrated in their literature, self-development courses and meetings for worship.266
In addition, I argue that Quaker worship is self-organising and has interior complexity. A meeting for worship consists of a group of interacting members, who are quite diverse, and the resultant interaction is unpredictable. However, the meeting tends to self-organise so that interactions (including silent interactions) produce co-ordination. This means that it tends to move away from its sociocultural surround and towards self-enclosure and integrity. This is a point also made by Handelman (2004b:12) in his discussion on recursive rituals. This is
264 J Spinks (1995) quoted in Australian Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) Inc., (2003:4). This we can say: Australian Quaker life, faith and thought, Faith and Practice Committee, Armidale North, Victoria.
265 See Introduction.
266 This attitude is also expressed on their website http://sa.quakers.org.au/. Accessed 12/8/2011.
Quakers seek to express in their lives principles of simplicity, equality, compassion and peace, based on the conviction of the presence of the Spirit in every person…Quakers believe that each individual must find his or her understanding of God and must be guided by his or her conscience in finding the right way to live.
relevant because recursivity is related to self-reflexivity and a self-awareness conducive to transformation, which is a point also made by Hibbert et al. (2010:47). 267 Importantly, Handelman (2004b:218) also acknowledges that interior recursivities within ritual are “at their densest” in modern individuals who see themselves as autonomous beings in and of themselves.268
5.2 Unitarian Ideas and Practice
South Australian Unitarians have a diverse range of beliefs and practices. This has not always been the case. In the first one hundred years of the new colony, the South Australian Unitarian Church had close ties with Britain. During this period, it was shaped most strongly by the ideas and values of British Unitarianism. Since the middle of the twentieth century, however, American Unitarian Universalist ideas have also been incorporated into South Australian practices, particularly when American trained ministers have led the congregation. These ideas include liberal rational Protestant, transcendentalist and humanist influences.269 This raises the question of why these various strands of thought appear to be so compatible. I contend that the common factor is that in all these strands, primacy is given to the individual. This is a view also shared by Lee (1995:394).
Similar to the Quaker community, the Unitarian Church holds a spiritual development course called Build Your Own Theology. This course is facilitated by the pastor and follows a liberal religious theological model, exploring topics such as ultimate reality (God), how to create purpose and meaning without recourse to God, and how to ethically relate to others. Emphasis is placed on spiritual progression whereby childhood beliefs are critically examined to determine what should be discarded. Participants are encouraged to write their spiritual
267 Hibbert et al. (2010:47) notes that reflexivity involves a questioning how things are done and is, therefore, more than reflection.
268 Note also Innis, R. 2004. ‘The Tacit Logic of Ritual Embodiments’ in Social Analysis: The International Journal of
Social and Cultural Practice, Vol. 48, pp.197-212. Innis states that modern individuals contain ritual within themselves as
“the intimacy of self-giving integrity” and gives the example of Emerson (a well-known Unitarian) who carried ritual prayer within himself, and Larkin, who preferred the silent solitude of an empty church. According to Innis, these modern individuals find themselves through themselves (2004:197-212).
269 Lee notes (1995:382) that nearly one half of the total signatories to the 1933 Humanist Manifesto were Unitarian ministers.
autobiographies, personal ethical precepts and “credos” to present to the group on the final week of the course. A willingness to intellectualise innermost thoughts, and then articulate those thoughts to others, is required—a difficult and quite uncomfortable exercise. There is individual responsibility to formulate a set of beliefs and an encouragement to engage with self-directed thought processes.
There are discernible differences in the way Unitarians and Quakers approach spiritual self-development. The Quaker course is oriented towards the experience of being a Quaker and personal spiritual discipline; whereas Unitarians are encouraged to build their own theology. Although this theology is assumed to be liberal in its approach, any source within this framework—religious or secular—is considered to be equally valid. A strong belief in the freedom of religious expression is demonstrated, whereby individuals are encouraged to develop their own personal theology and to openly express their personal religious opinions. Reason and conscience come to the fore in an exercise of individual responsibility to formulate a set of beliefs. There appears to be an “implicit creed of the paramount value of the person” or individual—an observation also made by Lee (1995:381) on his discussion of Unitarianism.
Support for the development of individual spiritual paths is also given within the Unitarian service of worship, through rites of passage, pastoral work of the minister and various church-related activities.[5] The giving and receiving of flowers in the flower communion service symbolises more than the recognition of historical martyrdom, it also symbolises individual uniqueness and the giving and receiving of spiritual insights. A brief excerpt from the minister’s address during one such service indicates this further meaning.
Let us rejoice in our unique colours, aromas, and sounds.271
In a similar way, the water communion/ingathering service stresses the coming together of individuals into community. This service is held at the end of the Christmas holiday period to mark the resumption of the church calendar. Members of the congregation pour water into a communal bowl, symbolizing that there is “the gathering together of separate, unique individuals as one whole.” [6] Rites of passage such as baby naming ceremonies also display an emphasis on the individual as can be seen in the following excerpt from a naming ceremony:
Traditionally this also is the time to recognise a child by name, for it is by name that each of us is acknowledged as a separate person unique in all the universe as any snowflake.
The flower we shall present to the child is also a symbol and memento of the individuality we wish to affirm.273
An individualistic approach to spirituality is also exhibited by members of the South Australian congregation, as can be seen in this comment by a congregant:
Really what I seek in the Church, in the minister’s address anyway, is assistance in my own personal development in getting to know myself and someone who can…bring together a lot of ideas and weave it into an intelligent address, as (the minister) does, and that helps me and enlarges my understanding of the world, myself and other people. [7]
Importantly though, the congregation is also seen as a group of individuals who come together to share a common goal. The minister, in his address, explains this relationship by using the example of birds flying in formation.[8]
The flock adds at least 70% greater flying range than if each bird flew on its own. Therefore, people who share common direction and sense of
community can get to their destination quicker because they are travelling on the thrust of one another…
So although the individual is primary, there is a perceived need for individuals to come together in ritual to accomplish the common goal of individual spiritual growth. Although Dumont identified individualism with modernity, he also acknowledged (1986:18) that some ideas and values which appeared to be contrary to individualistic value-ideas had survived from earlier eras and subsequently became combined with individualistic values. This means that some elements of holism remain. The inclination to live “ethically”, for example, can also be seen as a curvature back to the community, in Dumont’s terms.[9] Notwithstanding this, the dominant value prevails and is the encompassing principle which embraces and defines the whole—a point also made by Kapferer (2011: 196).
6. South Australian Quakers and Unitarians: Variants on a Modern Theme
Members of the Unitarian and Quaker communities often cross paths through common social justice concerns. Some members have been drawn to both communities and for a period of time have alternated Sunday worshipping activities; attending Unitarian services of worship one week and Quaker meetings for worship the next. This inter-group interaction again throws up the question of what differences there are between these two communities.
As pointed out by Robbins (2013:457-9), people often organize their lives in order to promote what they believe is the “good”; however, ideas of what this is and how to achieve it, differ significantly. Quaker worship has a strong moral imperative. Its purpose is not salvation but the creation of a better world in the here and now. George Fox charged his followers to be exemplars. Contemporary Quakers may not be so zealous in their approach, but there is strong belief that Quakerism is a way of life guided by a commitment to its testimonies of peace, simplicity, truth and integrity, community, and equality. Undoubtedly, this requires a commitment to an ethical life.
Although Quakers value their inner lives, from the movement’s beginnings they have also been firmly in-the-world. Leading eighteenth and nineteenth century Quaker families, for example, were visibly involved in capitalist ventures.[10] This involvement in the growth of business enterprises and capitalism was accompanied by increased emphasis by Quakers on social responsibility, honesty and integrity towards others. Therefore, Quakers placed considerable value on individual responsibility; so much so, that honesty and integrity in business dealings became important central precepts of Quaker practice. Importantly, belief in an inner teacher directs adherents towards horizons of action; and in particular, to forms of action which will assist in bringing about what they believe to be a more ideal society. 278
Public statements are often made on behalf of Quakers Australia-wide. These are agreed at gatherings of Friends and carry the signature of the presiding Clerk. The content of these statements refer to matters of concern to Quakers—such as support for marriage equality, protesting against treatment of asylum seekers and cuts to the overseas aid programs. These public statements often take the form of letters to politicians, the Australian Human Rights Commission, or by releases to the media, as shown below. 279 Quakers also regularly participate in public demonstrations, vigils and rallies on matters of peace and justice which are of concern to them. Although levels of commitment undoubtedly vary among members, all Quakers would be in broad agreement with the principles involved, and the desire for a more ideal world.
Although Quaker worship practices are more self-reflective and have more interior complexity, an analysis of Unitarian ritual practices has revealed that the internal dynamics of these practices have transformative possibilities for their participants.
Moreover, there is potentiality for re-forming the self as an “ethical self.” This self seeks to bring about a more ideal world, which leads to consideration of what that ideal world might embrace and how adherents should act in, and engage with, that world; and more particularly, with the wider Australian society.
Although Quaker response often emanates from decisions made at group gatherings, Unitarians have more often responded individually to matters involving
278 An example of Quaker involvement in the wider Australian community is the Quaker Shop (See Appendix A Figure 2), which provides a valuable service to the South Australian community and raises substantial funds which are distributed to charities such as Quaker Service Australia and the Australian Refugee Association.
279 Figure 5.3 Australian Quakers’ Media release
Quakers want Climate Change Action as Nation Burns – 23 Jan 2013
Australian Quakers have called on the leaders of all political parties, as a matter of urgency to take the impact of climate change into the upcoming federal election as a key plank of their party's platform for action. At their annual gathering in Canberra this month, Australian Quakers affirmed that lasting peace can no longer be contemplated in isolation from the significant ecological and environmental challenges facing the world today and in the future.
Extracted from Quakers Australia Website http://www.quakers.org.au/. Accessed 23/1/13.
civil rights.[11] However, there is an active group which has been formed at the church which, among other things, has raised funds for disaster relief and arranged speakers on the topics of poverty alleviation. Members of the congregation also attend public demonstrations and vigils in support of human rights issues. [12]
Similarly, to the Quaker community, Unitarians desire a “best possible” world— a vision which is based on ideals born of modernity.
Notwithstanding this similarity of intent, I claim that there is a different emphasis on the two related values which are encompassed within Quaker and Unitarian individualisms: equality and freedom. For Dumont (1986:7, 9), these are the two cardinal ideals of modernity and are based on the idea of the individual as a rational being whose rights are only limited by the identical rights of others. The individual, in this understanding, is the all-embracing and encompassing value. Undoubtedly, both groups highly value equality and freedom, but a comparison between the two communities of practice is able to discern a difference in emphasis—a difference which requires further exploration.
In a statement posted on the South Australian Unitarian website, the pastor makes it clear that he believes that freedom is the defining impulse of the Unitarian movement. This, he states, entails being “free of coercive creeds, free of any authority outside our own best, considered judgement. That considered judgement weighs both the dictates of reason and moral conscience, we are a thinking, reflective person’s church, rightly sceptical of dogma.” [13]
The church through its minister provides most of the resources, and fellow congregants provide a network of mutual support, for the individual spiritual quest which is undertaken by exploring a diversity of religious and other sources. In addition, to encompass the different beliefs held by its members, there are a set of Unitarian principles which can be seen to be both the outcome of Enlightenment rationalism and humanist precepts. Some of these are as follows:
We believe in the freedom of religious expression. Every individual should be encouraged to develop their own personal theology, and to present openly their religious opinions without fear of censure or reprisal...
We believe in the authority of reason and conscience. The ultimate arbiter in religion is not a church, or a document, or an official, but the personal choice and decision of the individual…
We believe in the worth and dignity of each human being. All people on earth have an equal claim to life, liberty, and justice – no idea, ideal, or philosophy is superior to a single human life…
We believe in the necessity of the democratic process.
Records are open to scrutiny, elections are open to members, and ideas are open to criticism—so that people may govern themselves….[14]
This statement of Unitarian principles can be compared with the Quaker testimony on equality:
Friends (Quakers) believe there is that of God in everyone (and in the natural world). That means in the eyes of God, everyone is equal. Quakers have therefore worked for equal rights for all men and women regardless of race, creed or sexual preferences….
At the centre of the Quaker religious experience is the consistently held belief in the equal worth of all people. Our common humanity transcends our differences. We aspire not to say or do anything or condone any statements, actions or situations which imply a lack of respect for the humanity and human rights of any person or people.[15]
During meetings for worship, for example, participants are seated in a configuration which faces them towards the centre. This has a levelling effect which also demonstrates the high value placed upon equality. This emphasis is also discernible in business meetings. There is no voting. Group unity is sought rather than unanimity, consensus, or the will of the majority holding sway. It is believed that seeking a majority decision by way of vote denies the minority a voice. The decision-making process is instead one which “gathers up the corporate wisdom of the body” (Jones 1927:68). Although all participants in the decision-making process are assumed to have an equal say, particularly in the wording of a minute; this is countered by the fact that individuals who disagree with the “sense of the meeting” or the “corporate wisdom” usually acquiesce.
The individualisms apparent in Quaker and Unitarian practices seemingly place different emphases on the values of equality and freedom and I contend that these differences have been historically determined. Unitarian individualism with its emphasis on liberty appears to have developed from notions expressed within the variant of individualism which had a more secular inheritance from the Enlightenment and the French Revolution. This view stems more particularly from ideas that all citizens, although different or unique, are equal on a political level. It also flows from the view that humans are all endowed with reason. The Unitarian style and content of services of worship, accompanied by the valorisation of democratic process, all facilitate and reflect these ideas.
On the other hand, early English Quakers were heavily influenced by the ideas which were put forward by European religious leaders such as Martin Luther and his notions concerning the priesthood of all believers, self-cultivation and the inner life. Historically and philosophically, the German idea of liberty was that “of the spirit” or within the soul. This inner freedom lent itself to self-cultivation or bildung. German individualism had two traits: self-cultivation and the closing up of the self to the world. This type of individualism, as stated by Dumont (1986:137), favoured inwardness, introspection and enrichment of the inner life.
The ideas of mystics and theologians such as Jacob Bohme may also have had some standing with Quakers; but regardless of whether this was so, there is no doubt that Quakers have historically had a strong religious base which focused on their inner worlds. There is a religious duty to nurture the inner self in order to experience one’s own spirituality. Although many current Quakers do not believe in God there is still a residual belief in “that of God” which is an internal human property available to all, thus making all equal in the eyes of God. It is this belief which prompts many Quakers to be involved in social justice issues, some of which bring them into conflict with the state.
Unitarians have historically tried to change religious views from within existing church structures and tried to work within the state’s political structure to bring about social reforms. Members of the early South Australian Unitarian community, for example, were active in the establishment of the colony’s educational and other reforms because they saw these reforms as the way to achieve betterment of the individual and society. Quakers, on the other hand, have had an historical relation of distrust and potential opposition to the state which arguably stems from the sufferings they endured during the English Civil War.
Quaker vision for society first came into significant conflict with that promoted by the Australian state during their campaign against compulsory military training prior to World War One. It was continued in their response to subsequent Australian involvement in war; and further reiterated in the recent centenary celebrations. As Kapferer rightly points out (1988:147), one of the reasons behind the Australian nation’s remembrance of the Anzacs is to recognize the human suffering endured. Accordingly, the state has attempted to make Anzac its central rite; but symbolically, it is also a “nationalist rite of the people, but a people in ambivalent relation to the state, a relation of distrust and potential opposition.” The Quaker reaction to the Anzac centenary commemorations[16] is; however, based more on notions about the internal properties of human beings— notions which nevertheless drive Quakers towards a strong commitment to egalitarianism and individualism.
It is notable that the South Australian Unitarian website, whilst affirming the goals of world community with peace, liberty and justice for all, appeared to have no united response to the centenary of World War One. Australian Quaker response, on the other hand, is set out very specifically on their website. Central to their response, is an exhibition which was prepared by N.S.W. members in 2014 and which tells of the experiences of Australian Quakers, during and before, the First World War. [17] The exhibition includes panels which were displayed initially in the Sydney Meeting House and then travelled to other locations in Australia, including Adelaide, where the panels were displayed in the city centre. The exhibition paid tribute to those who work for peace, highlighting Quakers’ continuing commitment to this cause. It showcased the challenges that faced Quakers who established the Australian Freedom League in Adelaide in 1912, and listed those boys who refused to do military drill or on-combat duties as senior cadets and were subsequently imprisoned as a result of their stance. The centenary was an opportunity for Quakers to reaffirm their commitment to peace, both historically and now. This commitment is based on a central tenet of Quakerism—
“that of God” in everyone. This central tenet means that the requirements of the state are necessarily subordinated to the nature of the inner life in continuing Quaker witness.
FIGURE 5.4 PANEL FROM THE QUAKER EXHIBITION
FIGURE 5.5 PANEL FROM THE QUAKER EXHIBITION FIGURE 5.5 PANEL FROM THE QUAKER EXHIBITION
The Quaker testimony to peace declared to Charles 11 in 1660. Part of the WW1 Centenary Exhibition panels displayed on the Australian Quaker Website, http://www.quakers.org.au. Accessed 25/2/16.
The Quaker exhibition provides a counter narrative to that provided by the state which also had a travelling exhibition. The state’s focus is on the commemoration of military engagement and the legend of the Anzacs, as shown on the government website which advertises “The Spirit of Anzac Centenary Experience.”
FIGURE 5.6 AUSTRALIAN GOVERNMENT EXHIBITION287
My main point here is that the Quaker alternative narrative of the Anzac centenary displays individualism and values which are still characteristic of modernity.
However, it is a variant form.
287 The Spirit of Anzac Centenary Experience is advertised as:
a travelling exhibition that tells the story of Australian involvement in the First World War, and the
following Century of Service of Australia's armed forces in wars, conflicts and peacekeeping operations
in which Australia has been involved. The exhibition follows a chronological timeline spanning the period from pre-First World War Australia to the present day, using a mix of visuals, artefacts, audio and film, from the Australian War Memorial. The Spirit of Anzac Centenary Experience includes a community zone that shares stories about local men and women who contributed to Australia's war efforts (Australian Government Website ‘100 Years of Anzac’, http://www.anzaccentenary.gov.au/.). Accessed 25/2/16.
7. Conclusion
Through comparison of different approaches to ritual, I have argued that Quaker and Unitarian practices cannot be considered purely in terms of communicative action or relations of power, although these are still important features. Instead, they must be understood also in terms of their transformative potential—an attribute which is made possible by the internal dynamics within their rituals. Importantly, I posit that their practices are actively constitutive of value; and furthermore, although Quaker and Unitarian practices are different, the prominence of the individual, which is a key indicator of the concept of “modernity”, is evident in both. Their individualisms though are not quite the same, indicating that they are examples of variants within modern Australian ideology.
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CONCLUSION
1. INTRODUCTION
South Australian Quakers and Unitarians have many similarities and this has resulted in frequent interaction between members of both communities, including a situation where one person attended Quaker and Unitarian worshipping activities on alternate weeks. Clearly, this person was faced with a dilemma of faith and practice which he negotiated by attending both communities and holding membership of both. On his death, he ultimately resolved this dilemma in his funeral arrangements. His funeral was held grave side at the historic Unitarian Shady Grove Cemetery but his committal was conducted by a member of the Quaker community. Members of both groups attended his funeral, bringing both communities together in mourning.
In this thesis though, I have concentrated on the small differences between these two communities rather than their similarities in order to understand how they have arrived at their contemporary embrace of spirituality and what they have added to its diversity.
Specifically, this has been a comparative study of how South Australian Quakers and Unitarians—two “old-style” religious organisations that have historically been called non-conformists and rational dissenters—confront the changing religious complexity of the contemporary world. I have argued that they have been able to maintain legitimacy through their ability to convey their ideal of the “autonomy of the individual”; an ideal which is the keystone value of modernity itself. However, I have posited that they do so in different ways, indicating articulation of variant forms.
2. RESEARCH QUESTIONS
2.1 The main research question
The main research question was set out at the beginning of this thesis and was as follows:
Dumont’s ideas about variants of modern individualism were associated with the milieu of industrial capitalism and relative homogeneity of modern Western Europe. This milieu is vastly different from the more heterogeneous cultural environment of current Australian society. Notwithstanding this, Dumont’s notions are still pertinent in an assessment of how certain types of religious organisation confront Australia’s contemporary religious complexity and this is indicated by their practices which are actively constitutive of value.
2.2 Subsidiary questions
The following subsidiary questions which relate to the main research question were also set out at the beginning of the thesis:-
Why did Quakers and Unitarians come to South Australia? What is the significance of South Australia in this study?
What are the similarities and differences between the religious practices and ideas of South Australian Quakers and Unitarians?
What is it to be a South Australian Quaker or a Unitarian and do the values they espouse resonate with the values embraced by Australia as a modern, secular state?
Are South Australian Quakers and Unitarians still dissenting groups; and if so, how does this manifest itself in their practices and in their engagement with contemporary Australian society?
These questions were addressed by conducting ethnographic fieldwork in Adelaide and its environs in a deliberately comparative framework which involved observing and participating in Quaker and Unitarian practices for a period of time. The information collected during this process was collated and analysed and this became the major source of data for the study. The following is an overview of the information discovered, beginning with an outline of the importance of the location of South Australia for the purposes of the study.
3. THESIS REVIEW
3. 1 The colony of South Australia
You see how healthy the religious atmosphere is. Anything
can live in it. Agnostics, Atheists, Freethinkers, Infidels, Mormons, Pagans, Indefinites: they
are all there. And all the big sects of the world can do more than merely live in it: they can
spread, flourish, prosper.288 Mark Twain (1895)
As Mark Twain’s description implies, the European settlement of South Australia was promoted as a dissenters’ paradise, offering a safe haven for those who had suffered religious inequality. However, the colony was also planned as a capitalist utopia. Land was sold at a price which was attractive to middle-class capitalists but too expensive for the working class. The working class, on the other hand, were given assisted passage in order to provide the labour needed for this modernist scheme.
Most importantly, the colonial settlement was heralded as a new convict-free experiment which promised a supposedly morally superior environment, freedom of worship and religious equality. Arguably, South Australia, initially at least, was a utopian colony that was imagined as a space for the realization of certain visions for community and thought.
The colony’s promoters envisaged that settlers attracted by these prospects would more likely display a “moral rectitude” which, in their opinion, appeared to be lacking in those living in the penal settlement colonies. These factors resulted in South Australia retaining over time a distinctive religious character and a perception of difference.
288 Mark Twain visited South Australia in 1895.
Twain Mark, 1973. Mark Twain in Australia and New Zealand, Penguin Colonial Facsimiles, pp. 182-83 (quoted in McDougall & Vines 2006:110).
In an article titled “My Social Vision for South Australia”, written one hundred and twenty years after Mark Twain’s comments, the Premier of South Australia makes no reference to distinctive religious character but certainly alludes to a perception of difference:
South Australia was conceived as an ideal society, established in response to the challenges of British industrialisation. From the Letters Patent establishing the colony that recognised Aboriginal land rights through to the 1856 Constitution amongst the most democratic in the world, South Australia strived to be a good society…We can draw on deep historical reserves of intellectual and moral capital. Integrity and democracy have their genesis in
South Australia’s free settlement and early emphasis on democracy… We have been striving to address inequality since our founders first conceived the idea of the province…289
3.2 Quaker and Unitarian settlers
Among those first immigrants attracted to the new colony were a few British Quaker and Unitarian families; and remarkably, some of their descendants are still members of these communities. These immigrant Quakers and Unitarians were not members of new religious movements but instead formed part of the membership of religious traditions which had been established much earlier in Britain, Europe and North America. They immigrated with the blessing of their home congregations which offered assistance with advice, provision of building materials; and, in the case of the Unitarians, a minister. Both communities developed from an historical Christian heritage and have been a part of the South Australian community since European settlement. They came to South Australia in the hope that its particular colonial milieu would provide opportunity for them to further their economic advancement and pursue their aims for a better world.
289 The Adelaide Review, 4 December 2015, J. Weatherill. http://adelaidereview.com.au/features/general/my-social-visiouth-australia/ (accessed 4/2/16).
The aspirations of the members of these two communities of practice initially appeared to accord with the new colony’s modernist agenda. Although the Unitarian community thrived from the outset, Quakers had internal difficulties to overcome in the first fifty years of colonial settlement. However, by the beginning of the twentieth century, both communities were well settled, and the Quaker community was starting to find its voice. It determined that its vision for an ideal society did not necessarily accord with that of the new Australian nation, and this difference in vision was evident in the Quaker community’s response to military matters surrounding the events of the First World War. The Quaker and Unitarian communities’ dissimilar responses to those events also highlighted their different imaginings of how a better society might be brought about.
3.3 Research setting and design
The above factors provided background for my inquiry into the contemporary practices of Quakers and Unitarians in South Australia. I was persuaded by
Bouma’s opinion that Australia, as a particular postmodern, secular and multicultural society provides a unique context for the study of religious practice. Therefore, I have extended his analysis by concentrating on South Australia, and Adelaide in particular, which I have demonstrated had a perceivably different colonial environment that encouraged those attracted to nonconformist Christian religions. Arguably, the South Australian setting provides a unique milieu for the study of religious practices, particularly those which do not fit into the category of mainstream Christian religion.
Commonalities exist between the Quaker and Unitarian communities which are centred on their histories of dissent, the eschewing of any creed, and their tolerance of other religious views. Moreover, each has more than one worshipping group in South Australia, a predominance of older people in their congregations and a similar number of members, although Quakers have a larger Australia-wide following.
My research ascertained that the Quaker and Unitarian communities structure their respective organizations and practices somewhat differently; not only from each other, but also from other church groups in Australia. In so doing, I have extended the sociological analysis of Gary Bouma regarding the characteristics of Australian religious and spiritual life, and his modelling of types of church authority and organisational structure. I also maintain that South Australia is different from the rest of Australia and that this distinctiveness adds to the work that Bouma has done on Australian religious life.
Bouma notes a move away from organised religion to spirituality—a label which can be applied to the new diversity of world religions. He contends that the usage of the term “spiritual” rather than “religious” as a form of personal identification is now more acceptable in Australia, and certainly contemporary Quakers and Unitarians are more comfortable with describing themselves as such. Vignettes of the experiences of members of both communities demonstrate the differences, not only between Quakers and Unitarians, but also between these groups and the Christianities which are usually the subject of anthropological study. The vignettes also highlight the variety of spiritualities in contemporary Australian society.
Ecumenicalism has been influential in Australia as a way of managing religious diversity by minimising difference, but as Bouma points out, despite this movement, there are a substantial number of Australians who grapple with this idea of downplaying difference whilst preferring to identify themselves with particular religious organisations. Importantly, Quakers and Unitarians confront the idea of ecumenicalism through their history of non-conformism. I have demonstrated how Quakers refuse to engage politically and how Unitarians confront the idea through their embrace of secularism and nationalism. Nevertheless, I maintain that both espouse non-denominational world religion in their experience of contemporary religion in multicultural Australia where Asian religions are major growth areas due to changing immigration policies. Quakers and Unitarians, through their practices, endorse this multiplicity whereas more mainstream religious traditions are only able to advocate tolerance. This endorsement is demonstrated in the ethnographic descriptions of both groups’ practices, rituals, and celebrations.
3.4 Description of Quaker Practices
In everyday life, intervals of silence can be awkward moments which somehow need to be filled in, but in a Quaker meeting for worship, the opposite is true. Silence is welcomed. The core of this type of worship is undeniably silent waiting. Adherents sit facing the centre, and each other, in stillness. They remain seated like this for an hour. Sometimes the silence continues for the whole hour, but more usually there is spoken ministry which lasts for a few minutes and then silence again resumes. Typically, there are several offerings of ministry which exude a certain humbleness and reverence. Some people believe that ministry can be inspired by the Spirit, and all believe that ministry should be from the heart and not an intellectual project. Silence used within the context of Quaker worship allows for more self-reflection. The removal of outward embellishment is replaced by interior complexity.
3.5 Description of Unitarian Practices
For South Australian Unitarians, the Sunday service of worship is undoubtedly the most important gathering held within their community. During services of worship, the congregation sits on the wooden pews and chairs arranged on either side of a central aisle. All seating faces towards the front of the meetinghouse or chapel. There is no fixed liturgical calendar. However, some Christian celebrations such as Christmas and Easter Sunday are still observed with a Unitarian interpretation of their significance, and there are several special Unitarian celebrations held during the year such as the Flower Communion Service and Ingathering Service.
The Sunday service usually follows a particular order and its musical interludes are considered features. The music is chosen to suit the theme of the service and can be highly entertaining. The Unitarian website notes that musical interludes are excellent and varied and “ranging from classical, to jazz, to folk, to R and B.”[18] The focal part of the service though is undoubtedly the minister’s address to the congregation. Another important feature of Unitarian worship practice is that services and rites of passage alike draw inspiration from many sources and are often highly individualized. In this way, they display a certain consistency in their practice, and adherence to, Unitarian notions and values.
4. RESEARCH FINDINGS
Bouma’s research led him to conclude that Australia is a particular postmodern, secular and multicultural society which also has a rich Aboriginal heritage. It is in relation to Aboriginality that dissenting religious traditions such as the Quakers and Unitarians develop a distinctly Australian voice to their worshipping practices. Quaker meetings for business are opened with the acknowledgement of the lands of the Kaurna and Ngarrindjeri peoples, respect for their culture and the responsibilities of the regional meeting to work towards greater justice for First Nations People. Unitarian services of worship begin their words of welcome with an acknowledgement of the Kaurna people as the traditional owners of the land and their spiritual relationship with their country. This spiritual relationship is likened to the church’s spiritual community and its commitment to its members to support them in their individual spiritual paths.
Quakers and Unitarians have also adapted their practices to incorporate changes in other ways. Recently, for example, a youthful African Quaker family, more familiar with an evangelical style, has been welcomed into one of the Adelaide meetings which previously had few children attending. The Quaker community has responded to the needs of these new attenders by holding a weekly children’s meeting and an “all ages” meeting several times a year. These meetings take a form similar to worship sharing rather than a meeting for worship and focus on a topic for reflection. After ordinary meetings for worship, there is time set aside for music and singing to encourage, and incorporate, the participation of children, outside the framework of the silent un-programmed meeting for worship. The ideas of African Quakers have been incorporated into the experiences and practices of Adelaide adherents; however, the un-programmed meeting format of silence, stillness and ministry still prevails.
Undeniably, Quaker and Unitarian worshipping practices are demonstrably different in form and content, particularly in their respective use of sound. Whereas Quakers are comfortable with the sound of silence, Unitarians are much more comfortable with an abundant use of words, music and song. My analysis, however, demonstrates that these worship practices cannot be reduced to relations of power or their functions alone, just as they cannot both be reduced to being communicative action. I therefore suggest that the approaches taken by Kapferer and Handelman are central to my argument because these theorists recognise ritual’s transformative potential—a factor which is essential for understanding Quaker and Unitarian practices.
Importantly, the transformational capacity of these practices was analysed using the concepts of “dynamics” and “virtuality.” Virtuality here is understood as being in-between reality (that which has already occurred) and actuality (the diversity of what will become); the space and structure of becoming, which can be characterised by the repetitive format of the meeting for worship. These concepts allowed me to argue that the act of sitting still in silence, surrounded by others who are intent on doing the same, is not a passive act. Quaker worship, with its predictive pattern, suspends some indeterminacies of every day realities in order that some of the dynamics of reality formation can be entered into, and then readjusted. The meeting allows for reflection and meditation to take place without subjecting those activities to some of the indeterminacies of everyday life, thereby allowing the possibility of openness to the promptings of the Spirit.
Following on from this, I contend that through the inward dynamics of ministry, silence and the underlying aesthetics of Quaker worship, there is the potentiality for participants to re-form the self as an “ethical self.” Therefore, an examination of Quaker worship as a ritual process through the concept of “virtuality” indicates that its internal dynamics appear to be the key to transforming everyday realities of its participants.
Similarly, an examination of Unitarian practices indicates that the internal dynamic of this worship style also has the potential to affect the everyday realities of its participants. Eclecticism, the dynamics of the sermon, the academic habitus of the ritual specialist, and the underlying aesthetics of Unitarian worship itself, all offer transformative possibility. The Unitarian minister challenges his congregation “to deeper personal reflection” and exhorts them to have “a more considered personal faith and more ethical living” [19] —again indicating how both Quakers and Unitarians, through their rituals, encourage adherents to pursue continuous personal spiritual transformation and to strive for a better world.
This pursuit of personal and societal transformation posed the question of whether there are any links between the values espoused by Quakers and Unitarians and the political and moral ideals characteristic of modern Australian society. This proposition was explored with recourse to the views of social theorists on the concept of “modernity.” In particular, the views of Louis Dumont were outlined as he is acknowledged as one of the principal authors on the roots of modern individualism and the ideas and values which characterize modernity.
Analysis revealed that South Australian Quakers and Unitarians put high value on the individual. Quakers, for example, believe that each individual is responsible for finding a personal understanding of God and must be guided by conscience in determining the right path in life. Their recourse to silence in ritual is instrumental in achieving this understanding. Unitarians, too, favour individual responsibility for formulating their own personal theology or spirituality. The minister’s recourse to the use of rhetoric rather than silence within ritual is persuasive in this regard. In both communities, the individual is given high value; a notion which is commonly associated with, and characteristic of, modernity.
Not only do the practices themselves promote individual responsibility, but also, the wording in rites of passage also confirm this. The Quaker wedding, for example, included the promise to “cherish and delight in your spirit and
individuality.” In the Unitarian wedding, too, the minister remarked approvingly on the couple’s “strong sense of self.” Moreover, there were several instances of South Australian Quakers and Unitarians engaging and disengaging between the two communities of practice. This is a further example of an exercise of independence and freedom of choice which is informed by the cultural ideals of Western modernity; a point also made by Norris in her discussion on
“individualized modular spirituality” (2003:175).
In the Introduction to the thesis, I pointed out that in German Ideology, Dumont examined Germany as a variant of modernity. He compared Germany with France and determined the differences between them. He posited that Germany is more religious and introverted; whereas France is more secular and extraverted. These were not meant as absolute differences, but relative differences. Notwithstanding these relative differences, France is still religious and Germany is still very much secular. Dumont’s main point was that it is in the comparison between the two that the relative differences are able to be noted. I have argued that a similar contradistinction applies when a comparison is made between contemporary South Australian Quakers and Unitarians.
My research also indicates that the Quaker variant of modern ideology appears to be more like that of German individualism, which was significantly influenced by the ideas of Luther, i.e., it had a religious basis. Early Quakers embraced Luther’s ideas about the “priesthood of all believers” where the individual was responsible for his or her own salvation. Therefore, regard for politics and the state became subordinated to the workings of the inner life very early in Quaker thought. This type of individualism favoured inwardness, introspection and enrichment of the inner life. It also meant that Quakers were more likely to have ideals which might conflict with the views held by those in positions of power or authority. This propensity for social activism was evident in reaction to military events surrounding Australian involvement in the First World War, and reiterated in their response to its centenary.
Historically, Unitarians embraced the ideals of the French Revolution and the Enlightenment. This form of individualism did not embrace inwardness and was more outward and socio-political in nature. This is not to say that Unitarians are not religious or spiritual in outlook. On the contrary, they highly value spirituality, but it does indicate greater openness to a diversity of sources of inspiration and a propensity for critical appraisal of religious views. This has brought Unitarians into conflict sometimes with mainstream Protestant churches but not so much with the state. However, Unitarians are very conscious of human rights issues and the cardinal values of modernity—equality and liberty—are strongly defended publicly.
More particularly, I argue that the different individualisms evident within the ideas of Quaker and Unitarian communities in South Australia indicate the existent variants discernible within Australia’s modern ideology. Australia’s egalitarian values demonstrate that it is a modern western secular society that has adopted, and adapted, from its British heritage, a form of individualism which was inherited from the Enlightenment and the French Revolution; and in this regard, it can be seen to be a form of individualism which is perhaps closer to the Unitarian variant.
5. FUTURE DIRECTIONS FOR RESEARCH
There are many future avenues for research which could benefit by building on the findings of this present study, including a further examination of the transformative aspects of ritual. In particular, the notion of “virtuality” could be utilized as a tool for understanding how rituals of different communities of practice in Australia work for their participants. The recently burgeoning fields of the anthropologies of ethics, morality, and “the good” also offer other ways of looking at the practices of Quakers and Unitarians which could add to existing knowledge. However, the most exciting avenues which are indicated by this research are related to its comparative approach. This study was necessarily limited to South Australia but it would be advantageous to also explore Unitarian and Quaker communities that have settled in other parts of Australia.
In Sydney, for example, there are two Unitarian communities: Sydney Unitarian Church and Spirit of Life Unitarian Fellowship. One community embraces a liberal Christian orientation and the other prefers a more expansive orientation. Quakers, on the other hand, have twelve meeting venues in NSW, two of which are in Sydney. The Devonshire Street Meeting House is the second oldest meeting house in use in
Australia— South Australia’s North Adelaide meeting house being the oldest. A comparative anthropological study of Quakers and Unitarians in NSW would be illuminating, particularly as the colonial settlement of Sydney followed such a different course with its establishment as a penal colony in 1788.
Another direction for future research could entail bringing other church groups, such as pentecostal or evangelical Christians in South Australia, into comparison. On the face of it, these groups seem to have so little in common with Unitarians and Quakers and are not classified as rational dissenters. This raises the question of whether the location of South Australia would have as much bearing on the research findings of such a study.
Many of these churches have large congregations; for example, Influencers Church [20] (formerly known as Paradise Community Church) has grown from humble beginnings in a north eastern suburb of Adelaide to be the fifth largest church in Australia, and now boasts international connections. Several political figures and a well-known singer have had associations with the church. As such, these communities form an important, and influential, part of Australian society. The research into North American pentecostal, fundamentalist and evangelical Christianities undertaken by Csordas (1994,1997,2007), Luhrmann (2004) and
Harding (1991,2001) would prove useful in this regard; and Dumont’s notions of
“variants in modernity” would again be relevant in a comparative study involving an analysis of the practices of, and values espoused by, such groups.
In considering future avenues for research though it should be noted that Hann (2012:3) argues that there is too much emphasis on Protestantism and its links to modernity and too little engagement with Eastern Christianities. Hann acknowledges that Protestantism and Catholicism are the largest Christian communities worldwide, and that it is appropriate that they have dominated anthropological studies of Christianity. His main point is that Eastern Christian communities have been neglected in anthropological discussion.
Hann also questions influential assumptions that the emergence of individualism is connected with certain types of Christianity, and notes that Weber’s archetypal Protestant is the epitome of the modern citizen, who has internalized faith and eschews religious experts and sacraments in order to communicate with God.
Hann’s argument is that Weber judged Eastern Christians to be even further removed from this archetype than Roman Catholicism. He points out (2012:6) that although Taylor (2007) incorporates Roman Catholicism into his Western view of secularity, he also ignores the Eastern Orthodox traditions. Hann also criticizes the inference that immanence and transcendence should be the defining features of Western Protestantism. He suggests (2012:10-12) that Eastern Christianities have been excluded from such analysis, or considered “the other”, when compared with interiorized Christianity in western societies. Meaning and belief, in his opinion, are wrongly considered the prerogative of Western Christianities.[21]
It is difficult to refute Hann’s claims. The Eastern Orthodox Church is the second largest Christian church in the world. [22] Within Australia, Orthodox traditions tend to have national identities which embrace the Greek, Russian, Serbian, Bulgarian and other smaller, and more recent, communities. There are many of these diverse churches throughout Australia and anthropological research into such differing groups, some of which are quite recent additions to Australia’s contemporary religious complexity, has been lacking. This would prove a rich area for future exploration. Orthodox Christianities, for example, are experiential and in many ways religions of “becoming” and despite very clear differences with Quakerism, do bear some comparison.
6. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE RESEARCH
Comparison formed the focus of this thesis which was an exploration of the Quakers and Unitarians as an analytical study of the kind of variants identified by Dumont. This research was clearly limited to two dissenting communities of practice in South Australia; but nevertheless, it was essential that these two communities be brought into focus.
Although both these communities are small in size, they have formed an important part of modern Australian society, engaging regularly in its wider socio-cultural processes. Social reformers, Catherine Helen Spence and former South Australian premier, Lynn Arnold, were members of these communities; and they, together with the artists, medical specialists, economists, mathematicians, and members of the teaching and other professions who have been members of these groups, have made a considerable contribution to Australian social and political life.
Both of these groups have been little studied. Although historical research has been conducted, including some studies undertaken by current members of these two groups; comparative anthropological research has not been attempted. By conducting a comparative study of these two South Australian communities, I contend that I have added to the knowledge of Australian society in general. More particularly though, this study has added to knowledge of these two small communities, and it has done so, in a distinctly comparative way.
More specifically, I have made an original contribution to the anthropology of Christianity and the anthropology of Australia. I have done this by developing a comparative framework for the study of Churches whose historical basis is firmly entrenched within the Christian tradition, in order to determine how they address dilemmas of faith and practice within modern Australia in arriving at their contemporary embrace of spirituality.
This framework was developed through comparing and analysing current Quaker and Unitarian practices taking a long-range historical perspective and proceeding from the global level to the local communities in South Australia. I have demonstrated that their practices clearly show the ideology they espouse. Therefore, I argue that their practices are constitutive, with internal orderings that are designed to transform life processes. Moreover, the notion of “virtuality” explains how worship activities actually work for participants, thus further developing research into Quaker and Unitarian practice.
Following Handelman, I also suggest that some rituals are characterised by a greater degree of interior complexity and reflexivity. I argue that Quaker ritual, in particular, has complex interior recursivities which are consistent with a form of introverted individualism. This allows me to state that Quaker and Unitarian worshipping and other practices are not just representational but actively constitutive of value. In so doing, I rely on ideas espoused by Louis Dumont on the concept of “modernity” and introverted and extraverted individualisms—notions which were first outlined in the beginning of this thesis.
Quaker and Unitarian practices reveal various aspects of modernity, albeit in slightly different ways within the two communities. Here Dumont’s ideas become relevant. However, whereas Dumont and Weber pursued a history of ideas through analysing the ideological texts, this thesis has been an examination of ritual practice and the forms of everyday engagement South Australian Quakers and Unitarians undertake.
Undoubtedly, the notion of the “individual” has considerable relevance for both Quakers and Unitarians but there are definite variances in emphasis. Dumont’s notion of “variants in modernity” is able to explain why Quakers and Unitarians put more emphasis on some values rather than others. In this way, his notions are shown to be still pertinent in relation to how religious organisations confront Australia’s contemporary religious complexity and this is indicated by Quaker and Unitarian practices which are demonstratively actively constitutive of value.
Quakers embrace multiculturalism and the ideals of ecumenicalism, but at the same time, they confront its ideals by retaining their own unique form of spirituality which centres on the inner self and promotes involvement in social action which is against the state. Unitarians embrace ideals of ecumenicalism and multiculturalism, too. They incorporate ideas from other religious traditions into their worship activities, but at the same time, confront the ideals of ecumenicalism by embracing a more secular form of spirituality which refuses to abide by mainstream Christian precepts. Both are variants of modernity.
In a similar way, I have demonstrated that colonial South Australia was a utopian experiment in modernity—a variant relative to other Australian states. No other Australian state was a planned convict-free colonial settlement, based on utopian ideas about democracy and religious freedom. It was conceived as a “good society” which initially courted rational dissenters and capitalist endeavour—an experiment in colonization placing emphasis on political and moral ideals which were characteristic of modern ideology.
Although human greed and land speculation took the fledgling colony to the brink of financial ruin, South Australia survived, and its colonial beginnings are still feted. A newly established religious community called “Significance Church” recently claimed that South Australia “was firstly and foremostly a Christian state established by Christians for the free proclamation of the gospel to all who would live here.” It then quotes one of the colony’s founders as speculating that South Australia will become the headquarters for the diffusion of Christianity in the Southern Hemisphere.[23]
So far, this prediction has not come to pass and South Australia has not gained the reputation given to the Quaker colonial settlement of Pennsylvania, which was once called “The Holy Experiment.” Nevertheless, relative to other Australian cities, Adelaide has been considered more “religious”, and it has differed because it arguably had a more religious base which resulted from its colonial beginnings. I contend that it can be described as a variant relative to other Australian cities. This does not mean that Adelaide is not secular, or that Sydney and Melbourne have no religion; but in Dumont’s terms, it does mean that it can be considered as a relative variation born of comparison.
APPENDIX A
Figure 1a: THE RAJAH QUILT296
Image downloaded from the National Gallery of Australia Website, http://nga.gov.au/rajahquilt/ Accessed 20/8/15.
The provisions to enable this handiwork were provided by Elizabeth Fry and the
British Ladies Society for the Reformation of Female Prisoners.297
296 According to the website of the National Gallery of Australia, The Rajah quilt is one of Australia’s most important textiles, and a major focus of the National Gallery of Australia’s Australian textiles collection.
These provisions were carried by the 180 women prisoners on board the Rajah as it set sail from Woolwich,
England on 5 April 1841, bound for Van Diemen’s Land. When the Rajah arrived in Hobart on 19 July 1841, these supplies had been turned into the inscribed patchwork, embroidered and appliquéd coverlet now known as the Rajah quilt.
http://nga.gov.au/rajahquilt/ Accessed 20/8/15
297 See next page for further detail of The Rajah Quilt.
Figure 1b: Detail from ‘Rajah Quilt’
Collection of the National Gallery of Australia. Gift of Les Hollings and the Australian Textiles Fund 1989.
Downloaded from the National Gallery of Australia Website http://nga.gov.au/rajahquilt/ Accessed 20/8/15.
Figure 2: THE QUAKER SHOP
Image extracted from the South Australian Quaker Website http://s.aquakers.org.au/, (Accessed 19/10/14).
Figure 3: THE QUAKER MEETING HOUSE, MEETING HOUSE LANE, NORTH ADELAIDE
Image downloaded from the State Library of South Australia Website Photograph 2003 by
Patricia Moore, http://encore.slsa.sa.gov.au/iii/encore/search?target=quaker+meeting+house(Accessed 23/11/15).
APPENDIX B
Figure 1: ORIGINAL UNITARIAN CHURCH, WAKEFIELD ST., ADELAIDE
Unitarian Church, Wakefield Street, Adelaide, South Australia 1865-67 albumen silver photograph albumen silver photograph
printed image 14.3 h x 21.3 w cm
Purchased 1984
Accession No: NGA 84.2908.6
National Gallery of Australia Website http://cs.nga.gov.au/Detail-LRG.cfm?IRN=95201 (Accessed 23/11/15)
Figure 2: UNITARIAN MEETING HOUSE, NORWOOD
http://users.picknowl.com.au/~unitariansa/images/enteringcourtyard.jpg.
Figure 3: JOHN DOWIE PAINTING INSIDE THE UNITARIAN MEETING HOUSE,
NORWOOD
Image Extracted from the S.A. Unitarians Website http://unitariansa.org.au/gallery/nggallery/page/2. Accessed 25/2/16.
John Dowie’s many artistic works included sculptures such as the fountain in
Adelaide’s Victoria Square, ‘Alice’ in Rymill Park, and the Victor Richardson Gates at the Adelaide Oval.
Figure 4: SHADY GROVE CHAPEL
Shady Grove Chapel as shown on the South Australian Unitarian Website http://unitariansa.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/s4.jpg Accessed 25/2/16.
Figure 5: ADELAIDE UNITARIANS SUPPORTING MARRIAGE EQUALITY
Members of the church holding a banner at a rally supporting marriage equality
Image downloaded from their website, http://unitariansa.org.au/social-justice/ Accessed 2/1/17.
UNITARIAN CHURCH OF SOUTH AUSTRALIA CONGREGATIONAL ADDRESSES
Rev Jo Lane, ‘Beauty, Justice and Communion’ from a Service at the Unitarian Church of South Australia (the Adelaide Unitarian Church) conducted by J Lane 18/11/07.
Rev Jo Lane, Words Spoken and Delivered by Jo Lane at the Funeral Service for a Church Member held in the Adelaide Unitarian Church on 1/4/08.
Rev Jo Lane, ‘Returning and Ingathering’ from a Service at the Unitarian Church of South Australia (the Adelaide Unitarian Church) conducted by J Lane on 1/2/09.
Rev Jo Lane, ‘All Heretic’s Day’ from a Service at the Unitarian Church of South Australia (the Adelaide Unitarian Church) conducted by J Lane on 10/5/09.
Rev Bob Wightman, Father’s Day Service at the Unitarian Chapel at Shady Grove conducted by the Rev Bob Wightman and his wife, Mary, on 6/9/09.
Rev Jo Lane Words Spoken and Delivered by Jo Lane at a Special Service for children buried in unmarked graves at Shady Grove Unitarian Cemetery and held at Shady Grove Unitarian Church on 6/9/10.
Rev. Jo Lane. Words Spoken and Delivered by Jo Lane at the Wedding Service for a Church Member held in the Adelaide Unitarian Church on 18/12/10.
Pastor R MacPherson. Words Spoken and Delivered by Rob MacPherson and
Margaret Lambert at the Welcome Service for the New Pastor held at the Unitarian Church of South Australia (the Adelaide Unitarian Church) on 16/10/11.
Pastor R Macpherson. AGM Sunday from a Service at the Unitarian Church of South Australia (the Adelaide Unitarian Church) conducted by R MacPherson on 30/10/11.
Pastor R MacPherson, ‘Tell me the truth about love: reflections on a Unitarian Wedding’ from a Service at the Unitarian Church of South Australia (the Adelaide Unitarian Church) conducted by R MacPherson on 14/10/12.
Pastor R MacPherson, ‘Welcome to new members’ from a Service at the Unitarian Church of South Australia (the Adelaide Unitarian Church) conducted by R MacPherson on 16/12/12.
Pastor R MacPherson, ‘Rites of Passage: What’s in a Naming Ceremony?” from a Service at the Unitarian Church of South Australia (the Adelaide Unitarian Church) conducted by R MacPherson on 24/11/13.
Minister R MacPherson, ‘Reimagining a Maculate Mary’ from a Service at the Unitarian Church of South Australia (the Adelaide Unitarian Church) conducted by R MacPherson on 8/12/13.
Minister R MacPherson, Memorial Service for a Church Member held in the Adelaide Church in March 2014 and reprinted in the April 2014 edition of the Adelaide Unitarian Newsletter.
===
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[1] https://www.border.gov.au/Trav/Life/Aust/living-in-australia-values-statement.Australian Government, department of Immigration and Border Protection, accessed 15 June 2016. Notably, the secular values which are set out for prospective visa holders by the Australian government bear a remarkable similarity those principles which are espoused by the Unitarian Church of South Australia.
[2] Note that there are no apparent Quaker connections with the product “Quaker Oats”.
[3] Image extracted from Quaker Oats Website, www.quakeroats.com/products/hot-cereals/old-fashioned-oats.aspx. Accessed 8/6/16.
[4] This course, which is open to members and other interested persons, is based on a learning package prepared by the Quaker Study Centre in England, with the express purpose of grounding the faith and practice of contemporary Quakers.
[5] A 1988 survey of Unitarian Universalists in North America asked respondents what was the most important role their congregation had played in their lives. The response overwhelmingly was that the congregation supported “my views and upholds my values.” This, as Rasor points out, is “the most individualistic of the possible choices” (2005:87). 271 Excerpt from Rev Jo Lane’s Address at the Unitarian Church of South Australian on 18/11/07.
[6] Excerpt from Ingathering Service at the Unitarian Church of South Australia and conducted by Rev Jo Lane on 1/2/09. 273 Excerpt from a Naming Ceremony and Service held at the Unitarian Church of South Australia and conducted by R MacPherson on 24/11/13.
[7] Extracted from Fieldwork Notes.
[8] Excerpt from service held by Pastor R MacPherson 16/9/11 at Unitarian Church of South Australia.
[9] As Dumont (1994:187) states “individualism receives a curvature, which sends it back to the community”. See discussion on modernity in Introduction.
[10] This lends weight to Weber’s (2009) assertions regarding the linkage between asceticism and the Protestant ethic to the spirit of capitalism.
[11] By the end of the fieldwork period the minister had encouraged more group response. This has extended to a movement towards a more national Unitarian response on some matters of social justice.
[12] See Appendix B Figure 5.
[13] statement by the minister posted on S.A. Unitarian website http://users.picknowl.com.au/~unitarianssa/, (Accessed 21st October 2011).
[14] Statement of Unitarian principles set out on the Australian and New Zealand Unitarian Universalist Association’s website http://www.anzuua.org/anzua_alt/Unitarian%20Beliefs.htm. Accessed 28th November 2011.
[15] Quaker Testimony to Equality posted on The Quakers Australia Website, http://www.quakers.org.au/, Accessed 12th August 2011.
[16] See Chapter 1 for the Quaker response to World War One and compulsory military training; a response kept alive through their response to the centenary of these events.
[17] Quaker witness today displayed in public silent vigil in heart of Canberra during Australian Quakers Yearly Meeting gathering in 2009 which S.A. Quakers attended (image extracted from WW1 Exhibition Panel shown on Quakers Australia Website http://www.quakers.org.au. Accessed 25/2/16.
[18] S.A. Unitarian Church Website http://unitariansa.org.au/ (Accessed 9/2/17).
[19] SA Unitarian Church Website http://unitariansa.org.au/ (Accessed 9/2/17).
[20] Influencers Church has four churches in Adelaide and two in Atlanta. http://influencers.church/ (Accessed 1/2/17).
[21] Seemingly as a corrective to Hann’s view that meaning and belief are considered the prerogative of Western Christians, this study of Quakers and Unitarians has been biased more towards ritual and orthopraxy.
[22] There are an estimated 225-300 million adherents – mainly in the Balkans, Eastern Europe, and the Middle East. Quoted from the Assembly of Canonical Orthodox Bishops Australia and Oceania Website, http://www.orthodox.net.au/en/orthodox-australia. Accessed 15/10/17.
[23] Website of Adelaide- based Church called Significance Church. http://significancechurch.com.au/articles/adelaidecity-of-churches/ Accessed 8/2/17. Church was established in 2005.
