2023/08/12

Baopuzi - Wikipedia 포박자 抱朴子 일어 한역

Baopuzi - Wikipedia

Baopuzi
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Baopuzi
Traditional Chinese 抱樸子
Simplified Chinese 抱朴子

Literal meaning [Book of the] Master [Who] Embraces Simplicity

showTranscriptions

Laojun rushan fu 老君入山符 "Lord Lao's amulet for entering mountains" from Baopuzi Inner Chapter 17

The Baopuzi (simplified Chinese: 抱朴子; traditional Chinese: 抱樸子) is a literary work written by Ge Hong (also transliterated as Ko Hung) (葛洪), 283–343, a scholar during the turbulent Jin dynasty. Baopuzi is divided into two main sections, the esoteric Neipian (內篇) "Inner Chapters" and the section intended for the public to understand, Waipian (外篇) "Outer Chapters". The Taoist Inner Chapters discuss topics such as techniques to achieve "hsien" (仙) "immortality; transcendence", Chinese alchemy, elixirs, and demonology. The Confucian Outer Chapters discuss Chinese literature, Legalism, politics, and society.

Title[edit]

The eponymous title Baopuzi derives from Ge Hong's hao (號), the hao being a type of sobriquet or pseudonym. Baopuzi literally means "The Master Who Embraces Simplicity;"[1] compounded from the words bao (抱) meaning "embrace; hug; carry; hold in both arms; cherish"; pu (樸) meaning "uncarved wood", also being a Taoist metaphor for a "person's original nature; simple; plain"; and, zi (子) meaning "child; offspring; master (title of respect)". Baopu (Pao-p'u; literally:"Simplex"), is a classical allusion to the Tao Te Ching (19):


見素抱樸；少私寡欲。絕學無憂。
见素抱朴；少私寡欲。绝学无忧。
Xiàn sù bào pǔ; shǎo sī guǎ yù. Jué xué wú yōu.
Evince the plainness of undyed silk, embrace the simplicity of the unhewn log; lessen selfishness, diminish desires; abolish learning and you will be without worries.
— Tao Te Ching, 19. Translated by Victor Mair[2]

Ge Hong's autobiography explains his rationale for choosing his pen name Baopuzi.


洪之為人也，而騃野，性鈍口訥，形貌醜陋，而終不辯自矜飾也。冠履垢弊，衣或襤褸，而或不恥焉。俗之服用，俾而屢改，或忽廣領而大帶，或促身而修袖，或長裾曳地，或短不蔽腳。洪期於守常，不隨世變。言則率實，杜絕嘲戲，不得其人，終日默然。故邦人鹹稱之為抱朴之士。是以洪著書，因以自號焉。

I [Hong] am an unsophisticated person; dull by nature, and a stammerer. My physical frame is unpleasant to look at; and I am not competent enough to boast of myself and gloss over the defects. My hat and shoes are dirty; my clothes sometimes the worse for wear or patched; but this does not always bother me. Styles in clothing change too quickly and too often: One moment they are broad at the neck, and the belt is wide; another moment they fit tight and have big sleeves; then again they become long and sweep the ground, or short and do not cover the feet. I am an unsophisticated person, It has been my plan to preserve regularity and not to follow the whims of the world. My speech is frank and sincere; I engage in no banter. If I do not come upon the right person, I can spend the day in silence. This is the reason my neighbors call me Simplex (Pao-p'u), which name I have used as a sobriquet in my writings.[3][4]

Compare these autobiography translations:[5] "people all call me a pao-p'u scholar (i.e., one who keeps his basic nature, one who is unperturbed by the desires of the world)";[6] "among the people of his district there were those who called him "The Scholar Who Embraces Simplicity"." Wu and Davis noted, "This name has been translated Old Sober-Sides, but Dr. Wu considers that it has no satirical intent and would better be translated Solemn-Seeming Philosopher."[7] Fabrizio Pregadio translates "Master Who Embraces Spontaneous Nature".[8]

History[edit]

In comparison to many other Taoist texts, the origins of the Baopuzi are well documented. Ge completed the book during the era of Jianwu (建武), 317–318, when Emperor Yuan of Jin founded the Eastern Jin dynasty. Ge Hongu subsequently revised revised Baopuzi during the era of Xianhe (咸和), 326–334.

Ge Hong's autobiography (Outer Chapter 50) records writing the Baopuzi.


In my twenties I planned to compose some little things in order not to waste my time, for it seemed best to create something that would constitute the sayings of one sole thinker. This is when I outlined my philosophical writing, but it was also the moment when I became involved in armed rebellion and found myself wandering and scattered even farther afield, some of my things getting lost. Although constantly on the move, I did not abandon my brush again for a dozen or so years, so that at the age of 37 or 38 [A.D. 317-18] I found my work completed. In all, I have composed Nei p'ien in 20 scrolls, Wai p'ien in 50; … [list of other writings, totaling 310 scrolls] My Nei p'ien, telling of gods and genii, prescriptions and medicines, ghosts and marvels, transformations, maintenance of life, extension of years, exorcising evils, and banishing misfortune, belongs to the Taoist school. My Wai p'ien, giving an account of success and failure in human affairs and of good and evil in public affairs, belongs to the Confucian school.[9]

Compare the more literal translation of Davis and Ch'en, "I left off writing for ten and odd years, for I was constantly on the road, until the era Chien-wu 建武 (317-318 A.D.) when I got it ready."[5]

Ge's autobiography mentions his military service fighting rebels against the Jin dynasty, and successfully defending his hometown of Jurong (句容), in modern Zhenjiang, Jiangsu. In 330[10] Emperor Cheng of Jin granted Ge the fief of "Marquis of Guanzhong" with income from 200 Jurong households. Scholars believe Ge revised the Baopuzi during this period, sometime around 330[11] or 332.[7]

The Baopuzi consists of 70 pian (篇) "chapters; books" divided between the 20 "Inner Chapters" and 50 "Outer Chapters" (which can be compared with the Zhuangzi textual division). Nathan Sivin described it as "not one book but two, considerably different in theme". The Neipian and Waipian "led entirely separate physical existences; they were not combined under a single title until a millennium after Ko's time".[12]

The (1444–1445) Ming dynasty Daozang "Taoist canon" first printed the two Baopuzi parts together. This Zhengtong Daozang (正統道藏), or "Taoist Canon of the Zhengtong Era (1436-1450)", bibliographically categorized the Baopuzi under the Taiqing 太淸 "Supreme Clarity" section for alchemical texts. Daozang editions encompass six juan (卷 "scrolls; fascicles; volumes"), three each for the Inner and Outer Chapters. Most received versions of Baopuzi descend from this Ming Daozang text.
Content[edit]First Page of Baopuzi Inner Chapter 9

The Baopuzi's Inner and Outer Chapters discuss miscellaneous topics ranging from esotericism to social philosophy. The Inner Chapters discuss techniques to achieve hsien, also transcribed as "xian", (仙) "immortality; transcendence", Chinese alchemy, meditation, Daoyin exercises, Chinese herbology, demons and other spiritual creatures, and fu (符) "magic talismans". The Outer Chapters discuss Chinese philosophy, Confucianism, Legalism, government, politics, literature, scholarship, and include Ge's autobiography, which Waley called "the fullest document of this kind that early China produced".[13]

According to Ge Hong's autobiography, he divided the Inner and Outer Chapters on the distinction between Taoism and Confucianism. Ge philosophically described Taoism as the ben (本) "root; trunk; origin" and Confucianism as the mo (末) "tip; branch; end".[14] When asked, "Which has the priority, Confucianism or Taoism?" – Baopuzi replies, "Taoism is the very trunk of Confucianism, but Confucianism is only a branch of Taoism."

While the Baopuzi Inner and Outer Chapters differ in content, they share a general format with an unnamed interlocutor posing questions and Ge Hong providing answers. The conventional syntax is Huowen yue (或問曰) "Someone asked, saying" and Baopuzi da yue (抱樸子答曰) "Baopuzi answered, saying".
Inner Chapters[edit]

The twenty Neipian "Inner Chapters" record arcane techniques for achieving hsien "transcendence; immortality". These techniques span two types of Chinese alchemy that Tang dynasty scholars later differentiated into neidan 內丹 "internal elixir; internal alchemy" and waidan 外丹 "external elixir; external alchemy". The word dan 丹 "cinnabar; red; pellet; [Chinese medicine] pill" means "pill of immortality, or elixir of life. Ge Hong details his researches into the arts of transcendence and immortality. "Internal alchemy" concerns creating an "immortal body" within the corporeal body through both physiological methods (dietary, respiratory, martial, etc.) and mental practices (meditation, extracorporeal visualization, etc.). "External" or "laboratory alchemy" concerns compounding elixirs (esp. from minerals and metals), writing fu talismans or amulets, herbalism, and exorcism.

Lai outlines the Inner Chapters subjects:


(1) proofs of the per se existence of immortals and transcendent states of immortality of the body; (2) stipulation of the accessibility to the perfect state of long life to everyone, irrespective of one's social status but dependent on whether one could study deeply and strenuously cultivate the necessary esoteric methods; (3) elaboration of diverse esoteric techniques leading one to become a hsien-immortal; and (4) descriptions and criticism of the diverse contemporary Taoist discourses and sects.[15]

Several chapters have specific themes. Chapters 4, 8, 11, and 16 describe waidan "external alchemy". Inner Chapter 18 details meditation practices. In Chapter 19, Ge Hong praises his master Zheng Yin 鄭隱 (c. 215 – c. 302), catalogs Taoist books, and lists talismans.[16]

Table 1: The Neipian 內篇 "Inner Chapters"NumberPinyinCharactersTranslation[17]
1 Changxuan 暢玄 Defining the Mysterious
2 Lunxian 論仙 About Immortals
3 Duisu 對俗 Rejoinders to Popular Conceptions
4 Jindan 金丹 Gold and Cinnabar [pill of immortality]
5 Zhili 至理 The Ultimate Order
6 Weizhi 微旨 The Meaning of "Subtle"
7 Sainan 塞難 Countering Objections
8 Shizhi 釋滯 Resolving Obstructions
9 Daoyi 道意 The Meaning of "the Way"
10 Mingben 明本 Clarifying the Basic [Confucian and Taoist differences]
11 Xianyao 仙藥 The Medicine of Immortality
12 Bianwen 辨問 Discerning Questions
13 Jiyan 極言 The Ultimate Words [regarding immortality]
14 Qinqiu 勤求 Diligently Seeking [for a teacher]
15 Zaying 雜應 Miscellaneous Answers
16 Huangbai 黃白 Yellow and White [gold and silver]
17 Dengshe 登涉 Climbing [Mountains] and Crossing [Rivers]
18 Dizhen 地眞 The Terrestrial Truth
19 Xialan 遐覽 Broad Overview [of Taoist literature]
20 Quhuo 袪惑 Allaying Doubts


Many scholars have praised the Inner Chapters. Joseph Needham, who called Ge Hong "the greatest alchemist in Chinese history", quoted the following passage about medicines from different biological categories.[18]


Interlocutor: Life and death are predetermined by fate and their duration is normally fixed. Life is not something any medicine can shorten or lengthen. A finger that has been cut off cannot be joined on again and expected to continue growing. Blood from a wound, though swallowed, is of no benefit. Therefore, it is most inappropriate to approve of taking such nonhuman substances as pine or thuya [cypress] to protract the brief span of life.
Ko: According to your argument, a thing is beneficial only if it belongs to the same category as that which is treated. … If we followed your suggestion and mistrusted things of a different type, we would be obliged to crush flesh and smelt bone to prepare a medicine for wounds, or to fry skin and roast hair to treat baldness. Water and soil are not of the same substance as the various plants; yet the latter rely upon them for growth. The grains are not of the same species as living men; yet living men need them in order to stay alive. Fat is not to be classed with fire, nor water with fish, yet when there is no more fat the fires dies, and when there is no more water, fish perish. (3)[19]

Needham evaluated this passage, "Admittedly there is much in the Pao Phu Tzu which is wild, fanciful and superstitious, but here we have a discussion scientifically as sound as anything in Aristotle, and very much superior to anything which the contemporary occident could produce."[20]

In addition to quoting early alchemical texts, the Inner Chapters describe Ge Hong's laboratory experiments. Wu and Davis mention the Baopuzi formula for making mosaic gold "a golden crystalline powder used as a pigment" from Ch'ih Yen 赤鹽 "red crystal salt" (produced from amethyst, calcite crystal, and alum[21]) and Hwei Chih 灰汁 "limewater".


The description of one process deserves special discussion, for it evidently concerns the preparation of stannic sulfide or "mosaic gold" and is perhaps the earliest known description of the preparation of this interesting substance. Mosaic gold exists in flakes or leaflets which have the color and the luster of gold, it does not tarnish, and is used at present for bronzing radiators, gilding picture frames and similar purposes. As Ko Hung describes the process, "tin sheets, each measuring six inches square by one and two-tenths inches thick, are covered with a one-tenth inch layer of a mud-like mixture of Ch'ih Yen (Red Salt) and Hwei Chih (potash-water, limewater), ten pounds of tin to every four of Ch'ih Yen." They are then heated in a sealed earthenware pot for thirty days with horse manure (probably with a smoldering fire of dried manure). "All the tin becomes ash like and interspersed with bean-like pieces which are the yellow gold." The large portion of the metallic tin is converted into some ash-like compound or possibly into the ash-like allotropic modification, gray tin. A small portion of the tin is converted into bean-sized aggregates of flaky stannic sulfide. The yield is poor, for the author says that "twenty ounces of gold are obtained from every twenty pounds of tin used."[22]

The authors add, "It seems likely that Ko Hung was personally experienced in the chemistry of tin, for the Chinese say that he was the first to make tin foil and that he made magic or spirit money out of it."
Outer Chapters[edit]

The fifty Waipian "Outer Chapters" are more diffuse than the Inner ones. Ge Hong diversely wrote essays on Jin dynasty issues of philosophy, morality, politics, and society. This Baopuzi portion details everyday problems among Han dynasty northerners who fled into southern China after the fall of Luoyang.

Some of the Outer Chapters are thematically organized. Ge Hong wrote chapters 46, 47, and 48 to dispute three adversaries. Kuo Tai 郭太 (128-169) founded of the Qingtan "pure conversation" school; Ni Heng 禰衡 (173-198) was an infamously arrogant official of Ts'ao Ts'ao; and Pao Ching-yen 鮑敬言 (ca. 405-ca. 466) was an early anarchist philosopher.
Table 2: The Waipian 外篇 "Outer Chapters"NumberPinyinCharactersTranslation[23]
1 Jiadun 嘉遯 Praising Eremitism
2 Yimin 逸民 Rusticating People
3 Xuxue 勖學 Encouraging Study
4 Chongjiao 崇敎 Respecting Education
5 Jundao 君道 The Way of the Ruler
6 Chenjie 臣節 The Integrity of the Ministers
7 Lianggui 良規 Good Regulations
8 Shinan 時難 Averting Difficulties at the Right Time
9 Guanli 官理 The Right Order among the Officials
10 Wuzheng 務正 The Correct Use of Instruments
11 Guixian 貴賢 Esteeming Wise People
12 Renneng 任能 Employing the Able
13 Qinshi 欽士 Respecting Well-Minded Subjects
14 Yongxing 用刑 Employing Punishments
15 Shenju 審擧 Examining Promotions
16 Jiaoji 交際 Keeping Company
17 Beique 備闕 Encountering Deficiencies
18 Zhuocai 擢才 Promoting Talents
19 Renming 任命 Employing Orders
20 Mingshi 名實 Name and Reality
21 Qingjian 淸鑒 The Pure Mirror
22 Xingpin 行品 Using Official Ranks
23 Misong 弭訟 Ending Disputes
24 Jiujie 酒誡 Admonitions on Alcohol
25 Jimiu 疾謬 Pointing out Faults
26 Jihuo 譏惑 Censuring Muddleheadedness
27 Cijiao 刺驕 Criticizing Arrogance
28 Baili 百里 Hundred Miles
29 Jieshu 接疏 Meeting Visitors
30 Junshi 鈞世 Equalizing Generations
31 Shengfan 省煩 Decreasing Vexations
32 Shangbo 尙博 Valuing Breadth of Learning
33 Hanguo 漢過 The Faults of Han
34 Wushi 吳失 The Failings of Wu
35 Shouji 守塉 Guarding Barren Land
36 Anpin 安貧 Content with Poverty
37 Renming 仁明 Benevolence and Brilliance
38 Boyu 博喻 Extensive Analogies
39 Guangpi 廣譬 Vast Examples
40 Ciyi 辭義 Writings and Ideas
41 Xunben 循本 Abiding by Basics
42 Yingchao 應嘲 Responding to Ridicule
43 Yupi 喻蔽 Clarifying Obscurities
44 Baijia 百家 The Hundred Schools
45 Wenxing 文行 Cultivated Behavior
46 Zheng Guo 正郭 Correcting Guo [Tai]
47 Tan Ni 彈禰 Accusing Ni [Heng]
48 Jie Bao 詰鮑 Bao [Jingyan]
49 Zhizhi, Qiongda, Chongyan 知止, 窮達, 重言 Knowing When to Stop, Obscurity and Eminence, Reduplicated Words
50 Zixu 自敘 Autobiography

Translations[edit]

The Baopuzi has been translated into English, Italian, German, and Japanese. There exist more English translations of the twenty Inner Chapters than of the fifty Outer Chapters.

The Inner Chapters have several partial translations. Tenney L. Davis, professor of organic chemistry at Massachusetts Institute of Technology, collaborated on first translations of the Inner Chapters relevant to the history of alchemy. Wu and Davis translated chapters 4 "On the Gold Medicine" and 16 "On the Yellow and White" (i.e., gold and silver).[24] Davis and Ch'en[25] translated chapters 8 "Overcoming Obstructions" and 11 "On Hsien Medicines", and provided paraphrases or summaries of the remaining Inner Chapters. The German sinologist Eugene Feifel [de] made English translations of chapters 1–3,[26] 4,[27] and 11.[28] More recently, excerpts from the Inner Chapters are quoted by Verellen[29] and Pregadio.[30]

The Inner Chapters have one complete translation by James R. Ware,[31] which also includes Ge Hong's autobiography from Outer Chapter 50.[32] Several reviewers censured the quality of Ware's translation, for instance, Kroll called it "at times misguided".[33] Huard's and Wong's[34] critical assessment of Ware was criticized in turn by Sivin.[35] "Their review, nonetheless, can only be described as perfunctory. Only the forematter and endmatter of Ware's book are evaluated, and that in a curiously cursory fashion."

Translating the fundamental Taoist word Tao ("way; path; principle") as English God is a conspicuous peculiarity of Ware's Baopuzi version. The Introduction gives a convoluted Christian justification, first quoting J.J.L. Duyvendak's translation of Tao Te Ching 25, "Its rightful name I do not know, but I give It the sobriquet Tao (= God). If a rightful name is insisted upon, I would call It Maximal."


Then, upon noticing that Tao Te Ching, verse 34, is willing to call the Something "Minimal," every schoolman would have understood that the Chinese author was talking about God, for only in God do contraries become identical! Accordingly, the present translator will always render this use of the term Tao by God. In doing so, he keeps always in mind as the one and only definition the equation establishable from Exod. 3:13-15 and Mark 12:26-27, to mention only two very clear statements. It will be recalled that in the first God says, "My name is I am, I live, I exist," while the second reads, "God is not of the dead but of the living." Therefore, God = Life or Being.[36]

Ware admitted his God for Dao translation cannot be applied consistently.


It is clear that the word tao appears frequently in this text not as a designation of God but of the process by which God is to be approximated or attained. In such cases I shall translate it as "the divine process." In instances where either this or "God" would be appropriate, a translator is obliged to be arbitrary. The term tao shih is rendered "processor"; hsien is translated "genie" rather than "immortal".[37]

These Chinese words are Tao-shih' 道士 ("Taoist priest or practitioner" )and "hsien" 仙 ("immortal; transcendent".) Ho Peng-Yoke, an authority in the History of science and technology in China, criticized Ware's translations.


It may be true that in certain areas the concept of Tao overlaps with the definition and attributes of God, or for that matter with those of Allah, for example oneness and eternity. However, there is the danger of the analogy being pushed too far. Similarly, the reader might be warned that "Genii," as used for rendering the word hsien, does not convey the concept of some supernatural slaves as found in the lamp and the ring of the Thousand-and-One Nights. The reviewer prefers the terminology used by Tenny L. Davis, i.e. Tao left untranslated and "immortal" for hsien.[38]

Nevertheless, Ho's review concluded with praise. "Professor Ware is to be congratulated for bringing out the translation of a most difficult Chinese Taoist text in a very readable form. One cannot find another text that gives so much useful and authoritative information on alchemy and Taoism in fourth-century China."

Ge Hong wrote the Baopuzi in elegant Classical Chinese grammar and terminology, but some Inner Chapter contexts are difficult to translate. Comparing three versions of this passage listing hsien medicines illustrates the complex translation choices.


The best hsien medicine is cinnabar. Others in the order of decreasing excellence are gold, silver, ch'ih, the five jades, mica, pearl, realgar, t'ai i yü yü liang, shih chung huang tzu 石中黃子 (literally yellow nucleus in stone), shih kuei 石桂 (stony cinnamon), quartz, shih nao 石腦, shih liu huang 石硫黃 (a kind of raw sulfur), wild honey and tseng ch'ing. (11)[39]


Medicines of superior quality for immortality are: cinnabar; next comes gold, then follows silver, then the many chih, then the five kinds of jade, then mica, then ming-chu, then realgar, then brown hematite, then conglomerate masses of brown hematite, then stone cassia (?), then quartz, then paraffin, then sulphur, then wild honey, then malachite (stratified variety)[40]


At the top of the genie's pharmacopoeia stands cinnabar. Second comes gold; third, silver, fourth, excresences; fifth, the jades; sixth, mica; seventh, pearls; eighth, realgar; ninth, brown hematite; tenth, conglomerated brown hematite; eleventh, quartz; twelfth, rock crystal; thirteenth, geodes; fourteenth, sulphur; fifteenth, wild honey; and sixteenth, laminar malachite.[41]

The Baoppuzi Outer Chapters have one partial translation into English. Jay Sailey[42] translated 21 of the 50 chapters: 1, 3, 5, 14–15, 20, 24–26, 30–34, 37, 40, 43–44, 46–47, and 50. In addition, Sailey included appendices on "Buddhism and the Pao-p'u-tzu", "Biography of Ko Hung" from the Jin Shu, and "Recensions" of lost Baopuzi fragments quoted in later texts.[43][33] gave a mixed review, "Although Sailey's renderings frequently obscure Ko Hung's carefully polished diction and nuance, they reliably convey the sense of the original and should be a substantial boon to Western students of medieval Chinese thought and culture."
Significance[edit]

For centuries, traditional scholars have revered the Baopuzi as canonical Taoist scripture, but in recent years, modern scholars have reevaluated the text's veracity.

Traditional scholarship viewed the Baopuzi, especially the Inner Chapters, as a primary textual source for early Chinese waidan "external alchemy". Wu and Davis described it as,


probably the widest known and highest regarded of the ancient Chinese treatises on alchemy. It has been preserved for us as part of the Taoist canon. It shows us the art matured by five or six centuries of practice, having its traditional heroes and an extensive literature, its technique and philosophy now clearly fixed, its objectives and pretentions established. This art the author examines in a hardheaded manner and expounds in language which is remarkably free from subterfuge.[44]

Arthur Waley praised Ge Hong's rational attitude toward alchemy.


Nowhere in Pao P'u Tzu's book do we find the hierophantic tone that pervades most writings on alchemy both in the East and in the West. He uses a certain number of secret terms, such as 金公 "metal-lord" and 河車 "river chariot", both of which mean lead; and 河上她女 "the virgin on the river", which means mercury … But his attitude is always that of a solidly educated layman examining claims which a narrow-minded orthodoxy had dismissed with contempt.[45]

In the estimation of Ho,[38] the Baopuzi is a "more important" alchemical text than Wei Boyang's (ca. 142) Cantong qi 參同契 "The Kinship of the Three". The Baopuzi mentions a Neijing 內經 "Inner Classic" by Wei Boyang, but curiously does not mention Wei's Cantong ji.

Modern scholarship has taken another look at the Baopuzi. Sivin demeans the text's significance.


The Inner Chapters are anything but the writings of a Taoist man of wisdom or organizer for his disciples or for other initiates. This book is a vast trove of commonplaces and hearsay about popular beliefs in which Ko's few incontestably Taoist texts play an essential but small part. Its goal is not to catalog, synthesize, or provide a handbook of techniques. It is rather a dialog in which Ko hurls scattershot against a skeptical anonymous interlocutor. The Inner Chapters are a one-issue book. Ko seeks to convince his questioner, and thereby his readers, that immortality is a proper object of study and is attainable – not only by the ancients but in his own time, not only by a destined few but by anyone with enough faith to undertake arduous and dangerous disciplines. The devotion that Ko calls for implies wholesale acceptance of legends, myths, tales of prodigies, magical beliefs, religious faiths – practically every belief current in the popular imagination of Ko's time and the inverse in almost every sense of what "fundamentalist Confucian" humanists considered worthy of thought (but then they were no longer setting the intellectual style).[46]

Sivin sarcastically compares Ge Hong, "an obsessed bookman and indiscriminate lore-collector", with Alan Watts. "Ko's style was rather than of a pedantic purveyor of occultism to the upper class. I can only think of him as the Alan Watts of his time." However, James Benn observes, "This judgement is perhaps not as damning as Professor Sivin intended. Certainly, one would not now go to Watts in the hope of learning much about Taoism, but a close study of his work would tell us a great deal about perceptions and presuppositions concerning Asian religions in mid-twentieth century America. Like Watts and others of his generation it is true that Ge Hong did see religion as a personal matter, and he seems to have approached it from the point of view of a fan or enthusiast more than as an initiate."[47]

Chi-Tim Lai interprets the Inner Chapters as a "new discourse" on hsien"-immortality through personal salvation and perfection, contrasting with the traditional "imperial discourse" that only the rich could afford to achieve a state of hsien."[48] For example, histories record that both Qin Shi Huang and Emperor Wu of Han dispatched imperial naval expeditions to obtain the "elixir of immortality" from mythical Mount Penglai. "That is, an individual's self-perfection is only dependent upon ascetic, mystic, and ethical behavior. Since it is a new religious discourse supposedly open to all people, the quest for a prolonged life is no longer the preserve of the wealthy and powerful."


According to Ko Hung, the hsien-immortals who can achieve the complete avoidance of death rarely come from the social groups of worthies, emperors, or sages. Hence, he implies that hsien-immortality are distinctive "human" ideal values to be pursued and potentially achieved by anyone. In the first, in order to differentiate the ideal values of hsien-immortal from this worldly worthies and powers, Ko Hung says, "Those who attained immortal were almost all poor and lowly. They were not men of position and power."' Second, in placing the ideal of hsien-immortality out of the reach of imperial figures, Ko Hung rebukes emperors such as the First Emperor of the Ch'in and Emperor Han-wu-ti, who were "models" of seeking for immortality in ancient Chinese history and literature, by saying, "These two emperors had a hollow reputation for wanting immortality, but they never experienced the reality of cultivating the Tao."[49]

Ge Hong quotes his teacher Zheng Yin's explanation that poverty forces Tao-shi ("Taoist practitioners") seeking hsien techniques to engage in the difficulties and dangers of alchemy.


Then I asked further, "Why should we not eat the gold and silver which are already in existence instead of taking the trouble to make them? What are made will not be real gold and silver but just make-believes." Said Cheng Chun in reply, "The gold and silver which are found in the world are suitable for the purpose. But Tao-shih are all poor; witness the adage that Hsien are never stout and Tao-shih never rich. Tao-shih usually go in groups of five or ten, counting the teacher and his disciples. Poor as they are, how can they be expected to get the necessary gold and silver? Furthermore they cannot cover the great distances to gather the gold and silver which occur in nature. The only thing left for them to do is to make the metals themselves". (16)[50]

Ware translates this adage, "There are no fat genii and no rich processors".[51]

For a wealthy person seeking hsien (transcendence), Ge Hong recommends compounding jinyi 金液 (lit. "gold liquid/fluid") "golden liquor" in a huachi 花池 (lit. "flower pond"), "a vinegar solvent" (fortified with saltpeter[52]). This is simpler to produce than traditional jiuding 九鼎 "nine tripods" elixirs (attributed to the Yellow Emperor), but more expensive – eight doses cost 400,000 cash.


It is true that the nine medicines are the best of Hsien medicines. Yet the materials for their compounding are quite numerous. They are easily procurable only in large cities which have good facilities for communication, but are not to be obtained at other places. Furthermore, in the compounding of the medicines, the fires should be tended for tens of days and nights with industrious application and close adjustment, which is a great difficulty. The compounding of the Gold Fluid is much easier. There the only thing which is difficult is to get the gold. One pound in the old measure is equivalent to two in our contemporary measure. Such a quantity of gold would cost only some three hundred thousand cash. The other auxiliary materials are easy to procure. In the compounding, no fire is required. All that needs to be done is to have the mixture in a Hua Ch'ih (Flower Pond) for the necessary number of days. A total expenditure of four hundred thousand cash will make an amount large enough to transform eight persons into Hsien. Just as no wine is formed by the fermentation of small quantities of rice, so small quantities of materials will not be able to interact to give the medicine. (4)[53]

Pregadio says recent studies show Ge's intent was "glorifying the religious and ritual legacy of Jiangnan 江南 (the region south of the lower Yangtze River), emphasizing the superiority of certain traditions over others, and enhancing their prestige among the social elite to which Ge Hong belonged."[54] Nonetheless, Pregadio concludes,


Ge Hong's testimony deserves attention as a valuable overview of the religious traditions of Jiangnan just before the Way of the Celestial Masters (Tianshi dao) spread to that area, soon followed by the Shangqing and Lingbao revelations. From this point of view, the Baopuzi documents important links between the earlier and later history of Taoism, as it also does for medicine and other fields.[55]

References[edit]

Davis, Tenney; Ch'en, Kuo-fu (December 1941). "The Inner Chapters of Pao-p'u-tzu". Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. 74 (10). pp. 297-325 (chaps. 8 and 11). doi:10.2307/20023410. JSTOR 20023410.
Feifel, Eugene (1946). "Pao-p'u tzu 抱朴子 nei-p'ien 內臂， chapter XI". Monumenta Serica. Taylor & Francis. 11: 1–32. ISSN 0179-261X. JSTOR 40725995.
Lai, Chi-tim (1998). "Ko Hung's Discourse of Hsien Immortality: A Taoist Configuration of an Alternate Ideal Self-Identity". Numen. E.J. Brill. 45 (2): 183–220. doi:10.1163/1568527981588331. JSTOR 3270186.
Needham, Joseph (1956). Science and Civilization in China: Volume 2, History of Scientific Thought. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521058001.
Pregadio, Fabrizio (2006). Great Clarity: Daoism and Alchemy in Early Medieval China. Stanford University Press. ISBN 9780804751773.
Sailey, Jay (1978). The Master Who Embraces Simplicity: A study of the philosopher Ko Hung, A.D. 283-343. Chinese Materials Center. ISBN 0-89644-522-4.
Sivin, Nathan (1969). "On the Pao P'u Tzu Nei Pien and the Life of Ko Hong (283-343)". Isis. The University of Chicago Press. 60 (3 - Autumn): 388–391. doi:10.1086/350510. JSTOR 229495. PMID 4919834. S2CID 32677026.
Waley, Arthur (1930). "Notes on Chinese Alchemy ("Supplementary to Johnson's" A Study of Chinese Alchemy)". Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies. Cambridge University Press. 6 (1): 1–24. doi:10.1017/S0041977X00090911. JSTOR 607294. S2CID 191324421.
Alchemy, Medicine and Religion in the China of A.D. 320: The Nei Pien of Ko Hung. Translated by Ware, James R. MIT Press. 1966. ISBN 9780262230223.
Wu, Lu-ch’iang; Davis, Tenney (December 1935). "An Ancient Chinese Alchemical Classic. Ko Hung on the Gold Medicine and on the Yellow and the White". Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. 70 (6): 221–284 (chaps. 4 and 16). doi:10.2307/20023134. JSTOR 20023134.

Footnotes

  1. ^ Puett, Michael (2007). "Humans, Spirits, and Sages in Chinese Late Antiquity: Ge Hong's Master Who Embraces Simplicity (Baopuzi)", in Extrême-Orient, Extrême-Occident, 29, pp. 95-119.
  2. ^ Tr. Mair, Victor H. 1990. Tao Te Ching: The Classic Book of Integrity and the Way, by Lao Tzu; an entirely new translation based on the recently discovered Ma-wang-tui manuscripts. Bantam Books. p. 181.
  3. ^ Baopuzi, "Outer Chapters (外篇), 52 Autobiography (自敘)," 8
  4. ^ Ware 1966, p. 10.
  5. ^ Jump up to:a b Davis & Ch'en 1941, p. 301.
  6. ^ Sailey 1978, p. 251.
  7. ^ Jump up to:a b Wu & Davis 1935, p. 224.
  8. ^ Pregadio 2006, p. 2.
  9. ^ Tr. Ware 1966, p. 17, cf. Sailey 1978, p. 264.
  10. ^ Ware 1966, p. 20.
  11. ^ Komjathy, Louis. 2004. Daoist Texts in Translation. p. 22.
  12. ^ Sivin 1969, p. 389.
  13. ^ Waley 1930, p. 10.
  14. ^ Inner Chapter 10, tr. Ware 1966, p. 165.
  15. ^ Lai 1998, pp. 191–2.
  16. ^ Ware 1966, pp. 379–85.
  17. ^ Adapted from Ware 1966.
  18. ^ Needham 1956, p. 437.
  19. ^ Ware 1966, pp. 61–2.
  20. ^ Needham 1956, p. 439.
  21. ^ Ware 1966, p. 273.
  22. ^ Wu & Davis 1935, p. 232.
  23. ^ Adapted from Sailey 1978.
  24. ^ Wu & Davis 1935.
  25. ^ Davis & Ch'en 1941.
  26. ^ Feifel, Eugene (1941). "Pao-p'u tzu 抱朴子 nei-p'ien 內臂， chapters I-III". Monumenta Serica. Taylor & Francis. 6 (1/2): 113–211. ISSN 0179-261X. JSTOR 40725239.
  27. ^ Feifel, Eugene (1944). "Pao-p'u tzu 抱朴子 nei-p'ien 內臂， chapter IV". Monumenta Serica. Taylor & Francis. 9: 1–33. ISSN 0179-261X. JSTOR 40726375.
  28. ^ Feifel 1946.
  29. ^ Verellen, Franciscus. 1999 . "The Master Who Embraces Simplicity," in Sources of Chinese Tradition, edited by Wm. Theodore de Bary and Irene Bloom, pp. 399-400, Columbia University Press.
  30. ^ Pregadio 2006.
  31. ^ Ware 1966.
  32. ^ Ware 1966, pp. 6–21.
  33. ^ Jump up to:a b Kroll, Paul W. January 1982. "Reviewed Work: The Master Who Embraces Simplicity: A Study of the Philosopher Ko Hung, A. D. 283-343 by Jay Sailey" Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews 4.1:139-140.
  34. ^ Huard, Pierre and Ming Wong. 1968. "Review [of Ware 1966]", Isis 59:113-4.
  35. ^ Sivin 1969, p. 388.
  36. ^ Ware 1966, pp. 1–2.
  37. ^ Ware 1966, p. 3.
  38. ^ Jump up to:a b Ho Peng-Yoke. November 1967. "Reviewed Work: Alchemy, Medicine and Religion in the China of A.D. 320. The Nei P'ien of Ko Hung. by James R. Ware," The Journal of Asian Studies 27.1:144-145. p. 145.
  39. ^ Tr. Davis & Ch'en 1941, p. 311.
  40. ^ Tr. Feifel 1946, p. 2.
  41. ^ Ware 1966, p. 178.
  42. ^ Sailey 1978.
  43. ^ Sailey 1978, pp. 509–45.
  44. ^ Wu & Davis 1935, p. 221.
  45. ^ Waley 1930, p. 13.
  46. ^ Sivin, Nathan. 1978. "On the Word "Taoist" as a Source of Perplexity. With Special Reference to the Relations of Science and Religion in Traditional China", History of Religions 17:303-330. p. 325.
  47. ^ Benn, James A. 2003. "Review [of Campany's To Live As Long As Heaven and Earth: Ge Hong’s Traditions of Divine Transcendents]," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 13.1:138-140.
  48. ^ Lai 1998, p. 199.
  49. ^ Lai 1998, pp. 210.
  50. ^ Tr. Wu & Davis 1935, pp. 260–1.
  51. ^ Ware 1966, p. 268.
  52. ^ Ware 1966, p. 347.
  53. ^ Tr. Wu & Davis 1935, p. 251.
  54. ^ Pregadio 2006, p. 215.
  55. ^ Pregadio 2006, p. 217.
Further reading[edit]

Hu Fuchen. 1991. Baopuzi neipian yanjiu (Research on the Inner Chapters of The Master Embracing Simplicity). Xinhua chubanshe.
Kominami Ichirō 小南一郎, 1978. "Gishin jidai no shinsen shisō: Shinsenden o chushin toshite", in Yamada Keiji (ed.), Chugoku no kagaku to kagakusha, Kyoto daigaku jimbun kagaku kenkyujo, pp. 573–626. (in Japanese)
Lin Lixue. 1980. Baopuzi nei wai pian sixiang xi lun (An Analysis of the Thought of the Inner and Outer Chapters of The Master Embracing Simplicity). Xuesheng.
Poo, Mu-chou. 2005. "A Taste of Happiness: Contextualizing Elixirs in Baopuzi," in Roel Sterckx ed., Of Tripod and Palate: Food, Politics and Religion in Traditional China, Palgrave, 123–139.

External links[edit]

Chinese Wikisource has original text related to this article:


===

포박자

위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.

도교
기본교의
수행과 의식
인물
신선
역사와 종파
경전
성지
지역별

《포박자》(抱朴子)는 중국 동진(東晋, 317∼419) 시대 학자인 갈홍(葛洪)이 동한(후한) 때의 위백양(魏伯陽)이란 사람이 220년쯤에 저술한 '주역 삼동계'에서 전개한 역(易)의 이론에 신선도(神仙道)의 이론과 방법을 확립시켜 저술한 내용으로 도교에서 춘추전국시대 이후 전해 내려오는 신선에 관한 이론을 집대성한 책으로 알려져 있다.

구성[편집]

《포박자》는 내편(內篇) 20, 외편(外篇) 30의 총 50편으로 짜여 있고 내편은 도교와 깊은 관계가 있으나 외편은 유서(儒書)로서 세간(世間)의 이해득실을 논한 저술로 구성돼 있다.[1][2]

각주[편집]

  1. ↑ “박정진의 차맥, 조선의 선비 차인들 ④ 한재 이목”. 세계일보. 2012년 9월 24일. 2013년 6월 15일에 확인함. 이름 목록에서 |이름1=이(가) 있지만 |성1=이(가) 없음 (도움말)
  2. ↑ 강성률 (2009). 《청소년을 위한 동양철학사 한 권으로 끝내는 동양철학 이야기》. 평단문화사. ISBN 9788973432943.

같이 보기[편집]

참고 문헌[편집]

이 글은 책에 관한 토막글입니다. 여러분의 지식으로 알차게 문서를 완성해 갑시다.

===

抱朴子

보푸자

출처 : 무료 백과 사전 "Wikipedia (Wikipedia)"
도교
도교
베이스
도교의 역사  · 도  · 덕  · 무극  · 태극  · 음양  · 5 행  · 기  · 내단술  · 무위
고전
Lao Tzu의 Dao De Ji  · Xiaozi Nanhua Zhenji  · Liezi  · Shantongqi · Baopuzi  · Huang Tingji · Durenji · Qingjingji · Yunji Seven Signs · Daozu         
불멸
산칭  · 옥황 상제  · 황제  · 시왕목 · 칠선녀 · 팔선 · 관우 · 항아 · 마조 · 중규 · 뇌공 · 전무 · 오계 무 · 북두흥군 · 구천원뇌성 보편화 천준 · 남두흥군 · 남두흥군 · 북극의 자위제 · 태상도군 · 수아 · 남극노인 · 오독장군 · 유 맹장군 · 홍정자 · 오역사 · 이십사천 · 이십 팔천 · 수 노인 · 태상노군 ·                                                  항아  · 구천 심오한 소녀  · 용왕  · 다른 신들
수치
노자  · 소자  · 장령 ·  장교 · 위 보양 · 게홍 · 서순 · 구 천지 · 루 수정 · 도홍 경 · 손사 미아오 · 첸투안 · 오조 치진 · 왕충 양 · 구창춘 · 장삼봉                       
종파
쌀 다섯 통 도교  , Qibao 학교  , Shangqing 학교  , Chongxuan 학교  , Jingming 도교 ,  Quanzhen 가르치는 , Zhengyi 가르치는 , Huashan 학교   
성소
Dongtian  , Taoyuan  , Penglai  , Yushan  , Wonderland  , Dragon Palace  , Fude Island

『포박자』(호박)는 진의 갈홍 의 저서. 내편 20편, 외편 50편이 전해진다.

특히 내편은 신선술에 관한 여러 설을 집대성한 것으로, 후세의 도교 에 강한 영향을 미쳤다.

개요 [ 편집 ]

포박자는 갈홍의 호 이며, 소박한 성격이었기 때문에 붙여졌다 [1] . '포박자'의 본문의 대부분은 '포박자웬'으로 시작된다.

가시홍은 할아버지가 삼국시대 오의 나라 에서 장관에게까지 올라 아버지도 지방장관에 붙었다는 장교의 가계에서 태어났다. 갈홍의 할아버지 사촌 갈현 은 오 의 유명한 도사로 좌 자의 제자였다. 갈홍은 갈현의 제자인 정은 에 배우고 나중에 다시鮑靚(자는 태현)에 사사했다 [2] . 『포박자』는 갈홍이 20세를 넘었을 무렵에 쓰기 시작해, 동진 의 건무 원년(317년)에 완성했다 [3] .

현행 책은 70편으로 구성된다(외편의 제49편이 3개로 나누어져 있기 때문에, 72편으로 세는 경우도 있다). 자서에도 내편 20권, 외편 50권으로 하지만, 「신서」에 의하면, 내편 과 외편을 합쳐 116편 있었다고 한다 [4] . 『예문류정』에는 현행의 『포박자』로 보이지 않는 군술편을 인용하고 있어 [5] , 일편·일문이 있는 것은 확실하다.

내편은 선인이 되기 위한 수행 방법에 대해 적고 외편은 그 이외의 잡다한 일을 적는다.

' 수서 ' 경적지 에서는 내편을 도가 , 외편을 잡가 로 분류하고 있다. 『구당서』 『신당서』 『통지』도 마찬가지이다. 한편 ' 송사 '는 전편을 잡가로 분류하고, ' 4고전서 총목제요 '는 전편을 도가에 넣는다.

"Baopuzi"남송 왕조 판

내편 [ 편집 ]

내편은 20편으로 이루어진다. 각 제목은 다음과 같습니다.

  • Changxuan, On Immortals, Comparison to the Customs, Golden Elixir, Zhili, Micro-purpose, Forbidden, Immortal, Daoyi, Mingben
  • 선요・본문・극단어・친추・雑応・황백・덩이・지진・이아초・혼란 해소

그 밖에 「별지」라고 하는 편이 있지만, 손성교 는 이것을 후세의 추가로서 제외하고, 통상은 이것에 따른다.

갈홍은 우선 사람이 선인이 될 수 있는 것, 선술이 실재하는 것을 논증하고 있다. 평범한 사람이 선인이 된 것은 많은 문헌에 실려 있기 때문에 믿을 수 있다고 하고, 또 인류는 만물의 영장이기 때문에 수명으로 학이나 거북이를 넘을 수 있다고 한다[6 ] .

선술 가운데 갈홍이 가장 중시하는 것은 김탄으로, 김탄의 복용에 의해서만 영원한 생명을 얻을 수 있다고 한다(김단편). 금탄은 단사 (천연의 황화수은)를 재료로서 얻어지는 환단과 황금을 재료로 하는 금액을 사용한다 [7] . 김탄의 강조는 '포박자' 이전에는 볼 수 없다 [8] [9] . 『포박자』는 연금술 에 대해서도 말해, 단사에서 황금을 얻을 수 있다고 하지만, 재료를 입수할 수 없기 때문에 실제로는 만들지 않았다고 한다(황백편).

그러나 금단의 수술을 달성하는 것은 쉽지 않기 때문에, 다른 수술을 병용하는 것으로 수명을 늘려야 한다고 한다(미지편). 『포박자』가 다루고 있는 선술에는 도인·행기(체조와 호흡법) [10] , 방중술 , 음식의 절제, 약물의 섭취, 부적, 정신통일이 있다(지리편) , 특히 도인·방중·단약의 3개를 중시한다(석체편) [11] . 지진편에 보이는 「수일」은 일종의 명상법으로, 나중에 도교의 중요한 수행법으로서 취해졌다 [12] .

'포박자'의 특징으로는 선술의 실천뿐만 아니라 충효·화순·인신 등 유가적인 덕목을 포함한 선행에 힘쓸 필요가 있다는 점이 있다. 『포박자』는 위서 를 뽑아 체내의 삼봉 이 망신 의 날에 사명신에게 사람의 악사를 호소하고, 쫓는 신도 설날에 사명신에게 악사를 호소 한다는 설 을 말하고 명신은 호소된 악에 의해 사람의 수명을 줄이기 위해 모처럼 선술을 실시해도 무효가 된다고 한다(미지편. 사명신에 대해서는 대속편으로 보인다). 도덕주의는 '포박자'의 특이한 점이며, 후에 ' 태상감응편' 으로 대표되는 선서 로 발전했다 [13] [14] .

한편, 기도는 무의미하게 비판하고 있다(도의편).

도가와 유가의 관계에 대해서는 길을 책, 유를 끝으로 한다(아키모토편). 또 선술과 유가와의 모순에도 주의를 기울이고 있다. 대속편에서는 선인이 되는 것이 세상을 버리고 제사를 돌보지 않는다는 비판에 답하고 수명을 건너뛰는 것은 부모로부터 받은 몸을 해치지 않는다는 효의 가르침을 따르고 있다고 한다 . 색난편이나 변문편에서는 성인이 선인이 될 수 없었던 이유를 설명하고 있다.

불람편에서는 당시의 도서나 부의 일람(전679권)을 나타내고 있지만, 그 대부분은 현존하지 않기 때문에 귀중한 자료가 되고 있다. 이 중 『삼황내문』을 가장 중시한다 [15] .

도교는 불교 의 강한 영향을 받아 성립했지만, 『포박자』에는 아직 불교의 영향을 볼 수 없다[ 16] (단 무라카미 카실은 불교의 영향이 있다고 한다 [17] ).

외편 [ 편집 ]

외편은 50편이 있지만, 제49편이 실제로는 지지·궁달·중언의 3편으로 나뉘어 있기 때문에 52편으로 세기도 한다. 또, 백가·문행의 2편은 내용이 상박편과 거의 같다.

  • Jiadun, Yimin, Xu Xue, 옹호 교육, 군주제, 예의, 좋은 규칙, 어려운 시간, 공식 원칙, 정직
  • 귀족, 임명, 황실 학자, 형벌, 심판, 통신, 준비, 승진, 임명, 이름
  • 칭건, 상품, 소송, 술 계명, 불행, 어리 석음, 오만 찌르는듯한 오만, Baili, Jieshu, Junshi
  • 성 번・상박・한과・우실・모리즈카・안빈・仁明・博喩・広譬・辞義
  • 순본, 응조, 유폐, 백가, 문행, 정곽, 탄제, 채어, 지식, 궁지, 중언, 자서

외편은 유가적 입장에서 많은 정치를 설명하지만, 정치의 본연의 자세나 사회비판 등 내용은 다양하다.

한과·오실편에서는 후한 이나 우가 멸망한 원인을 인재 평가의 잘못으로 돌리고 있다. 청담 의 학생에게는 비판적이며(정곽편), 자수편에서는 대량이나 궁적의 흉내 를 하는 사람을 비판, 탄선편에서는 견형을 비판하고 있다.

유폐편에서는 왕충을 천재로 높이 평가하고 있다. 왕충은 ' 논형 ' 도허편에서 신선술을 비판하고 있지만, 갈홍은 왕충의 영향을 받아 제사를 부정하고, 그 대신 물리적 수단에 의한 합리적인 선술을 추구했다[14 ] . 오연인인에 따르면 '포박자'의 내용과 문장에는 '논형'과의 공통점이 있고, 또 왕부 '잠부론'과의 공통점도 인정된다고 한다 [ 18 ] .

또한 스즈세, 나오히로, 사의, 문행편 등은 문학 이론에 대해 말하고 있다.

텍스트 [ 편집 ]

둔황문서 단단함이 남는다. 랴오닝성 도서관에 남송 의 사오싱 22년(1152년) 간본을 보관하지만 완본은 아니다. 명대의 간본은 몇 종류가 남아 있지만, 그 중 도조 모토 가장 중요하다 [19] . 도조를 주로 그 밖에 30종류 정도의 책을 참조한 손성무 모토 (히라쓰칸 쇼서소수)가 뛰어난 책으로 알려져 있다 [20] .

왕명 『포박자내편 교석』 증정본( 중화서국 1985)은 둔황본과 송간본도 이용하고 있다.

일본으로의 전래와 일본어 번역 [ 편집 ]

『만요집』 권 5의 야마카미 추요라「침간자애문」에 「포박자」극언편으로부터의 인용이 있어, 일찍부터 일본에 전해지고 있던 것을 알 수 있다[21 ] . ' 일본국견재서목록 '에도 도가에 포박자내편21 [22] , 잡가에게 포박자외편50이 보이고 있다.

화각본으로는 겐로쿠 12년(1699년), 우호 11년(1726년), 문화 9년(1812년)의 것이 있다. 원록 12년본은 명만 력 12년(1584년)의 신기관 간본을 바탕으로 훈독을 더한 것이다. 유호 11년본도 마찬가지이지만, 겐로쿠모토에는 누락이 있었기 때문에, 수정을 실시하고 있다 [21] .

근대의 번역은 '세계 성전 전집'에 내편의 번역(읽음)을 거두는 것이 낡다.

전시중의 이와 나미 문고 에도 내편의 독서를 거두지만, 상세한 주가 붙여져 있어 현재도 참조된다.

  • 『포박자』 이시시마 쾌류주, 이와 나미 문고 , 1942년. (나중에 복간)

외편의 번역주는 오테세카츠 『포박자 외편 간주』(유인, 히로시마대학 중국 철학연구실, 1965-1970)로 시작된다.

중국 고전신서의 번역은 발췌문의 읽어내기와 본문을 대조해 현대어에 의한 해설을 더하고 있다.

  • 무라카미 카미 번역 『포박자』명덕 출판사〈중국 고전 신서〉, 1967년.

현대 일본어 번역은 혼다 제 에 의한 것이 1969년에 출판되었다. 내편에 대해서는 초역이었지만, 이후 평범사 동양 문고 에 들어간 판에서는 완역되어 있다.

카도카와 서점(오자키 마사하루역)의 것은 ​​발췌의 본문・읽어 들여・구어역・해설이다.

  • 오자키 마사하루·히라기 야스히라·대형 철역 “포박자, 열선전” 카도카와 서점 <감상 중국의 고전 9>, 1988년 . ISBN  4045909095。

평가 [ 편집 ]

도교의 발달 위에서 '포박자'는 일반적으로 높이 평가되고 있다. 도교가 정해진 교리를 가진 교단으로 성립하는 것은 갈홍보다 뒤 삼동설이 일어난 5세기이지만, 그 교리의 요점은 이미 그 대부분이 '포박자'로 보인다 [ 23 ] [16] . 초기 신선술은 선인으로부터 불사약을 얻는 것이 중심이었지만 [ 24] '포박자'에서는 물리적으로 조제한 김탄의 복용으로 보통 인간이 선인이 될 수 있다고 주장 한편, 귀신에 대한 제사와 같은 타력 본원을 무의미하게 부정했다. 그러나 '포박자'가 주장하는 신선도는 극히 한정된 엘리트에만 가능한 귀족주의적인 수행이었다 [14] .

조제프 니담 등 의 과학사가의 평가도 높지만, 네이선 세빈 은 갈홍의 중요성을 경미한 것으로 하고, ‘포박자’를 “오컬트주의를 상류계급에 제공하는 학자들 사이의 어용들의 쓰는 방법”이라고 엄격히 비판하고 있다 [25] .

이야기와 숙어 [ 편집 ]

  • Jade Confusion (Jade Mixed) - 겉부분·상보
  • 魯魚(오류)
  • 이구 동성 - 내편·도의. 일본에서 보다 일반적인 '이구동음'은 ' 송서 ' 뺨지노덴으로 보인다.
  • 무장 공자( 게 의 이칭) - 내편·등섭

각주 [ 편집 ]

  1. ↑ 혼다(1990) p.427
  2. ^ Dayuan (1964) pp.68-69,117-118
  3. ↑ 혼다(1990) p.427-428
  4. ^ "금의 책" Ge Hongtong "Dafan의 안팎에 관한 백십육 장"
  5. ^ "윤문레이 집결" 90권 새 ""바오푸자"무예가 말했다: 모든 새들이 무리지어 날고 군대에서 맴돌지만 3일 이내에 난폭한 병사들이 있다. 새들이 군대에 모여, 장수는 공로를 인정받아 상을 받을 것이다. 새는 장수의 깃발을 모으고 장수는 그의 지위를 높인다.
  6. ↑ 혼다(1990) p.429
  7. ^ Dayuan (1967) p.68
  8. ^ Dayuan (1964) p.184
  9. ↑ 와(1977) p.154
  10. ^ 도인은 『사기』거북책 열전으로 보이고 거북이의 움직임을 모범으로 한 호흡 굴신에 의한 양생법을 말한다
  11. ↑ 혼다(1990) p.432
  12. ^ WA (1977) pp.159-160
  13. ^ Dayuan (1964) pp.204-207
  14. ^ a b c Da Yuan(1967) p.69
  15. ^ 와(1977) pp.158-159
  16. ^ a b 혼다(1990) pp.440-441
  17. ^ 무라카미 카실역 『포박자』(명덕 출판사 1967) p.21
  18. ^ Dayuan (1964) pp.136 이하
  19. ↑ 오자키(1988) pp.17-19
  20. ↑ 혼다(1990) p.441
  21. ↑ a b 오자키(1988) pp.19-20
  22. ^ 『수서』경적지도 마찬가지
  23. ↑ 오자키(1988) pp.16-17
  24. ^ Da Yuan (1967) p.63
  25. ↑ 세빈(1985) pp.128-129,144-145

참고 문헌 [ 편집 ]






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