최제우
최제우 崔濟愚 | |
---|---|
출생 | 1824년 12월 28일 조선 경상도 월성군 현곡면 가정리 |
사망 | 1864년 4월 15일(39세) 조선 경상도 대구 |
사인 | 사형 집행 |
별칭 | 아명(兒名)은 최복술(崔福述) 호(號)는 수운(水雲) |
활동 기간 | 1860년 음력 4월 5일 ~ 1863년 음력 12월 10일 |
교파 | 동학 |
수행 성직 | 동학 |
칭호 | 동학 초대 교조 |
칭호 기간 | 1860년 음력 4월 5일 ~ 1863년 음력 12월 10일 |
전임자 | (초대) |
후임자 | 최시형 |
배우자 | 밀양 박씨 부인 |
자녀 | 최제근(막내아들) |
부모 | 최옥(부), 한씨 부인(모) |
친척 | 최종하(조부) 최시형(원척 족질) |
천도교 |
주요 인물 |
---|
최제우 · 최시형 · 손병희 · 박인호 전봉준 |
경전 |
동경대전 · 용담유사 해월신사 법설 의암성사 법설 |
교리 |
시천주 · 사인여천 · 인내천 · 후천개벽 |
역사 |
동학 · 동학 농민 혁명 |
관련 단체 |
천도교 중앙총부 천도교 연원회 천도교유지재단 천도교청우당 |
문화유산 |
천도교 중앙대교당 · 천도교 임실교당 |
최제우(崔濟愚, 1824년 12월 18일 (음력 10월 28일) ~ 1864년 4월 15일 (음력 3월 10일))는 조선 말기 동학의 창시자이다. 아명은 복술(福述), 호는 수운(水雲)이며, 본관은 경주이다.
생애[편집]
1824년 경상북도 월성군 현곡면 가정리에서 5대조 최국진(崔國鎭)이 음보로 통덕랑 품계 이후 벼슬이 없어 몰락한 양반 가문의 자손으로 출생하였다. 부친인 근암 최옥(崔鋈)과 재가(再嫁)한 어머니 한씨(韓氏) 사이에서 서자(庶子)나 다름없는 신분이었으나 어려서부터 한학을 배울 수 있었다. 최진립의 큰 형 최진흥이 최제우의 7대조가 되며 경주 최부자집과는 친족관계에 있었다.
31세(1854)까지 10년 이상 전국 각지를 유랑하며 유불선(儒佛仙) 삼교, 서학(西學), 무속(巫俗), <정감록(鄭鑑錄)>과 같은 비기도참사상 등 다양한 사상을 접하는 동시에, 서세동점과 삼정문란(三政紊亂)이라는 이중의 위기에서 고통당하는 민중의 참담한 생활을 직접 체험했다.
32세(1855)에 우연히 <을묘천서(乙卯天書)>라는 비서(秘書)를 얻어 일종의 신비 체험을 한 끝에 경상남도 양산 통도사 근처에 있는 천성산 자연 동굴에 들어가 49일 기도 생활을 했다. 생계를 꾸려가기도 힘든 지경에 처한 가족을 처가에 맡긴 채 구도 생활을 계속하던 수운은 36세(1859)가 되던 해에 오랜 유랑 생활과 처가살이를 청산하고 고향 용담으로 돌아와 정착하기에 이르렀다. 고향에 정착한 지 1년 뒤인 1860년 음력 4월 5일에 수운은 아주 특별한 체험을 하기에 이른다. 이른바 ‘천사문답(天師問答)’이라고 불리는 하늘님과의 문답 끝에 1860년(철종 11년) 천주 강림의 도를 깨닫고 동학을 창시하게 된다.
이 무렵 중국에서는 태평천국의 난과 영·프 연합군의 베이징 침입 사건이 있었다(→제2차 아편 전쟁). 이 여파로 조선에 대한 열강의 세력 침투가 시작되어 민족적인 위기의식이 조성되어 있었다. 특히 서학(천주교)의 전래는 사상과 풍속이 다른 조선에 많은 물의를 일으켰다. 이에 최제우는 서학에 대항하는 유교·불교·선교 등의 교리를 종합한 민족 고유의 신앙인 동학을 창시하였다. 동학은 후에 천도교로 발전하였다. 동학의 근본사상은 ‘인내천’(人乃天)이다. 즉, 이것은 인본주의를 강조하면서, 성실과 신의로써 새롭고 밝은 세상을 만들자는 외침이었으며 어지러웠던 나라를 구하고자 하는 사상이었다. 또 모든 사람은 평등함을 주장하였는데, 갈수록 신도가 늘어나 사회 문제로 대두되었다.
그러나 수운은 동학을 펴기 시작한 지 만 3년도 되지 않은 1863년(철종 14년) 12월에 체포되었고, 이듬해 3월 10일 ‘삿된 도로 정도를 어지럽혔다는 죄(左道亂正之律)’로 대구 경상감영 안의 관덕정(觀德亭) 뜰 앞에서 처형당함으로써 죽음을 맞이했다. 이때 그의 나이 41세였다. 1907년 순종 때 그의 죄가 풀렸다.
수운의 사망 이후 그의 후계 동학 교주는 최시형이 이어받게 되었으며 2대 동학 교주가 되었다.
연대기[편집]
- 1824년 12월 18일(음력 10월 28일) 경주군 현곡면에서 출생
- 1834년(10세) 모친 별세
- 1837년(13세) 울산 밀양박씨와 결혼
- 1840년(17세) 부친 별세
- 1844년(21세) 장삿길에 나서 이후 10년간 전국을 주유
- 1854년(31세) 장사를 그만두고 고향인 경주 용담집에 들어앉아 구도의 사색 시작. 음력 10월 부인의 고향인 울산 유곡동 여시바윗골로 이사
- 1856년(33세) 양산 천성산 내원암으로 가 49일간의 입산기도를 시작했으나 숙부의 별세로 47일 만에 중단.
- 1857년(34세) 다시 천성산 적멸굴로 가 49일 입산기도. 기도를 마친 후 생업으로 용광업을 경영.
- 1858년(35세) 용광업 그만 둠.
- 1859년(36세) 울산을 떠나 경주 용담으로 귀향.
- 1860년(37세) 5월 25일(음력 4월 5일) 한울님을 만나는 종교체험.
- 1861년(38세) 음력 4월경 주문과 심고법을 만들어 수행하는 방법을 정하고 교리체계를 세움.
- 1861년 음력 6월부터 용담으로 찾아오는 이들에게 포덕(布德) 시작. 음력 7월에 <포덕문> 지음.
- 1861년 음력 8월 성리학을 숭상하는 유생들이 수운이 가르치는 도를 서학으로 몰기 시작. <안심가> 지음.
- 1861년 음력 11월 경주 관아에서 수운의 활동을 중지하라는 명령이 떨어짐. 수운은 용담을 떠나 울산, 부산을 거쳐 전라도 남원으로 감. 음력 12월에 남원에 당도. 이후 남원의 교룡산성 은적암에서 6개월간 체류.
- 1862년(39세) 음력 7월 경주로 돌아가 박대여 집에 은신. 음력 8월 측근들에게 포덕에 나서라고 권유.
- 1862년 11월 20일(음력 9월 29일) 경주진영에서 수운 체포. 수운은 음력 10월 5일 석방되어 용담으로 돌아옴. 음력 11월 9일 흥해 매산리로 피신. 음력 12월에 최초로 접주들을 임명.
- 1863년(40세) 음력 3월 다시 용담으로 돌아옴. 음력 5월 하순부터 적극적으로 교화활동. 음력 7월에 최경상(해월)을 북도중주인(北道中主人)으로 임명.
- 1863년 음력 12월 10일(양력 1864년 1월 18일) 조선 왕조의 관군에게 체포됨.
- 1864년(41세) 4월 15일(음력 3월 10일) 대구에서 참형(斬刑)당함.
가족 관계[편집]
- 7대조 : 최진흥(崔震興,군자감 봉사)-최진립의 큰 형
- 고조부 : 최수기(崔壽基)
- 증조부 : 최경우(崔慶雨)
- 조부 : 최종하(崔宗夏)
- 부 : 최옥(崔鋈)
- 막내 아들: 최제근
최제우를 다룬 작품[편집]
TV 드라마[편집]
참고 문헌[편집]
- 이 문서에는 다음커뮤니케이션(현 카카오)에서 GFDL 또는 CC-SA 라이선스로 배포한 글로벌 세계대백과사전의 "동학혁명" 항목을 기초로 작성된 글이 포함되어 있습니다.
- 본 문서에는 지식을만드는지식에서 CC-BY-SA 3.0으로 배포한 책 소개글을 기초로 작성된 내용이 포함되어 있습니다.
- 표영삼 지음, 《동학 1 - 수운의 삶과 생각》, 통나무
Choe Je-u
Choe Je-u | |
Korean name | |
---|---|
Hangul | 최제우 |
Hanja | 崔濟愚 |
Revised Romanization | Choe Je-u |
McCune–Reischauer | Ch'oe Che-u |
Art name | |
Hangul | 수운 |
Hanja | 水雲 |
Revised Romanization | Su-un |
McCune–Reischauer | Su-un |
Choe Je-u, who used the pen name Su-un (18 December 1824 – 15 April 1864), was the founder of Donghak,[1] a Korean religious movement which was empathetic to the hardships of the minjung (the marginalized people of Korea), opposed Catholicism and its association with western imperialism[citation needed] and offered an alternative to orthodox Neo-Confucianism.
He combined Korean shamanism, Daoism, Buddhism and spiritual Neo-Confucianism in an “original school of thought”[2] that valued rebellion and anti-government thought until 1864.[3] He did not have a concrete nationalistic or anti-feudal agenda,[4] rather: “His vision was religious, and his mission was to remind his countrymen that strength lay in reviving traditional values.”[5] Nevertheless, Joseon authorities confused his teachings with Catholicism; [6] and he was executed in 1864 for allegedly preaching heretical and dangerous teachings.[7]
His birth-name was Choe Je-seon ("save and proclaim"). During his childhood, he was also called Bok-sul ("blissfully happy"). He took the name Je-u ("saviour of the ignorant") in 1859. His disciples called him Su-un ("water cloud"), which was the name he used for his writings, and also called him Daesinsa, the great teacher.[8] His pen name Su-un is used hereafter.
Life[edit]
Su-un was born into an aristocratic (yangban) family on 18 December 1824 (the 28th day of the 10th month) at Kajong-ni, a village near Gyeongju, the ex-capital of Silla and now a city in the south-eastern province of Gyeongsang.[8]
Silla which was the first unified dynasty on the peninsula and had a strong scholarly and Buddhist tradition. One of his ancestors was a famous scholar who had served in the Tang emperor court of China and had returned Silla. One of his contemporaries called him the "Confucius of Korea. In addition, he was considered the founder of Daoism on the peninsula.[9]
His father Choe Ok was a scholar who had failed to obtain a post in the government, his clan not being in favor with those then in power. He had reached the age of sixty and had been married and widowed twice without gaining a son. He adopted a nephew in order to preserve his own line before marrying a widow named Han. Su-un was the result of this final union, but he was considered illegitimate in the Neo-Confucian system: the children of a widow who had remarried occupied a low position in the social hierarchy and could not, for example, take the civil examinations necessary to become a bureaucrat.[10] Despite this he received a good education. However, Choe Ok certainly provided his son with a strong education, in Neo-Confucianism and perhaps other doctrinal traditions such as Daoism.[11]
His mother died when he was six years old, and his father when he was sixteen.[12] He married in his teens to Madam Park of Ulsan.[13] He led an itinerant life before finally settling with his family in Ulsan in 1854. Although educated in Confucianism, he partook of Buddhist practices, rituals, and beliefs, including interacting with monks, visiting temples, and abstaining from meat. [14] In 1856, he began a 49-day retreat in the Buddhist monastery of Naewon-sa, but had to leave on the 47th day to attend the funeral of his uncle. The next year he managed to complete the 49 days at Cheok-myeol Caves, but did not find the experience spiritually fulfilling.[15]
In 1858 he lost his house and all effects in bankruptcy, and he returned with his family to the paternal household in 1859. While there, he spent his time in prayer and meditation. The discrimination and economic hardships he faced seemed to serve as stimulation for his "revolutionary" ideas. He later wrote that he lamented the "sickness in society since the age of ten, so much so that he felt that he was living in a "dark age".[16] Su-un felt he was called to address the root cause of the "dark age" which he considered to be inner spiritual depletion and social corruption. He considered the enormous western imperial power was due to a combination of military and spiritual power. It seemed that Korean spiritual traditions, Confucianism in particular, had lost their power. In fact, Confucianism was a tool of the upper classes to maintain the status quo.[16]
According to his own account, he was greatly concerned by the public disorder in Korea, the encroachments of Christianity, and the domination of East Asia by Western powers, which seemed to indicate that divine favor had passed into the hands of foreigners:
- A strange rumour spread through the land that Westerners had discovered the truth and that there was nothing that they could not do. Nothing could stand before their military power. Even China was being destroyed. Will our country too suffer the same fate? Their Way is called Western Learning, the religion of Cheonju, their doctrine, the Holy Teaching. Is it possible that they know the Heavenly Order and have received the Heavenly Mandate?[17]Religious activities[edit]
On 25 May 1860 (the 5th day of the 4th month, lunar calendar) he experienced his first revelation, the kaepyeok, at his father's Yongdam Pavilion on Mount Gumi, several kilometres northwest of Gyeongju: a direct encounter with Sangje ("Lord of Heaven"). During the encounter, Su-un received two gifts, a talisman (the Yeongbu) and an incantation (the Jumun).[18] The talisman was a symbol drawn on paper which was to be burned, mixed in water and ingested. The incantation was to be chanted repeatedly. In following these rituals physical and spiritual health could be restored. According to Beirne the meditative drawing and consumption of the Yeongbu was "a visible sign and celebration of the intimate union between the Lord of Heaven and the practitioner, the effect of which invigorates both body and spirit."[19]
The use of the incantation ritual matured over time. Initially the emphasis was on restoration of physical health. A later variant of the incantation put more emphasis on spiritual enlightenment.[20] With respect to spiritual enlightenment, the purpose of reciting the incantation was to bring about the presence of the Lord of Heaven on each occasion within the believer or to effect an awareness of the indwelling of the Lord of Heaven through practice, repetition and refinement of the spirit. Both of these interpretations seem to be implied in his writings.[21]
Su-un was instructed by God to spread his teaching to humankind. He threw himself into three years of proselytising. His initial writings were in vernacular Korean and were intended for his family. They were composed as poems or songs in a four-beat gasa style, which lends itself to memorization. After a year of meditation, he wrote essays in classical Chinese expounding on his ideas. However, he continued to write in vernacular Korean, which increased his popularity among commoners and women who could not read Chinese. He called his doctrine Donghak ("eastern learning") to distinguish it from the Seohak ("western learning") of the Catholics.[22] Eastern Learning can be understood as “Korean Learning”. This follows from the fact that Joseon Korea was known as the Eastern Country due to its location east of China.[23]
Donghak was largely a combination of Korean shamanism, Daoism, Buddhism and Neo-Confucianism. The evidence of the latter is clearly discernible only from the middle stage of Su-un's thought onward, an indication of his evolving theology.[24] However, according to So Jeong Park, Donghak is not merely a “syncretism of Asian philosophical traditions seasoned with Korean aspirations for modernization”, rather it was a “novel or original school of thought”.[2] On the other hand, an earlier evaluation by Susan Shin emphasized the continuity of Donghak with a spiritual branch of Neo-Confucianism exemplified by the teaching of Wang Yangming.[25]
Su-un's concept of the singular God (Cheonju/Sangje) or God/Heaven, seemed to reflect that of Catholicism, although it differed with respect to ideas of transience and immanence.[26][27] Also, like Catholicism, Donghak was communal and egalitarian. Orthodox Neo-Confucians in power at the time of its founding viewed Catholicism and Donghak as threats in two ways. First, if there are many gods, no single god had the power to challenge the existing Confucian order. However, a believer in an omniscient God or God/Heaven might put His demands above those of a human king. Believers would also be expected to shun other gods and thus hold themselves apart from those with less dogmatic beliefs and thereby disrupting the harmony of the kingdom. Second, Catholicism and Donghak practiced group rituals which were beyond the control of the government, furthermore they demanded the right to practice those rituals. In other words, they engendered a concept of religious freedom which was new to Korea.[28] Although Su-un attempted to distinguish Donghak and Catholicism, government officials confused the two and both were suppressed.[6]
According to Susan Shin, He learned that he was suspected of Catholicism and from June 1861 to March 1862 he had to take refuge in Jeolla province to avoid arrest, spending the winter in a Buddhist temple in Namwon.[29] While there he wrote important parts of his scripture, including Discussions of Learning, Song of Encouraging Learning and Poem on Spiritual Training.[7]
Estimates of the number of his followers prior to his arrest in 1863 ranged from hundreds to tens of thousands and he became famous throughout the peninsula. He had established assemblies in at least twelve villages and towns. These were located primarily the southeastern part of Joseon Korea.[30]
Su-un was arrested shortly before 10 December 1863 for allegedly preaching heretical and dangerous teachings. He was tried, found guilty on 5 April 1864, and beheaded on 15 April 1864 (the 10th day of the 3rd month) at Daegu,[31] at the place today marked by his statue. His grave is in a park at Yugok-dong, a few kilometers north of Ulsan.
Assumed political agenda[edit]
Some Donghak scholars have assumed that it had a nationalistic agenda. However, according to Susan Shin: [Su-un] did not deal concretely with the problems of integrating Korea into the international order. His vision was religious, and his mission was to remind his countrymen that strength lay in reviving traditional values.”[5] Donghak's goal was protection of the people which could be considered patriotic, but that does not imply nationalism. It was simply a network/frame of followers of Su-un's religious views and rituals. Later leaders in the early 20th century did aspire to a modern Korean state primarily through education. However, these aspirations eventually led to violent confrontations with Japanese authorities.[4] [32]
The peasant revolts in Gyeongsang in 1862 were contemporaneous with Su-un's ministry, however detailed analysis of the circumstances revealed that these were in response to corruption by local officials. There was no mention of religious influence, and an anti-feudalistic agenda was discounted.[33]
On the other hand, Joseon Korean authorities did misconstrue Donghak intentions. A government statement warned: "This thing called Donghak inherited all the methods of Western Learning, whereas it only changed its name to confuse and incite ignorant ears. If it is not punished and settled in its infancy according to the laws of the country, then how do we know that it will not gradually turn into another Yellow Turban or White Lotus?”[6] The Taiping Rebellion in China was also in progress as Donghak was founded and by coincidence its leader Hong Xiuquan died on June 1, 1864, shortly after Su-un.[34]
Legacy[edit]
After his death, the movement was continued by Choe Sihyeong (Haewol, 1827–1898). The works of Su-un were collected in two volumes, The Bible of the Donghak Doctrine (in Korean-Chinese, 1880) and The Hymns of Dragon Lake (in Korean, 1881).[35]
In 1894, the brutally suppressed Donghak Peasant Revolution, led by Jeon Bongjun (1854–1895), set the stage for the First Sino-Japanese War, which placed Korea under Japanese control.[36] Haewol evaded capture for four years but was finally executed in 1898. In the wake of this disaster, the movement was drastically reorganized by Son Byong-Hi (Uiam, 1861–1922), who modernized Donghak according to western standards, which he learned during a five-year exile in Japan (under an assumed name).[37] However, when one of his chief lieutenants advocated annexation of Korea by Japan, Uiam excommunicated him and renamed Donghak as Cheondogyo in 1905.[38] Cheondogyo was tolerated by Japanese authorities, although it was considered a pseudo-religion.[39] After Japan annexed Korea, Cheondogyo and Protestant leaders protested, and they were a major factor in the March 1st Movement of 1919 in the initial peaceful stage.[40] Although the March First Movement failed members of Cheondogyo remained active in many social, political, and cultural organizations during the remainder of the colonial period. However, today only a small remnant remains in South Korea. In North Korea it is simply a nominal component of the Workers Party.[41] Nevertheless, scholars such as Sr. Myongsook Moon considered the Donghak worldview and ethics to be particularly relevant in the 21st century.[42]
Su-un life was the subject of Stanley Park's 2011 film The Passion of a Man named Choe Che-u (동학, 수운 최제우).
Works[edit]
His works were proscribed and burnt after his execution, but two canonical books, one of prose and one of poetry, were compiled and published later by Choe Sihyeong:
- Bible of the Donghak Doctrine (동경대전, 東經大全, Donggyeong Daejeon) in Korean-Chinese
- The Hymns of Dragon Lake (용담유사, 龍潭遺詞, Yongdam Yusa) in Korean
- Published at Danyang in July 1881
See also[edit]
Sources[edit]
- Ahn, Sang Jin Continuity and Transformation Religious Synthesis in East Asia. Asian Thought and Culture, Vol. 41. Peter Lang. 2001. ISBN 9780820448947.
- Bae, Byeongdae (2020). "Comparative and historical analysis of early Donghak: cross-religious dialogue between Confucianism and Catholicism in 19th-Century Korea". Religions. 11 (608): 608. doi:10.3390/rel11110608.
- Baker, Don (2006). "The religious revolution in modern Korean history: From ethics to theology and from ritual hegemony to religious freedom". Review of Korean Studies. 9 (3): 249–275.
- Baker, Don (19 June 2015). Creating the sacred and the secular in colonial Korea (PDF). workshop on secularism in Japan. University of Oslo, Norway. pp. 1–37.
- Beirne, Paul Su-un and His World of Symbols: the Founder of Korea's First Indigenous Religion. Routledge. 2019. ISBN 9780754662846.
- Chung, Kiyul The Donghak Concept of God/Heaven: Religion and Social Transformation. Peter Lang. 2007. ISBN 9780820488219.
- Kallander, George L. Salvation through Dissent: Tonghak Heterodoxy and Early Modern Korea. University of Hawai'i Press. 2013. ISBN 9780824837167.
- Kim, Sun Joo (2007). "Taxes, the local elite, and the rural populace in the Chinju Uprising of 1862". International Journal of Korean History. 66 (4): 993–1027. JSTOR 20203239 – via JSTOR.
- Kim, Young Choon; Yoon, Suk San; with Central Headquarters of Chongdogyo (2007). Chondogyo Scripture: Donggyeong Daejeon (Great Scripture of Eastern Learning). University Press of America. ISBN 9780761838029.
- Moon, Sr. Myongsook (2017). "Donghak and the God of Choe, Je-u: through the Donggyeong Daejeon and the Yongdam Yusa". Catholic Theology and Thought. 79: 218–260. doi:10.21731/ctat.2017.79.218. Retrieved 25 June 2021.
- Park, So Jeong (2016). "Philosophizing Jigi 至氣 of Donghak 東學". Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture. 26: 81–100. Retrieved 25 June 2021.
- Shin, Susan S. (1978–79). "The Tonghak movement: from enlightenment to revolution". Korea Journal. 5: 1-80 (not seen, cited by Beirne 2019).
- Shin, Susan S. (1979). "Tonghak Thought: The Roots of Revolution" (PDF). Korea Journal. 19 (9): 11–19.
- Spence, Jonathan D. God's Chinese Son: The Taiping Heavenly Kingdom of Hong Xiuquan. W.W. Norton. 1996. ISBN 9780393315561.
- Weems, Benjamin B. Reform, Rebellion, and the Heavenly Way. University of Arizona Press. 1966. ISBN 9781135748388.
- Young, Carl (2013). "Into the Sunset: Ch'ŏndogyo in North Korea, 1945—1950". Journal of Korean Religions. 4 (2): 51–66. doi:10.1353/jkr.2013.0010. JSTOR 23943354. S2CID 143642559.
- Young, Carl E. Eastern Learning and the Heavenly Way: The Tonghak and Ch'ŏndogyo Movements and the Twilight of Korean Independence. University of Hawai'i Press. 2014. ISBN 9780824838881.
References[edit]
- ^ Kim and Yoon 2007, p. 55-57.
- ^ ab Park 2016, p. 82.
- ^ A Handbook of Korea (9th ed.). Seoul: Korean Overseas Culture and Information Service. December 1993. pp. 142–143. ISBN 978-1-56591-022-5.
- ^ ab Kallander 2013, p. XX.
- ^ ab Shin,Susan 1979, p. 18.
- ^ ab c Kallander 2013, p. 81.
- ^ ab Kim and Yoon 2007, p. 56.
- ^ ab Beirne 2019, p. 5.
- ^ Kallander 2013, p. 39.
- ^ Beirne 2019, p. 19.
- ^ Kallander 2013, p. 40.
- ^ Kallander 2013, p. 41.
- ^ Shin,Susan 1979, p. 6.
- ^ Kallander 2013, p. 154.
- ^ Beirne 2019, p. 28.
- ^ ab Ahn 2001, p. 160.
- ^ Beirne 2019, p. 25.
- ^ Beirne 2019, p. 41.
- ^ Beirne 2019, p. 97.
- ^ Beirne 2019, p. 123.
- ^ Beirne 2019, p. 136-137.
- ^ Beirne 2019, p. 160-161.
- ^ Kallander 2013, p. ix.
- ^ Bae 2020, p. 14.
- ^ Shin,Susan 1979, p. 11.
- ^ Chung 2007, p. 49-52.
- ^ Ahn 2001, p. 62-64.
- ^ Baker 2006, p. 257&265-266.
- ^ Shin,Susan 1979, p. 14.
- ^ Kallander 2013, p. 59, Map 3.1.
- ^ Kim and Yoon 2007, p. 56-57.
- ^ Young 2013, p. 157-169.
- ^ Kim 2007, p. 993–1027.
- ^ Spence 1996, p. 325.
- ^ Beirne 2019, p. 6.
- ^ Kallander 2013, p. 117-121.
- ^ Young 2014, p. 53,62.
- ^ Young 2014, p. 79.
- ^ Baker 2015, p. 19.
- ^ Weems 1966, p. 72-73.
- ^ Young 2013, p. 52.
- ^ Moon 2017, p. 258.