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LIFE FORCE Claude Swanson 11 pages from Vol 2

LIFE FORCE Claude Swanson | PDF | Science | Physics

11 pages from Vol 2

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Dr. Swanson’s best-selling book, “Life Force, the Scientific Basis” explains the revolutionary science behind long distance healing. It is also explians the energy that is key to growth and life. It is the science behind the aura and the acupuncture system. It is the energy that is created by thought and is responsible for paranormal phenomena and Oriental medicine.

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Japanese Ancestral Practices: A Contextualised Teaching Tool On The After-Life | PDF | Confucianism | Shinto

Japanese Ancestral Practices: A Contextualised Teaching Tool On The After-Life | PDF | Confucianism | Shinto

Japanese Ancestral Practices: A Contextualised Teaching Tool on the After-Life

Description:

Growth in the Japanese church has been slow. The biggest problem undoubtedly is that of ancestral practices. Without an acceptable way to honor the ancestors, Japanese Christians feel very cut off from their family. Very little is taught about the after-life and generally there are not church services that provide a genuinely Japanese way of regular rituals. This master's thesis seeks to give the background to the ancestral practices and how the church can discuss and practise ways of honoring the ancestors in a Christian way.

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Japanese Ancestral Practices:  A Contextualised Teaching Tool on the After-Life

By

MARIANA NESBITT

ACKOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to give honour to our Lord who has led encouragement. Hirokawa Luke for his cultural insights, Dr Billy Nishioka, Dr Mitsuo Fukuda, Dr Yamaguchi and Dr Masanori Kurasawa for their useful discussions. Thanks to Mark Dominey, Chua How Chuang and Pat Hansen for helping me get started.

I am grateful for the linguistic help from Wakako Saito, Nakanishi Yooko and

Koba Noriko. Thanks to Sophia University and Kobe Lutheran Seminary for the

use of their libraries.

Mariana Nesbitt

July 2007

iv

v

SUMMARY

The vexing multi-dimensional question of Japanese Ancestral Practices

is central to most missiological studies in the Japanese church. Statistics show

the need for new strategies and a new movement of the Holy Spirit in the local

church.

This study examines the background of Ancestor Practices in the folk

religion, Buddhism, Shintoo, Confucianism and Taoism, which all go to make up

traditional Japanese religion. The actual rites are listed and details explained.

The nexus is the ie, the household. Later additions in Japanese religion are the

New Religions, which also emphasize ancestor practices, and new

developments, such as living funerals, ash-scattering and further developments

in popular occult practices and the influence of the media and the arts.

Focus groups of typical city dwellers have indisputably shown the effects

of secularisation, the change from ‘worship’ to ‘respect’ and a looser attitude

towards the butsudan and the rising importance of grave visits.

After examining the above, the abiding emergent themes of ancestor

practices are seen to be those of respect, family, gratitude, memorialism, ethics and identity. Are Scripturally forbidden issues involved here? Does

necromancy take place, what about offerings and prayer to the dead? And is

worship of the spirit and the mortuary tablet involved? Input about ancestor

practices in other lands gives perspective and new insights here.

Japanese Christian indigenous movements also show the same themes

and they go further than ‘orthodox’ Christian churches in their evangelism of the

dead and their care for their ancestors. Teaching about the afterlife in

Japanese seminaries is examined as well as the training given to missionaries

by missions, what the denominations teach and practice and in particular, what

OMF International missionaries are teaching and practicing with regard to the

dead. Space is given to the basic Biblical teaching on life after death with

reference to issues that require attention in the Japanese worldview.

vi

Perhaps the best contextualised part of the Japanese church are the

funeral services, showing the importance it holds in Japanese society, but basic

theology and worldview applications are lagging far behind. Japanese ministers

and missionaries have been slow to contextualise. Ethnocentric judgements

have led to a lack of seriousness towards the socio-cultural context. Various

useful models are described and the way in which syncretism and dual systems

occur. Guidelines to contextualisation suitable to Japan is proffered where

emotion, intuition, nature, mono aware, wabi are central. Ritual and the

inclusion of the Japanese 3-layered worldview is central, and logical

propositions are avoided, which are negated in imported Christianity.

To achieve cultural sensitivity the study uses the poetic tool, metaphor.

The metaphor of the warm hibachi is chosen, theoretically explained, and

elaborated as a feature of Japanese culture. Hibachi theology is then described

and information given for discussion around the ‘hibachi’ in the local church.

Gathering is a constitutive aspect of being Japanese and this would seem to be

the place for foundational substantive notions to be “taught” and discussed.

Vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKOWLEDGEMENTS.............................................................................. iii

vii

LIST OF FIGURES .........................................................................................xi

LIST OF TABLES ...........................................................................................xi

1 INTRODUCTION....................................................................................... 12

1.1 Relevance .......................................................................................... 12

1.2 The Problem and Questions to be Answered..................................... 15

1.3 Design and Methodology ................................................................... 15

1.4 Hypothesis, Assumptions and Limitations.......................................... 17

1.5 Historical Background ........................................................................ 18

1.6 Shintoo............................................................................................... 18

1.7 Confucianism ..................................................................................... 21

1.8 Buddhism........................................................................................... 24

1.9 Ancestral Rites................................................................................... 27

2 CONTEMPORARY BELIEFS & PRACTICES........................................... 30

2.1 The New Religions ............................................................................. 30

2.2 Changes in Death Practices............................................................... 33

2.2.1 Living Funeral ............................................................................. 34

2.2.2 Ash Scattering (Shizensoo)........................................................ 35

2.2.3 Eternally-worshipped graves (Eitai kuyoobo) ............................. 36

2.2.4 Death practices for aborted babies (Mizuko kuyoo) ................... 37

2.3 Popular Culture .................................................................................. 38

2.3.1 Manga / cartoons ........................................................................ 38

2.3.2 Films ........................................................................................... 39

viii

2.3.3 Japanese Students’ Images of the Soul...................................... 40

2.4 Focus Groups .................................................................................... 41

2.4.1 First group:.................................................................................. 41

2.4.2 Second Group:............................................................................ 42

2.4.3 Third Group:................................................................................ 42

3 EMERGENT THEMES AND KEY QUESTIONS ....................................... 44

3.1 Emergent Themes.............................................................................. 44

3.1.1 The ie / household / family .......................................................... 44

3.1.2 Interdependance of the Living and the Dead .............................. 45

3.1.2.1 Dependence of the Dead on the Living................................ 45

3.1.2.2 Dependence of the Living on the Dead................................ 46

3.1.3 Gratitude ..................................................................................... 46

3.1.4 Memorialism................................................................................ 46

3.1.5 Fear ............................................................................................ 47

3.1.6 Ethics .......................................................................................... 47

3.1.7 Identity ........................................................................................ 47

3.1.8 Respect/Honour .......................................................................... 48

3.2 Key Questions:................................................................................... 48

3.2.1 Are Scripturally Forbidden Issues Involved?............................... 48

3.2.2 Necromancy................................................................................ 48

3.2.3 Prayer to the dead ...................................................................... 50

3.2.4 Offerings to the Dead.................................................................. 51

3.2.5 Worship of the ihai, Bones, Tombstone, Ancestor Spirit ............. 53

3.2.6 Religion....................................................................................... 59

4 CHRISTIAN BELIEFS AND PRACTICES ................................................. 61

4.1 Indigenous Movements ...................................................................... 61

4.1.1 Memorialism................................................................................ 62

4.1.2 Evangelism of the ie.................................................................... 65

ix

4.1.2.1 Vicarious Baptism................................................................ 65

4.1.2.2 Vicarious Communion.......................................................... 66

4.1.2.3 Prayers for the Dead............................................................ 66

4.1.2.4 Preaching to the Dead ......................................................... 67

4.2 The Church: Teaching and Practice.................................................. 68

4.2.1 Nihon Kirisuto Koodan (United Church) ...................................... 69

4.2.2 Roman Catholic Church.............................................................. 70

4.2.3 Evangelical Lutheran Church...................................................... 70

4.2.4 Mission organisations ................................................................. 72

4.2.5 OMF Church Members ............................................................... 72

4.2.6 Hokkaidoo Japanese Pastors and OMF missionaries................. 73

4.2.7 Seminaries, Bible Colleges ......................................................... 74

4.3 Biblical Teaching on Relevant Issues of Life After Death................... 75

4.3.1 Life After Death........................................................................... 75

4.3.2 God, Man and Spirits .................................................................. 76

4.3.3 Sheol, Hades and Paradise ........................................................ 78

4.3.4 Heaven and the Resurrection ..................................................... 81

4.3.5 Hell and Judgement .................................................................... 83

4.3.6 Purgatory? .................................................................................. 83

4.3.7 The Communion of Saints .......................................................... 84

4.3.8 Family ......................................................................................... 85

5 CONTEXTUALISATION, HIBACHI METAPHOR...................................... 88

5.1 Failure and New Ways of Doing Theology ......................................... 88

5.1.1 Self-Theologizing ........................................................................ 89

5.1.2 Culture and Theology.................................................................. 90

5.1.3 Compelling Factors for Contextualising ...................................... 91

5.1.4 Who Does Contextualising?........................................................ 91

5.2 The Use of Models ............................................................................. 93

x

5.2.1 The Translation Model ................................................................ 94

5.2.2 The Anthropological Model ......................................................... 95

5.2.3 The Synthetic Model ................................................................... 96

5.3 Syncretism and Dual Systems ........................................................... 97

5.3.1 Ways of Encounter...................................................................... 98

5.4 Guidelines to Contextualisation in Japan ......................................... 101

5.4.1 Emotion, not Logical Propositions............................................. 101

5.4.2 A Three-Layered World-view .................................................... 101

5.4.3 Transformation of Ancestor Practices ....................................... 102

5.4.4 Self-Negation of Western Christianity ....................................... 103

5.4.5 Japanese View of Religious Truth............................................. 103

5.4.6 Believing Through Doing........................................................... 103

5.4.7 Not Logic, but Emotion and Intuition ......................................... 104

5.4.8 Nature, Mono aware and Wabi ................................................. 105

5.4.9 Ritual not Proposition................................................................ 106

5.4.10 Community, not Doctrine .......................................................... 107

5.5 Metaphor ....................................................................................... 108

5.5.1 The Japanese Hibachi .............................................................. 112

5.5.2 Hibachi Theology – The “Teaching Tool” .................................. 113

5.5.3 Discussion Material ................................................................... 116

5.6 Conclusion ....................................................................................... 121

5.6.1 Further Research...................................................................... 122

APPENDIX 1 .................................................................................................. 124

FOCUS GROUP 1 ...................................................................................... 125

FOCUS GROUP 2 ...................................................................................... 129

FOCUS GROUP 3 ...................................................................................... 132

APPENDIX 2 .................................................................................................. 135

No 1: Questions to mission organizations:................................................. 135

xi

No 2. Questions to members of OMF-led & Japanese-led churches: ........ 135

No. 3 Questions to Japanese Pastors in Hokkaido and OMF missionaries136

No. 4. Questions to Seminaries and Bible Colleges: ................................. 137

BIBLIOGRAPHY............................................................................................. 138

LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE 1. The classification of impurity. ........................................................ 20

FIGURE 2. Van Genneps’ rites of passage. ................................................... 27

FIGURE 3: Hiebert’s Three Layered Model For Analyzing Worldview .......... 102

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Overt and Covert Culture; Form and Variation ................................. 58

Table 2: Memorialism and Ritual Care of the Dead......................................... 64

12

1 INTRODUCTION

1 INTRODUCTION

1.1 Relevance

Ichijoo Shinya, vice-president of the Moon Rise funeral company

suggests that a monument be built on the moon so that all can gaze up and

commune with the dead on the moon. This is the contemporising of part of an

important element of Japanese culture. (Suzuki 2000:7) This difficult question

of ancestor practices goes back to the days of Matteo Ricci when Christianity

confronted it in China.

In this chapter we will look at the relevance of and need for the study,

give the hypothesis, assumptions held, state the design and methodology of the

study, state the research problem and questions to be studied. We will give the

religious and cultural background to the question of ancestor practices by

surveying the origins in Shinto, Confucianism and Buddhism as a historical

background. The ancestral rites will also be sketched, so that the reader can

soon see what the missionaries met when they first arrived in Japan.

Missionary activity in Japan dates back to 1549, but although there has

been a long history of missions, heavy expenditure in terms of personnel

(Japanese and foreign) the church is not growing. The relevance of the study

will quickly be seen in the following statistics and comments by missionaries,

Japanese pastors and academics.

The Church Information Service published the following: in 1982 total

membership of the Protestant Church was 371 865 and Sunday attendance

198 288. For (1995) and 2005: of a population of (124 655 498) 126 869 397,

with a total of churches (7 633) 7 799, membership is at (537 945), 555 742 that

(268 217) 279 750 attend regularly; the number of baptisms were 8 844 in

2005. Church School attendance in 2005 was 66 080. Number of churches (7

633) 7 799. This is similar for many churches. In 1972 the Religion Yearbook

of the Japanese Agency of Cultural Affairs stated that Christian believers were

numbered at 825 991 and Beck writes in 1987 that the level is 1 438 699.

(Beck: Hayama Missionary Seminar 1987:74)

13

In 2003 the Christian Newspaper reported that “less than 0,3 % are

active members of a Protestant church”, Strand (2004:283) puts this down to a

lack of dealing with the worldview of the Japanese. This surely includes the

central issue of the afterlife. Later on he goes on to say that deep level

changes are needed. “The afterlife is basic to the Japanese worldview”

(Strand,2004:284).

A Gallup poll done in March 2006 showed a surprising high number of

teens who claimed the Christian faith; “of the 20% who professed to have a

religion, 60% called themselves Buddhists, 36% Christians and followers of

Shintoo.” This statement is unclear. Poll: 75% Buddhists, 19% Shinto and

12% of those polled said they were Christians. George Gallup Jr. said

projections meant that 7% of total teenagers say they are Christians. This

could be exciting, except that there is doubt about the methodology and we

need to be reminded that in 1983 much the same percentages were given by

the Church Information Service statistics. Where are these people now?

(McKay: 2005)

The average time that a baptized believer stays in the church is 2 years.

Human relationships and lack of further teaching are said to be the cause for

this attrition. The largest denomination, the Japan Christ Kyoodan (Nikki

Kyoodan) reports that 200 churches have no pastors and within 10 years they

project that 500 will be without pastors. What really matters to the Japanese?

And what important issues are not being dealt with?

Central to Japanese life and worldview is the afterlife. New Christians

wrestle with the questions that come up, are too reserved to ask the pastor; and

very little or no answers (or answers that make sense in their world) are given

in sermons and Bible studies – this leaves the parishioner with many Buddhist

funerals and rituals to attend and take part in – and what to do? How to think

about it? Cognitive dissonance takes over and the embarrassed new Christian

gives up attending church. One mature Christian member of a Bible study was

asked if she had been taught about the afterlife in the 3 different denominations

she had been involved in since becoming a Christian. “Nothing, not in any of

them.”

14

In 1983 Berentsen, the Norwegian missionary-scholar, attempted to

come to grips with the issue. He wrote the following: ”with regard to a

contextualised practice and liturgy (sic) is a question which points beyond the

task we set before us and is most confidently left to competent and mature

Japanese churches to answer” (1984:277). Other foreign writers have written

in the same vein, but in 2007 we still have no educational tool in the Japanese

church concerning life after death that is contextualised for missionaries to use.

Bong Rin Ro in Christian Alternatives to Ancestor Practices in 1985 wrote, “we

hope that this statement will be a stimulant to continue this study with other

evangelical scholars, pastors and church leaders “ (Bong Rin Ro 1985:10).

“Ancestral practices are central to the Japanese way of life” (Ooms,

1975), yet this aspect of Japanese religious life has been little studied by the

Christian church. The afterlife is also a central topic in the New Testament.

Strand (2004:3) quotes Iwasaka and Toelken:

Death is not only a common subject in Japanese folklore but

seems indeed to be the principal topic in Japanese tradition;

nearly every festival, every ritual, every custom is bound up in

some way with relationships between the living and the

dead…[death] brings into focus a number of other very important

elements in the Japanese world: obligation, duty, debt, honour

and personal responsibility.

Japanese Christian believers are taking part in ancestral practices in the

Buddhist fashion as well as in Christian rites. One of the reasons being that

there is no strong united guidance given in the churches and no alternatives. I

propose to show that the church is not being taught clearly, that seminaries are

not tackling the problem and that scholars write on the subject every 2 decades

and that the problem is then ignored again. Rowe (2000:374) called for an

already overdue new study of ancestor worship that will take into account new

approaches for memorial services

Further, in teaching situations with Japanese we have often been

stumped for a really satisfying, organized body of teaching on the subject. Most

missionaries and ministers in Japan find that when considering what the central

problems are in mission in Japan, that they are always brought back to ancestor

practices. Theological reflection is needed at this point where tension is felt the

most strongly. A contextualised teaching tool on the afterlife in the local church

15

is long overdue. Furuya (1996:6) stated that there is a poor view of “Japanese

theology”, among Japanese theologians, who are reminded of the attempt to

develop a “Japanese theology” during the war, mixing Christianity and

Shintoism. The need for a contextualised teaching tool is urgent, as can be

seen from church statistics, the present theological status in Japan and from the

spoken heart-felt needs of the Japanese Christians and seekers.

1.2 The Problem and Questions to be Answered

The study will comprise an enquiry to discover how to deal with the

issues that need to be addressed in a Japanese contextualised teaching tool on

the afterlife in the local church. This is the Research Problem. (Mouton 2001)

In order to discover these issues, the study needs to investigate:

(1) What is the history of ancestral practices in Japan? Historically, what do

the Japanese believe and what rituals have been practised concerning life

after death? (Traditional religions, indigenous groups.)

(2) What do contemporary Japanese believe and what rituals are currently

being practised concerning life after death? What do Japanese Christians

believe about life after death.

(3) What do the churches, mission agencies and theological institutions teach

concerning life after death?

(4) What does the Bible teach about life after death?

(5) How would the principles of contemporary contextualisation assist us?

(6) What are the relevant issues to be addressed?

The objective is to attempt to write a contextualised teaching tool, on life

after death, suitable to the Japanese worldview which will help solve an

entrenched missiological problem in the Japanese church.

1.3 Design and Methodology

This study is a conceptual study in Missiology. The general design will

be a literature study with emergent, interactive, interpretive, qualitative

instruments. A study in Missiology, in its essential nature, will include cultural16

anthropological, historical, ethnographic, linguistic and religious studies. The

reasoning will be largely inductive. (Mouton 2001)

(1) A literature study will be done to introduce the subject, give the background

and motivation for the study and also a historical background to scholarship

on the subject.

(2) Secondary data of Japanese church statistics will give background,

illustrating the need for the study. Letters, e-mail and phone will be used to

enquire into what is actually being taught in churches, mission agencies

and theological seminaries. Primary analysis of information will also be

done. The expected paucity of results will further give weight to the

urgency of the need for the study.

(3) Contextualisation: in order to seek to understand how to deal with the

problem of a Japanese contextualised teaching tool on life after death, it

will be useful to hear the current debate and compare views in the West,

from those who have been missionaries and especially from Japanese and

other Asian writers. The next logical step will be to do a literature review

on the background to ancestor practices. Analysis of ideas needs to be

done.

(4) The study will explore the contemporary scene in Japanese religion and

culture to find out what change is happening. (Creswell 2003) Here

analysis of the basic issues involved should appear. There will be some

polemic, complementary and comparative discussion. Content analysis will

produce the essential elements to be contextualised. A literature review is

appropriate because an analysis of trends and the current debate on the

subject is necessary. We are in the midst of rapid change in Japan.

(5) Textual analysis of Scripture will be done: in order to have the basic

guideposts of the faith for a teaching tool on life after death and for

interaction with principles of contextualisation and culture. A dialectical

movement of ideas is foreseen here.

(6) After this the study will comprise of interviews (Mouton 2001) with

Japanese co-operative focus groups and individuals and use newspaper

comments to engage in what insiders are thinking and feeling. This is

suitable action, because as foreign-written this study cannot hope to solve a

17

problem in contextualisation alone. People will be selected with whom

there is an existing good, long-standing relationship to hopefully obviate the

effect of tatemae

建て前

(public face, not real feelings) so as to ensure

accurate information. Questions will be framed in an open way and

comprehensive notes will be taken.

(7) Observation will be done in homes, at funerals, both Christian and

traditional Japanese, and in graveyards. This will ensure accuracy, as

unusual aspects can be noticed and we will take notes. Useful too, in

exploring topics that may be uncomfortable for participants to discuss.

Limitations here could be the perception of intrusiveness, but advantages

will be that we can make personal observations.

Limitations here could be a degree of lack of transparency which is

common and acceptable in the culture. Space to cover such a vast subject will

also be a limitation.

From the literature study and qualitative instruments used, the essential

elements necessary for the contextualised teaching tool will be drawn. A

Japanese contextualised teaching tool on the afterlife can be constructed

1.4 Hypothesis, Assumptions and Limitations

The study will draw heavily on cultural ideas and Japanese religion and

the teaching tool will be less systematic than western theologies. It will deal

more with ritual and group action than beliefs.

This study will probably reveal other related areas that need urgent

attention.

Our assumptions held before further study are:

(1) that speaking to spirits involves prayer and Biblically forbidden necromancy

(2) that burning incense involves worship

(3) deep bowing before a wooden tablet looks like idol worship

The outcome should produce criteria for the desired teaching tool. There

will be areas in which there might not be any answers. The writer is also limited

by being a foreigner and trusts that Japanese will accept these attempts;

provide correction and dialogue further in their scholarship. The writer speaks

Japanese and has lived in close contact with Japanese for 24 years.

18

The next section will give the historical background to our study, giving

the necessary setting and feel for the subject, leading in to contemporary ideas

and practice.

1.5 Historical Background

The vast majority of Japanese say they have no religious belief, while at

census time most respondents tick both boxes for Buddhism and Shinto.

Why? Nagasawa Mikito (2003:353) explained that for the Japanese “a

religion is not identified with affirming specific belief as much as participating

in rituals in traditional festivals and performing religious actions demanded by

certain situations”. I will first give the historical background to the traditional

religions of Japan and describe the ancestral practices that have developed

out of this history.

1.6 Shintoo

The history of Shintoo ancestral rites are hidden in ancient history.

Religious life during the Joomon period, which began 12 000 years ago, can be

followed by clues, such as the pit cave dwellings and earthenware implements.

In the Nanzan Guide to Japanese Religions, edited by Swanson and Chilson,

(2006:133) Matsumaru Kazuo, who wrote that villages were built in a circle and

graves were dug inbetween. This rice-growing community, the uji,

氏

(clan) was

grouped around their involvement in agriculture, and their protecting deity, who

was perhaps the actual lineal ascendant head of the uji. This system was

established in the rice-growing Yayoi era (B.C. 3c–A.D. 3). At this early stage

ancestor practices were based mostly on the uji community. Later this was

integrated into the house-lineage system, the ie.

家

(household) (Yoshimoto

Makito1987:84).

Care of the ie dead was linked with worship designed to ensure good

harvests and general fertility. The spirit of the new dead “shirei” needed to be

cleansed and treated appropriately. Otherwise the shirei will not be a calm

ancestral spirit, but nigitama,

二義玉

(a malevolent spirit who wanders and

brings harm to the family and harvests.) Good treatment by the family ensures

19

that the spirit will be the guardian of the family or community. As time

progressed, these spirits became uji-gami.

氏神

The community of the uji,

dead, alive and unborn were linked.

Before the unification of the clans under the Yamato dynasty, in

prehistoric Japan, the ancient Japanese people believed in mysterious spiritual

power. This “tama”

玉

(spirit) is possessed by humans; objects such as trees,

ships, natural objects. According to ethnologist, Origuchi Shinobu, (Yoshimoto

Makito,1987:79) there are two kinds of tama: one benevolent and the other with

malevolent power. Hito dama

人魂

speaks of the human spirit and koto dama

言霊

of the spiritual power of words. Tama supports all life, dwells in humans as

tamashii

魂

(soul) and departs at death (Murata Okinori 1993:1385 ).

After the Yayoi era, Japan was invaded by Altaic and Tunguisic people

from north-east Asia. There was also immigration from southern Asia.

Yoshimoto 1987:86 quotes Hori Ichiroo (1968:5) saying that “These people

”became the ancestors of the imperial family and the accompanying priest

clans” . who were assumed to be shamans, who were mostly of the female

possession type and Hori has proved that these features have continued

through the generations up till modern times.

During the Kofun period (the last half of the 3rd century to around the 7th

century) the kofun

古墳

were the graves built for the powerful, (with chair and

serving table figurines placed in front of the mansion figurine) and these are

thought to have been used for ritual feasts for the dead. Warring uji near the

end of the Kofun era (A.D. 6 – 7) were finally conquered and ruled over by the

Yamato clan, who became the ancestors of the imperial dynasty. This clan

systematized old myths, using Chinese philosophy and Buddhism to create a

national myth for their power system This is the “myth of national foundation,

not cosmological myth” (Yoshimoto,1987:87). This is written in the Kojiki

古事記the Record of Ancient Matters (712) and Nihon Shoki.

日本書紀

(720).

Buddhism and Shinto amalgamated in the 8th and 9th century and rites for

the purpose of pacifying the vengeful spirits were developed in Kyooto. In 863

the government conducted these rituals to pacify the spirits of the Emperor

Suido and 6 others who met tragic untimely deaths in the court’s struggle for

power. (Koyama Koosuke 1984:180) Purification was done against sullying

20

elements of kegare

穢れ

(pollution) like disease and death and harae,

払え(pacification) restoration of proper relationship after wrongdoing. Tamashizume

玉沈め

means the pacification’ (shizume) of the spirit. In all these ritual

practices the spirit of the dead will become a spirit of the ancestors after 33 or

49 years and submerge among the ancient gods” (Koyama 1984:16).

FIGURE 1. The classification of impurity.

(from Figure 5: ( Suzuki 2000:28) Source: Data from Shintani.)

Ueda Masaaki also identified mono

もの

(something strange or

awesome) as playing an important role in ancient Japan. (Koyama 1984:146)

“Spirits of all things other than humans are called mono.“ The implication is that

mono is an animistic spiritual substance, uncanny and strange, which can

threaten people. This feeling for the strange and mysterious is very important in

Japanese religion and popular beliefs.

Divine spirits, the “kami”, beings with super-human, supernatural power

evoked a thrill of emotion, awe and mystery and are able to change history.

These kami possess supernatural power. They were the source of

harvests and most of the rites were concerned with fertility. It is not simple to

define kami; broadly defined “as something sacred with a supernatural

IMPURITY

Impurity Danger Power Contagious

pollution

Body

Blood

Fluids

Grime

Nails

Hair

Injury

Illness

Nature

Calamity

Drought

Flood

Famine

Society

Poverty

Violence

Crime

War

Death

21

existence” (Swanson & Chilson 2006:140), and also special natural objects,

especially mountains and trees, animals like foxes and snakes, white deer or

white snakes. In the Nanzan Guide to Japanese Religions, Matusmura Kazuo

writes that these categories are not objectively determined but are “determined

by sensory or subjective standards” (Swanson & Chilson 2006:141). Men too,

by reason of their supernatural powers could be kami and these were often the

shaman in the community.

This account of Shintoo has given the history and practices of Shintoo.

Fixed doctrine is lacking, but deeply felt emotion is central to Shintoo. It is seen

that it is a religion of practice. The next religion/philosophy that has had great

influence on ancestral practices is Confucianism.

1.7 Confucianism

Confucianism, is basic to thinking, society, family life and ancestral

practices. Confucianism is said to have come to Japan in the 5th century at the

same time as Buddhism. There are religious aspects, but it is mainly a social,

political, philosophical and ethical teaching. It was important during the 6th – 9th

centuries, also from the Edo period (1600-1868) with the Meiji Restoration and

then in the early Shoowa period (1926-1929).

In China, during the Chou dynasty, the early Chinese worshiped ‘the land

god, their patron god, as well as their ancestors” (Wei Yuan-Kwei wrote in

Christian Alternatives to Ancestor Practices, 1985:121). In the Bamboo

Chronology Wei saw evidence of ancestor worship: “Huang-dih passed away

and his minister Tzuo Cheh took his clothes, headgear, and sceptre and

worshiped them in the temple” (Ro 1985:122). Successive emperors followed

this practice, and men of virtue were honoured and worshiped. Wei Yuan-Kwei

writes that the worship of ancestors of the blood line began in the Hsia Dynasty,

some scholars doubt that it existed, others disagree. The use of the wooden

tablet is recorded to have started inbetween 206 BC and 220 AD. With this

historical background, we turn to Confucius.

K’ung Ch’iu (1027 BC–256 BC) wanted society to return to the

harmonious state he felt it had been at the beginning of the Zhou dynasty in

China. (Koyama 1984:152) Confucius brought the principle of harmony which

underlies all social relationships to Japan. The concept of wa

和

(harmony)and

22

that of Buddhist jihi

慈悲

(mercy) has been on the forefront of Japanese

philosophy ever since. As important to the Japanese as the Ten

Commandments is to the Jew or Christian. (Koyama 1984:156)

Since Confucius believed that good government and society could be

attained by the moral example of officials, he sought the education of state

officials. The source of each individual’s standards of morality lay in filial piety:

respect and obedience to parents. A knowledge of literature and the arts

produced loyalty, uprightness and moderation. Ren, or benevolence, was most

sought after.

Tradition ascribes various texts to him and his disciples also wrote

numbers of his sayings and commentaries on his works. The most important of

which for our study is the Book on Filiality and the Confucian Analects.

Kim Eun Chul wrote that Confucius is said to have encouraged a cult

towards the deceased father or mother with sacrificial offering (Ana 2.5; 10.15)

offerings of food and drink (Ana 3.10), in a shrine or tomb (Ana 10 10.5) for their

remembrance (Anal.9; 4.21) or to consult or to seek favours from them (Ana

11.21 ….5.22) (Kim Eun Chul 2003:2). Elaborating, Chow Lien-Hwa gives the

filial son’s five requirements, as recorded in the Confucian Analects: “When

dead, they (the parents) should be buried according to propriety; and they

should be sacrificed (sic) according to propriety” (Bong 1985:141).

During the Han dynasty Confucius himself became an object of worship

and state sacrifices. At the time a cosmology was developed that saw the

universe as being under the control of Heaven with man, the ruler, as “mediator

between Heaven and the natural order writes Murata Okinori,. (Bong

1985:222). Heaven sent omens, auspicious events and this then developed

into a literature which named taboos and calendrical restrictions. It was actually

against Confucius’ teaching, but has had a profound effect on the Chinese,

Koreans and Japanese.

Confucianism arrived in Japan from China. With the centralisation of the

Japanese state, Confucianism flourished. Minabuchi no Shooan (early 7th

century) and the scholar monk Soomin (d 653) spread Confucianism on their

return from China. Although not fully adopted as a state ritual, Japanese

emperors also accepted moral responsibility for their citizens’ welfare,

23

encouraged Confucian values for their officials and a tradition of ritual propriety

in order to maintain social order.

The most important influence, however, was State-sponsored education.

As in China, a system of provincial and city examinations were instituted to

produce bureaucrats. At the end of the 9th century this system of government

and education started to lose influence because of the growth of the Fujiwara

family’s interests. Buddhism penetrated the universities.

With the long period of peace during the Tokugawa era, there was more

interest in issues of society and government and Confucianism stepped in to

answer these questions. Given official recognition under Iemitsu (r 1623-51)

and more under Tsunayoshi (r 1680-1709), Confucianism fitted in well with this

feudal society: Samurai became bureaucrats and more wealth and leisure

fostered the printing of Confucian literature, leading to the golden age of this

tradition in Japan. The official domain schools, led by Confucian scholars, also

influenced the rise of terakoya – the village commoner education, based in the

temples.

4th-generation leader of the Confucianist Kaitokudoo Merchant

Academy in Osaka, purist, Nakai Chikuzan (1730-1804) spoke

harshly of ‘folk religion’ for a physican, or [telling people to] stop

using medicines, thus leading to their deaths; worshiping Ebisu and

Daikko as a pretext for lust and wickedness, making the shrine

Tenmanguu a medium for lasciviousness, substituting [the

bodhisattva] kannon in place of auguring weal and woe and praying

for healing, divining propitious directions, midwives; and with reckless

talk of badgers and foxes and baseless fictions about tengu

天狗

imputing all kinds of marvellous wonders about insignificant kami and

trivial buddhas; divining dreams of kami and buddhas and

huckstering worthless drug and base concoctions, performing

divinations of mutual compatibility for men and women, divinations of

physiognomy, swords, the geomancy of houses – these kinds of

deviant beliefs [jakyoo’] are rampant, and nothing but techniques to

confound the ignorant masses. (Havens 1997:3)

Confucianism spread into a background of such popular religion. Various

schools of thought emerged during the Edo era, but the most conspicuous was

the final phase, where there was a combination of Confucianism, Shinto and

imperial ideology. The Mito school emphasised obedience to the emperor. The

Meiji Restoration opened the way for western influence, the emperor himself,

heavily influenced by Confucianism mixed with western thought. The Imperial

24

Rescript on Education of 1890 was promulgated. 1937 saw the emperor

presented in the Confucian style, receiving loyalty, filial piety. Since the 2nd

world war there has been a decline in interest in Confucianism.

The philosophy of filial piety and the Analects that have taught sacrifices

to the elders are basic to ancestral practices and form the very basis of

Japanese society.

1.8 Buddhism

Buddhism came to Japan as a philosophy that had already been used to

promote ancestral practices. In the last century there has been disagreement

as to the historical origins of ancestor worship. The latest scholarship, as

shown in 2.1 shows that after Buddhism reached Japan, the ancestor worship

of the uji continued, dressed up as Buddhism. We will show how all these

three, plus Taoism, combined to give the present-day traditional Japanese

religious scene.

Gigaku was performed and Prince Shotoku, the great protector of

Buddhism combined the newly arrived teaching with the art in 612. According to

Nihon Shoki, Buddhism took advantage of the exotic and spectacular

performance to propogate Buddhism.

Prince Shotoku, a devoted Buddhist scholar is said to have written

commentaries on three scriptures. The central emphasis of the Three Sutra

Commentary is the image of the bodhisattva of Mahayana Buddhism who

practices mercy. The bodhisattva empties himself for the salvation of others,

the image of a selfless saviour figure. “The concept of negation came to Japan

with Buddhism, through the person of Prince Shotoku when he said Seken

Koke, Yui Butsu Zeshin, or This World is Illusory. Only the Buddha is Real”

(Koyama 1984:79). Dialectical thinking entered Japan, and with it the ability of

the Japanese to hold seeming paradoxes in their mind quite comfortably and a

dislike for comparisons.

Various Buddhist sects were founded. The following can be compared to

16th century reformers in Europe (Koyama 1984:158) Joodo-Shuu (Hoonen

1133-1212), Joodo-Shin-shuu (Shinran) 1173-1262, Ranzai-Shuu (Yoosai

1141-1215), Zen Sooto-Shuu (Doogen 1200-1253), Nichiren-Shuu (Nichiren

1222-1282).

25

Confucian, Buddhist, Hindu, and Taoist elements were added to

indigenous Japanese beliefs and rites and by the latter half of the 12th century,

were observed throughout the country. Buddhism entered Japan while the clan

government was shifting to imperial government. It put down roots during

another period of reorientation, when the imperial government changed to a

military government.

Various threads of belief ensued. The Joodoo sect founded by Hoonen,

chanted masses for the salvation of the dead and were popular among the

common people. The concept of negation was given a profound expression in

the thought and experience of the Japanese soul. Grace, tariki

他力

(salvation

by someone else’s power). (Koyama 1984:162) Negation has affirmed grace.

Joodo-Shin-Shuu followers saw this as a break away from pure Buddhist

teaching and trusted only in Amida Buttsu’s merciful vow to save all. The

nembutsu

念仏

school (Namu Amida Buttsu “I take my refuge in the Buddha

Amida”), was seen as an easy way and Shinran spent 30 years in exile.

Berentsen, traced the development further, through the Kamakura era

(1185-1333) when, linked to the uji temple, masses for the dead, funeral

services and the Bon festival spread. The bon dancing in summer evolved out

of Nembutsu odori which were popular Buddhist chants and folk dancing of the

late Heian and Kamakura eras. Koyama feels that Kamakura Buddhism “is a

demonstration that the Japanese people, through their own religious thinking

and experience, had digested the unfamiliar contents of the universal religion,

Buddhism” (Koyama 1984:158).

Koyama then quotes Watsuji Tetsuro, (History of Ethical thoughts in

Japan – Nihon Rinri Shiso Shi Vol 1 pp.373f) Japanese scholar of religion,

history and culture (Koyama 1984:159)

This orientation presents Buddhism as The doctrine of Nembutsu

(recitation of the name of Buddha) of Hoonen and Shinran intimates

a faith of absolute trust in mercy which is understood to be the

Absolute. This doctrine has profound similarities with Christianity

which teaches absolute trust in knowledge which begins with the

insight of absolute emptiness. God who is love. The Zen tradition of

Eisai and Dogen is a religion of practical religion of enlightenment.

Nichiren’s Lotus School, with its emphasis on absolute trust in the

sutra and on intentional practice of what the adherents believe, is

more like Islam with its confidence in the Qur’an and submission to

God. Thus in Kamakura Buddhism we discern three types which

reflect the spirit of world religions. That these manifestations arose

26

out of the soil of Japanese Buddhism must be seen as one of its

unusual achievements.”

To the degree that the teaching enabled ancestor worship and funerals

to be popularized, the sect of Buddhism spread. In the Tokugawa era (1603-

1868) Christianity was suppressed and an edict promulgated; 15 rules for

priestly supervision, one of which was that those who didn’t attend the

numerous ancestor rituals and festivals were to be interrogated and reported.

Every household had to register with the local temple and in this way the legal

and compulsory relationship between the household and the Buddhist temple

was initiated: the danka-system.

檀家

(Suzuki 2000:30). Suzuki rightly

commented that the ie is “the elementary structure on which Japanese society

was based.” “The blending of ancestor worship and systematic Buddhist rituals

occurred gradually, as more people chose to have Buddhist priests officiate at

funerals) during this era” (Suzuki 199:179).

Leading into the Meiji era, ancestor practices were written in legal terms

into the Meiji Civil Code, promulgated in 1898. With particular reference to our

study is Article 987: “Ownership of the genealogical record, articles of worship

and tomb is a spiritual right pertaining to the succession of a house.” To an

intensely law-abiding country such a law in its history is of great importance.

In 1940 the Religious Organisations law (shuukyoo dantai hoo) was

introduced and non-conformist organizations were severely persecuted.

The New Civil Code of 1948

provides, in most respects, for a very different kind of family

structure. The household is no longer a legal entity and its head is

stripped of its powers. [L]egally Japan turned away from the old iestructure

to that of the Western nuclear family. To be noted is that

the genealogical records, rite utensils, tombs and burial grounds are

inherited by the person who is the “president” in the worship of the

memory of the ancestors (Berentsen1985:18).

Koyama says that over time, the three great traditions of Confucianism,

Buddhism and Christianity have been synthesized and become to various

degrees, part of Japan. Buddhism entered Japan, was eagerly accepted as a

vehicle for the incipient ancestor worship and continues to this day as funeral

Buddhism.

27

1.9 Ancestral Rites

A Buddhist proverb: Shindareba, koso ikitare, meaning, ”Only by reason

of having died does one enter into life.“ (Japanese Buddhist proverbs, 16).

Japanese take part in ancestral rites for this purpose. In doing these rites,

pollution is cleansed; and there is a means to deal with pollution, danger and

the deceased can move forwards towards Nirvana.

FIGURE 2. Van Genneps’ rites of passage.

Source: Data from Edmund

(From Figure 4, Suzuki a 2000:17)

How are the ancestor practices carried out today? Suzuki tells of her

experience during research at the Moon Rise Company: first of all final water is

place on the lips of the deceased, the body is washed, beautified. A small

sword or its replica is placed on top of the body to avoid evil.spirits. Sutras are

read at the house, the body is ceremoniously placed in the coffin with loved

items. (One man took his croquet mallet with him.) (Suzuki 2003:41)

The wake is held the night before the funeral and cash as an incense

offering is given by visitors. Sutras are recited by the priest and mourners offer

incense, one by one. Posthumous ordination is also attained and the deceased

is ordained a Buddhist monk. Speeches are made in memory of the deceased

and all share a meal together afterwards.

Rites of

separation

Rites of

incorporation

Transitional

rites

Time Flow

Initial Transitional Stage Final

Normal condition Liminal period Normal condition

28

The next day the funeral takes places. Sutras are read, maybe a brief

sermon is given by the priest, and in the Zen school, (Zen-shuu) the sermon is

preached to the deceased to help him or her attain enlightenment. Eulogies are

given, incense is burnt by the priest and mourners and offered to the body and

the spirit. At the next stage of the funeral, the kokubetsu shiki

告別式

is held,

where those that are not close family, will burn incense. Flowers may be placed

in the coffin and it is then closed. The chief mourner makes a speech, thanking

all the guests, while the family stands near holding the deceased’s photograph,

and the ihai

位牌

(mortuary tablet) and maybe food offerings. After the funeral,

salt is used to purify. And the priest once more chants sutras at the house.

(Kenny & Gilday 2000:169-173)

The cremation takes place at a distant crematorium. “Death” is timed

from the time that the switch is pressed. Here again an altar is set up, incense

burnt. The body is moved into the oven while mourners have a meal. Picking

up the bones is done by close relatives and placed into an urn, then into a box

with a silk covering. The bones will remain at the house on a temporary altar for

49 days. One mortuary table is prepared for the temple and one for the house.

With this the deceased, called hotoke

仏

(Buddha) is integrated into the realm of

departed spirits. All men become buddhas just by dying. Joobutsu (movement

upward and spiritual change) is identified with the supernatural condition of the

spirits in the indigenous worldview

Rowe (2000:371) quotes Fujii (1988:115) that the change from flesh into

white bones at the crematorium signals the attainment of buddhahood. So

clearly when the change is effected is not generally agreed upon. Rowe feels

that the changes at the crematorium, particularly in the rite of placing the bones

into the urn - a really powerful moment - also shows there has been a shift from

the religious to the scientific or medical sphere.

A long period of memorial rites to enable the spirit to progress begins:

After the first week the posthumous name kaimyoo

戒名

is handed over to the

family. Further rites take place: once every week, for 7 weeks, then after 100

days, l year, two years and then at 6, 12, 17, 22, 26, 32, 48 and 100 years. This

varies depending on the Buddhist sect and the area. These memorial rites,

hooji,

法事

are attended by family, friends and acquaintances. These are

29

stopped at the 50th year when the spirit reaches maturity and enters Nirvana.

The process of the spirit maturing towards Nirvana depends on the living.

Internment of the ashes takes place 49 days after death. Pollution is

strongest at this time. The urn is taken to the grave and placed inside the

tombstone. Here again a priest will recite sutras. Family members will visit the

grave at the two equinoxes, higan “the other shore or Pure Land” at Obon and

at New Year. The grave is cleaned, tidied and food, flowers and incense

offerings are given and the family talks to the dead.

Other rites are grave visits at the two equinoxes when the graves are

cleaned, incense burnt and prayer offered. Bon

盆

is the main ancestor annual

festival when the spirits of the dead are guided by fire into the house, convivial

meals are eaten in front of the house altar and they are then sent off again.

Grave visiting also occurs. Obon dancing in public places consoles and pacifies

the spirits.

Buddhism has a highly developed philosophical structure and scholastic

tradition; however, this is entirely irrelevant to most Japanese. It may sound

strange, but many Japanese participate in temple worship and depend on the

temple for funeral rites, but do not even know to which Buddhist sect their

temple belongs. It is just ‘their temple’; that cares for the consolation and peace

of the dead; here they ‘send’ the spirits of their dead relatives and there the

priest will conduct his daily worship, reading sutras morning and evening.

30

2 CONTEMPORARY BELIEFS & PRACTICES

CHAPTER 2

CONTEMPORARY BELIEFS AND PRACTICES

The study of Shintoo, Confucianism and Buddhism gives insight into the

development of contemporary beliefs and practices. A long history of ancestor

practices is today developing in different directions. Chapter 2 gives insight into

the New Religions, contemporary beliefs, popular culture and practices and a

focus group shows how attitudes and practices have changed within the last

decade.

2.1 The New Religions

The so-called “New Religions’, Shin Shuukyoo, are based on religious and

magical practices: shamanism, purification rites, exorcism and ancestor

worship – revitalization movements which incorporate Shinto, Buddhism and

Western philosophy and Christianity. (Davis 1992:247) The New Religions

developed apart from the organised religions and became new socio-religious

organizations. These organizations have been extensively studied in general,

but virtually no investigation of the manner in which the ancestors are viewed.

They emphasize ancestral practices.

There are hundreds of these groups, and statistics are highly

speculative, although there are a few with millions of members.

(Swanson & Chillson 2006:97) They have sent out missionaries to

Europe, Asia and America. The reason for their success: because

they communicated their message at the worldview level of the

Japanese masses. Omotokyoo demonstrates the power of the spirit

through supernatural means such as healing and foretelling.

Through these supernatural demonstrations of power, the masses

were convinced that Omotokyoo was really in touch with the reality of

the spirit world. (Beck: Hayama 1983:47).

The first identifiable group was Nyooraikyoo (1812), then Kurozukomyoo

(1814) and then Tenrikyoo (1939). Risshoo Kooseikai and Sooka Gakkai,

Nichiren offshoots, grew quickly post-war.

31

The New Religions usually emphasize this-worldly values, the acquiring of

health and prosperity, “self-improvement and happiness through faith or through

magical practices. Some were founded by individuals, usually women,

possessed by deities.” “The membership is in the tens of millions”

(Reischauer1995:214). Hori said that most of the new Religions’ founders were

very shamanistic and that the thought is that such leaders inherited the tradition

of hito-gami (man-god) in ancient religions. (Yoshimoto 1987:109)

Most of the groups can trace their origins to Reiyuukai, which originated in

Taiso (1912-1926). Reiyuukai, Risshoo Kooseikai and Myoochikai will be

described as representative of most of the New Religions. How do the groups

present the ancestral concept to their members?

T he founder of Reiyuukai, Kubo, followed Nishida, who emphasized

ancestral worship. He saw funerary rites for all spirits being a means of ridding

oneself of bad karma. Recognizing that the family is established by both

husband and wife, both sides of the family ancestors are enshrined and also

muen-botoke

無縁仏

(wandering spirits). A general posthumous name

sookaimyoo is given to all the ancestors of the family.

In addition lay kaimyoo (hoomyoo) are given to family members, so that

they all have personal names in the spirit world. “The spirit world and visible

world are two sides of a mirror” as in Myoochikai writes Koomoto.

The register of family dead is important and friends may be added. The

Buddhist names collected here and masses offered to the ancestors allow them

to achieve buddhahood and the devotee accumulates merit. So it is clear that

ancestor revering and thankful service is important. The atmosphere of the

home is promised to change to happiness.

Illnesses are caused by karma and doing the rites will help. Meritmaking

is done for the ancestors, twice-daily domestic religious practices, family

behavioral norms and religious group-member norms are stipulated. Filial piety:

knowing the depth of the parents’ love, offering them delicacies and pleasant

memories and further adopting the correct religious faith is necessary to wipe

out the parents’ evil karma and prevent their suffering.

32

Leading others to the group will bring ancestors to buddhahood and the

sick in this world will also get better. “Leading” others is linked to ancestral rites

and one’s own personality.

The safety and prosperity of the ie is involved in the rites, social order is

maintained and tatari

祟り

(cursing) is prevented. The theme of vindictive

spirits onryoo,

厭離王

, (unrelated souls) muenbotoke

無縁仏

(hungry ghosts) gaki

botoke

餓鬼道

and unnatural deaths caused followers to sometimes build a

shrine to hungry ghosts in order to contain their spiritual power, placating them

and dispelling their curse. The curse is the lives of suffering we live, due to the

suffering of the ancestors who are continuing individual personalities and are

unable to achieve buddhahood. Temporal suffering is explained by this.

Curses may come from recent or ancestors several generations back.

Later a greater accent on the benevolence of ancestors was noted by

Morioka who said that descendants have their loving mothers and fathers

standing guard over them. This was like being under the benevolence and

protection of the emperor and his heavenly ancestor.

In current New Religions we see a selective use of the Bible being made.

A Nagoya-based messianic movement, Tookookyo, “draws on Buddhist and

Christian traditions” writes Mullins, the authority on indigenous movements

(Swanson & Chillson 2007:125). Its sacred text La Vocode Sfinkso (The Voice

of the Sphinx) is saturated with themes and ideas mostly from Genesis and

Revelation.

The largest group is Sooka Gakkai (the Value Creating Association)

which is a branch of Nichiren Buddhism. This group founded the political party,

Koomeitoo and is very influential in the coalition government now as New

Koomeitoo. It also has schools and a university. They use forms of worship

which require little intellectual effort to understand, such as the repeated

chanting of the phrase, ‘Glory be to the Lotus of the Supreme Law’ Namu

Myoohoo Renge Kyoo. (Lewis 1993:286) Rapid growth is attributed to the use

of small groups, zadankai

座談会

notorious group is that of Asahara Shookoo, founder of Aum Shinrikyo.

This group features violence with Buddhist teachings, trance messages from

Jesus Christ and an apocalyptic vision characterizes the movement. The

33

notoriety of Aum Shinrikyoo is one of the reasons that people find religion

distasteful.

Departures from original teachings are indicative of dissatisfaction with

the status quo and also of those features that are enduring and strong in the

minds of the populace. Next, insight is given into contemporary ancestor

practices as seen close up during 6 months of research in a funeral company by

Suzuki.

2.2 Changes in Death Practices

Changes in death practices have been noted and point to trends in

society that are quite far removed from the practices described in Chapter 1.

When Suzuki worked in a funeral company during research, she realized

that the deceased were no longer looked upon as polluted corpses. Her emic

study provides new insights. The president of the company had discarded most

of the religious aspects that “treated the deceased as physically and spiritually

impure or dangerous” (Suzuki 2001:189). The bathing ceremony was only

performed during the day; the staff do not wear headbands to hold off evil

spirits; no water is thrown under the house or onto the fields, no rice wine is

drunk to purify during or before the ceremony and the family are not told to

bathe after the ceremony.

Corpse purifying has turned into a bath and sometimes a very luxurious,

relaxing, well-perfumed bath is provided. Values such as refreshment for the

deceased, sympathy for the deceased, resolution of past grudges and conflicts

and the generosity and benevolence of the living were emphasized instead.

(Suzuki 2001, Clark 1992)

Moon Rise Funeral Hall makes contact with future customers by holding

events at the funeral hall – it is a place to visit. Parties, seminars and

exhibitions are held. In the mid 1980’s a bon-odori was inaugurated: a summer

dance party, food stands offering popcorn, cotton candy, beer and fast foods.

The next day there were exhibitions and seminars about death, funerals and a

Buddhist memorial service. In the afternoon a film celebrity gave his or her

opinions about life and death. The dread of funerals is fading and this is being

aided by commercial motives.

34

2.2.1 Living Funeral

Some are opting for a living funeral, which is conducted by the living

person, while still healthy. People want to participate before they are ill and

bedridden. The singer, Mizunoe Takiko was the first to do this with wide media

coverage. “’I wanted to express my appreciation to all those who have been

dear to me while I am still alive.’” Here Suzuki quotes from Ei. (Suzuki

2003:66:)

Japanese and Tibetan Buddhist sutras, Koran prayers, Chopin’s

Funeral Procession, Christmas carols and Mozart’s Requiem.

Finally, with “Santa Claus is coming to town”, the audience started to

clap and a happy party ensued. Other bizarre and interesting,

champagne filled funerals are recorded.

Kosugi told of a university president’s non-religious funeral, which

opened with the university symphony orchestra playing, a slide show giving the

deceased’s personal history given by a professional narrator, a film of his later

life, a chorus sung, a Bach aria; a large photograph was projected onto the

screen and flowers were presented instead of incense burning. “Throughout

the evening, participants’ feeling towards the deceased enveloped the

ceremony” (Suzuki 2003:68).

Customers are willing to pay for ‘meaningfulness’. Sometimes a formal

funeral is held and then later at a hotel the “freedom funeral” is held at a hotel;

a boxed altar is used where the bereaved can display items. A deceased golfplayer’s

golf clubs decorated the altar, another fisherman’s fishing rod, reel and

net were displayed at the hall entrance, a well-known piano player’s funeral was

decorated with a grand piano, placed in the front, used as a funeral altar.

Clearly the meaning of funerals is changing. “Thus the living funerals are

intended to assert one’s own importance as an individual in a context where the

value of the deceased as ancestors has declined” (Suzuki 2003:67).

Some thought providing a funeral for one’s parents is still considered a

duty, descendants have come to see it not as an obligation to household

ancestors as such, but as returning a favour to their parents. So gratitude,

obligation dominates. With longevity, there is very little money left to be grateful

for, so even that might disappear. An erosion of earlier practices is seen, but

traditional religious ideas are appearing in new forms.

35

Poet, Matsunaga Goichi praises the non-religious funeral of writer

Nakano Shigeharu: “There was no chanting of the sutras, but it was one of the

rare funerals in which I was moved beyond expression” (Suzuki 1998:177).

A non-religious funeral undermines the fundamental belief system

revolving around the production of household ancestors. A nonreligious

funeral also devalues the role of Buddhist priests in the

transitional process of the spirits and denies the existence of

malevolent spirits (Suzuki a, 180).

Some shrines and temples have internet websites and invite devotees to

buy charms and receive prayers. Temples encourage people to “visit” the

temple and receive prayers for the dead. We are in the process of rapid change

and change that will affect the Christian church, especially if they rise to meet

the challenges.

In a personal email, Prof Suzuki confirms that the changes are not only in

the big cities, but in rural areas, which is a surprise to hear. The comment is

necessary that Suzuki has lived most of her life outside of Japan and maybe

does not realize that bringing the bodies home would mean more rituals,

negating what she is saying about rural areas also having large changes.

I and rural areas as well. Because it is the same company, they offer

the same services. The only differences I can think of right now is

that in the rural areas (1) there are more families who want to have

their funerals at their home instead of at the funeral halls, (2) more

families want their deceased carried back to their home even if they

decide to have a funeral at the funeral hall, (3) there are more

neighboring people who come to help (offerings and staying with the

family and so forth) (4) rural areas tend to imply more elderly, and so

their funerals are smaller because (a) most of their friends are

deceased and (b) children are older and are often retired so they

don't have to invite their bosses and colleagues as well. Dec. 2006

A change in death pollution ideas, funeral options, has led to changes in

beliefs about the bones too.

2.2.2 Ash Scattering (Shizensoo)

Midori Kotani, a researcher at the Life Design Institute, a Tokyo thinktank

tells of ash-scattering. The incidence of ash scattering is increasing; it

being the most non-religious form of disposing of relative’s remains. Some go

36

to picturesque cliff sites after the funeral. One wife took her husband’s ashes to

his favourite overseas spots, another to places he hadn’t travelled to yet. Ashes

have been used to make pendants to make reminders of the loved one.

Scattering ashes are not only a memory of the deceased, it also continues to

create and provide occasions to share memories with the deceased. (Suzuki

2003:69)

“the act of scattering implies disposing of the bones and eliminating the

graves that were the focal point for ancestor veneration: “By the very act of

dispersing the bones, the continuation of household ancestors is rendered

impossible” Suzuki 1998:183).

Shizensoo also goes contrary to the commoditization of death and the

huge cost of a funeral, usually an average of over $20 000. Shizensoo costs

about $1 000 according to the Asahi Shinbun 1997. (Formanek and LaFleur

2004:425) The majority are held at sea, the rest in the mountains, in the sky, in

a river and in the garden of the deceased’s home. Tokyo City has changed a

development plan near a source of water supply in a remote wooded area into a

development of a natural park for shizensoo. The term shizensoo, rather than

sankotsu

散骨

(ash scattering) is used, indicating this allows the dead to be part

of nature again. The first proposal for shizensoo used this slogan: “Leave

nature to our descendants instead of graves” (Formanek and LaFleur,

2004:433).

2.2.3 Eternally-worshipped graves (Eitai kuyoobo)

These graves are not a family affair, but bought by individuals. Some

bones are buried alone, some with unrelated people. Those with no

descendants, those who do not wish to be buried with their mothers-in-law or

their husbands, or homosexual or heterosexual couples who were not allowed

to be married in life, rely on private companies, temples and other religious or

non-religious organisations to assume the maintenance and worship of the

dead to be carried out. This shows that the grave is now maybe the individual’s

eternal resting place and not an ie symbol.

37

Many Japanese companies are building collective graves for deceased

employees. Regular meetings held by participants creates community, and also

provides psychological comfort in following the tradition. To respond to the

anxiety of not having a grave or a caretaker of their after-life, half-page

advertisements for eitai kuyoobo

永代供養

are placed in national newspapers

and many how-to books are published. A comic movie was even made

showing the frenzied search for a grave by an single, aging actress: “There is

No Grave for Me!”

The love for the exotic is combining with age-old traditions in surprising

ways.

2.2.4 Death practices for aborted babies (Mizuko kuyoo)

Abortion and culled babies has always been a feature of life, but with the

legalisation of abortion in 1948, numbers increased to a high of 30% in the

1970’s. Mizuko kuyoo

水子供養

became a boom then and continues. Within 20

years it has appeared in most Japanese religious institutions, with Buddhist,

Shugendoo, Shinto, new religions and prayer healer forms.

As before it involves Jizoo

地蔵尊

statues, but now there is wide-scale

commercialisation, because of an intense marketing campaign involving mass

media and religious entrepreneurs. Media promoting the “occult boom” has

changed the idea of a benevolent baby into a malevolent character.

“Sensational articles in tabloids and magazines for young unmarried women

illustrate mizuko tatari or retribution and preached the importance of performing

mizuko kuyoo to show repentance for killing the foetus and to avert mizuko’s

vengeance” (Formanek and LaFleur 2004:426).

Before the abortion was an ie interest, but now is typically viewed as a

consequence of the individual’s irresponsible behaviour and as a woman’s

personal choice for contraception. The foetocentric rhetoric behind the

malevolent foetus seems to suggest its independent existence and rights,

separate from its mother. Non-community-based, most clients today want to

receive a solution to their own feelings of guilt, fear and ambivalence in a one

time-only cash transaction.

38

Another change shows a collective orientation in that the family as the

basic social unit is involved: Tatari falls more frequently on the siblings and

their children, than on the parents. Karma here does not transfer to the

individual, but to someone else. Men also are taking part as head of the family.

One abbot at a prestigious Buddhist temple “denying the efficacy of mizuko-

Jizoo as not anchored in Buddhist texts, maintains mizuko needs a material

form in order to receive any benefit and preaches the importance of giving it an

ihai (a spirit tablet) with kaimyoo (a posthumous name)” (Formanek and

LaFleur 2004:430).

Tsuji notes that although there is this shift from collectivity to individuality

that it is not occurring in a linear, progressive fashion and that the two are not

necessarily in opposition.

2.3 Popular Culture

Trends always need watching and the trends of 1995 are now popular

culture for a large number of urban dwellers. Urban dwellers are then followed

by rural dwellers to some extent. Manga, animation and films and focus groups

are a window to popular thinking.

2.3.1 Manga / cartoons

The artist Hokusai (1760-1849) coined the term manga’ “man” ( in spite

of oneself, whimsical or lax) and “ga”, picture. The first examples of this art are

found in the Shosooin in Nara. Comic pictures were often done on picture

scrolls by Buddhist monks satirizing themselves, then in the early 17th century

as woodblocks became popular, Hokusai used the genre for representing the

age’s pleasures, clothes, places to visit. Books of cartoons developed over the

centuries and these days many read manga - children from 18 months old to

senior citizens.

In animation adult themes are used, life and death and the fear of death.

(Craig 2000:126) The immanence of the supernatural within the normal and

familiar is a popular theme. Tezuka, a popular writer used nature to express

existential longings, giving nature sad, dark and violent expressions of people’s

emotions.

39

Material that “normally only can be found in The X Files or Unsolved

Mysteries in the US routinely winds up in mainstream Japanese comics” (Izawa

Eri 1996, 1997, 2001:1). Among the themes are a preoccupation with those

that have recently died, banishing demons, and muenbotoke. Heaven and

Buddhist hell is often mixed. A typical plot is that of a human who needs to

protect the human world from those from the demon world. The souls of those

who die often end up Someplace Else that is neither the demon world nor the

human world. (Izawa Eri, 5) Good and evil in characters are often switched,

evil and psychic powers are glamorised and often the good wins. “It would be

folly to use manga and anime (animation) as guidebooks to the supernatural,

but for many people, it’s the main source of information” (Izawa, 6). Miyazaki,

famous animation writer, expresses the underlying belief of the continuity

between humanity and nature. This concept is encapsulated in the word

nagare,

流れ

meaning to flow.

Manga seem to have found a significant half-way position between print

and television in mass communication. (Koodansha Encyclopaedia 1993: 918)

2.3.2 Films

Two vastly popular cinematic events are an interesting indication of

popular belief - resurrection without God and a choice of how you are judged.

In 2003 “Yomigaeri”,

蘇り

(Resurrection), a film about strange sightings of

already dead people who live again in a mountain village; and “Skyhigh” a TV

series. There individuals can determine their life after death as they reflect on

their lives just before they die. At the Begrudgement Gate each person is a

victim of some kind – either murdered or killed in a drunk driving traffic accident.

They are offered three paths to the afterlife. They can accept or refuse their

destiny or return to earth once more to curse and kill a living human.

Christian and Buddhist terms “rebirth” and “tengoku’

天国

the Christian

word for heaven, is used introducing heaven and a kind of purgatory at the

Gate. This promotes the idea “that one’s sense of the spiritual and the afterlife

can be just about anything you want it to be” (Fujino 2005:6). A bulletin board

posting service gives opinions that some have found meaning or purpose in

their lives.

40

Three key themes stand out: relationships, revenge and restitution.

Relationships stretch beyond life as in the scene where the elderly

gentlemen whose pre-school grandchildren and himself were killed in

a traffic accident for the purpose of cursing the girls’ parents, so that

they may all be together, even in hell.

In both films, the dead do not know they have died and the assumption is

“that the afterlife is so like this life that one cannot tell the difference” (Fujino

2005: 29).

The second choice after death is revenge, which is a strong feeling

amongst Christian and non-Christians. Apologies and restitution form a big part

in the films: the man comes back to life and it is the first word he utters, the

bullied boy apologizes for dying on them. Someone’s untimely death still leaves

a sense of indebtedness on his part. Respondents to the shows; BBS on the

Internet, asked whether they would accept or refuse their destiny or return to

earth once more to curse and kill a living human - most choose revenge.

Japanese may tolerate and encourage “deviant” thinking in their popular

culture because they are not able to change very much in the conservative

culture. Manga and films cannot be censored at the time of writing. (Manga

were banned pre-war and during the war.)

The following experiment is indicative of traditional beliefs that have been

eroded, but that show a surprising tendency to hold ideas that are religious,

while strongly denying being “religious.”

2.3.3 Japanese Students’ Images of the Soul

Yamada Yooko and Katoo Yoshinobu’s experiment with Japanese and

French students is described in “Practising the Afterlife: Perspectives from

Japan”. In 1995, 327 Japanese students (96 males, 231 females) participated in

this study. They were students at a university in the Tokyo metropolitan area,

and 2 in Nagoya – French students from Paris also participated and were

compared. On the basis of their drawings, a model was constructed to show:

(l) the relationship of the form of the soul to that of the human being’s body, and

(2) the relationship of the type of the soul’s transformation to its location

between this world and the other world.

41

Summarising: The Japanese students were more likely to depict the

soul as moving back and forth between two worlds, whereas French

students tended to depict the soul as moving only in the direction of

the other world. In addition, Japanese students were more likely to

produce images of rebirth. French images of the soul tended to

depict eternal lives of immortal souls with the same everlasting

identity in a constant world, whereas Japanese images seemed to be

continuously changing from death to rebirth and from birth to death in

different individuals and in successively different generations. This

has been shown to be consistent with the form of the soul in the

drawings: whereas French students’ depictions tended to fall into the

dichotomy Human For/Air Form, Japanese students much more

frequently drew Fireball Forms which are characterized by a

transitional quality and might be considered to be metaphoric roots of

life that do not have human body or individual identity, but still keep

something continuing after death.

These, however are only characteristic tends; wide variation was

found within both the Japanese and the French sample, and despite

differences in the overall trends, students of both countries made

quite similar drawings despite their different cultural backgrounds.

The preference of the Japanese students for representing rebirth of

the soul might in part be rooted in the Japanese religious traditions

which accommodates various notions of communication with the

deceased person’s soul and of rebirth, and might partly be reinforced

by current trends in Japanese society, such as the emphasis put on

similar notions both by contemporary manga comics or renowned

academic writers such as Umehara Takeshi (1996). However,

important departures from this tradition were also to be observed:

Japanese youth no longer share a clear-cut belief in reincarnation

nor in a strong interconnection between the living and their dead

ancestors. However, what still seems to be important to Japanese

youth is to feel themselves associated with a cycle of life including

former and future generations. These feelings are based on a sense

of being loosely linked to others, of being part of a larger cycle of Life

from generation to generation, an ongoing project (Formanek and

LaFleur 2004: 455-456).

This is very informative, especially when considered with the following

findings.

2.4 Focus Groups

2.4.1 First group:

27th December 2007: A meeting was held with 5 Japanese friends from

an interpreters’ group, living in an urban area, Ichikawa, just outside Tokyo.

42

There has been a relationship with some of these ladies for nearly 12 years.

Ages varied, one in her early thirties and the rest over 50, into their early sixties.

They came to the house, spoke in English, as an English speaking opportunity.

Whenever any words that meant “worship” or “respect” or other salient terms

that needed clarification were used, they were asked for the Japanese word

they meant. 2 out of 5 had lived in foreign countries. We talked for two hours.

2.4.2 Second Group:

This focus group interview was conducted in Japanese with a close-knit

group of volunteer Japanese language teachers. They were relaxed, except for

one man who spoke little, but whose attitude showed he despised religious

money makers and seemed generally skeptical and one who was pushing his

exclusively Shintoo background.

2.4.3 Third Group:

These 5 ladies are an English language group, they have a long-standing

relationship and are slightly upper-middle class.

Questions and verbatim reports are to be found in the Appendix.I

From the responses one can see that the 3 ideas that come to the fore

are: oboeru,

覚える

(remembrance) kansha

感謝

for health (gratitude) and

respect.

A large change is seen to have taken place from traditional ancestor

worship in past generations, to the views and customs of present city-dwellers.

These changes are of importance for the church. Trends should be noted and

the necessary theologising done. Obviously reductionist views of the issue will

cause the church to miss where the people are and adjusting for mission and

discipling.

This leads us to the themes that have emerged from study. What are

these themes? How should we react to them? How do we use this knowledge

for contextualising? What are the key questions that need to be clarified before

43

we can proceed to an examination of the teaching and practices of the Christian

church in Japan? Necromancy, prayer, and idol worship will be examined too.

44

3 EMERGENT THEMES AND KEY QUESTIONS

CHAPTER 3

EMERGENT THEMES AND KEY QUESTIONS

After reviewing the involved cultural background of ancestor practices

and then proceeding to contemporary beliefs and practices the study is able in

Chapter 3 to identify and clarify the key themes needed to be contextualised.

Focus is laid on contemporary opinions and ideas, shifts in terminology and the

change in the nexus around which society is structured.

3.1 Emergent Themes

Any approach to culture must be able to address the problem of

social change. Many approaches to the study of culture have been

criticized because they can account for stable situations, but find

themselves unable to deal with the dynamics of change. Social

change is often the reason why local theologies need developing in

the first place. Received notions of what it means to be a Christian,

accepted models of Christian behaviour, formulations about the

relation of the Christian to God may all be called into question by the

emergence of new circumstances or by awareness of social

relationships not previously understood (Schreiter 1996: 44).

The last decade alone has produced changes in attitude and practices to

ancestor practices, as is clear when reading Smith (1974), Berentsen (1985).

There is no doubt that attitudes are very different in rural areas, but the majority

of the population live in cities. In reviewing the New Religions, popular culture

and urban attitudes, the following themes emerge.

3.1.1 The ie / household / family

Yanagita Kunio, the pre-war nativistic scholar, wrote that Japanese find it

difficult to see themselves as Japanese without the ie. Further, Chie Nakane

felt that the core of the Japanese family has always been that between parent

and child, not the relationship between husband and wife. Clearly the nexus

45

has changed. Although attitudes have changed, gravesites, funerals and other

death-related subjects are still seen as family matters in Japan. The gravesite

is the symbol of the family. Japan is in a state where the matter of the gravesite

is the only aspect of the family system that has not changed along with the

progress of the trend toward a nuclear family society

Putting together these comments, Suzuki’s findings about the ie, and

focus group urban dwellers, saying that they think about the ie only at weddings

and funerals, one can say that the concept and functions of the ie, while still

existing, has weakened. Nevertheless, it is still an issue that the church should

include in its theologising.

3.1.2 Interdependence of the Living and the Dead

The interdependence of the ie, has been written about at length;

conflating with animist views of the inter-connected of the universe – families

and nature. “The concept that all life shares a singe world without drawing lines

between man and the supernatural or man and the natural world is one of the

most fundamental of those concepts” (Mayer 1974:101). It is precisely this

fuzziness between the living and the dead that makes for difficulty for the

western mind to unravel questions in ancestor practices.

Paul de Nuei in “Sharing Jesus in the Buddhist World”, suggested that

we need to recognize that the major barriers to Christ are social not religious.

Chua argues too that the reason for the enduring nature of ancestor practices is

the social nature, not the religious aspects – which used to be very strongly held

throughout Japan. The dead and the living depend on each other.

3.1.2.1 Dependence of the Dead on the Living

There is still interdependence in some ways, but the urban dweller’s

puzzled response to the question: “How do you help your ancestors?”

illustrates the fact that the overwhelming obligation to help the ancestors gain

nirvana is not uppermost in their minds anymore. There is a sense of obligation,

but it is nominal custom which does not seem to be of existential importance

anymore.

46

3.1.2.2 Dependence of the Living on the Dead

Here it is obvious that there is still a sense of dependence on the dead,

but mainly for psychological comfort. The comfort seems to be found in

knowing that the customs have been observed satisfactorily. Receiving health

and protection is important.

3.1.3 Gratitude

So gratitude is expressed for the gift of life, health, protection and for

inheritance received – land and houses, as well as wealth. Gratitude for one’s

existence is a Japanese virtue.

3.1.4 Memorialism

Chua (2005) observes that to be forgotten is to be condemned to

torment. Even in 1974, when Smith was writing, he had noticed an increase in

the importance of memorialism and Morioka in 1999 that the ie obligations are

being replaced, partly by personal and psychological functions, seeking comfort

and inner peace through affectionately remembering the dead.

In Africa the importance of preserving the ancestral memory by the living

community. is seen.

In ancient times, Morioka (1999) Japanese referred to their ancestors as

kokoro no yoridokoro, “the place where one’s heart finds refuge and comfort” -

much the same feelings are evoked today” (Chua 2005b:19). Maybe

missionaries have missed the importance of the emotionally comforting role of

the traditional memorial rites, the natsukashii

懐かしい

(longing) a sociallysanctioned

means to find comfort that takes place as the years go by - and

Lewis noted that in their quest for doctrinal correctness, missionaries have

overlooked this issue.

Suzuki described current developments showing emphasis on the

memorial addresses, the introduction of a farewell video of the deceased.

(2003) “The more intimate, sympathetic and heart-warming the message

addressed to the deceased, the more meaningful a funeral will be” (Suzuki

2003:58). She wrote as early as 1998, concluding that there is a decline of

47

ancestor worship on the one hand, and the growing desire in Japan to be

remembered as a unique, individual person upon one’s death” (Suzuki

1998:173).

3.1.5 Fear

The idea of tatari, cursing with misfortune, has been kept alive by the

influential media and the elderly. Even Christians give pause – showing

subliminal fear arising - when the word is mentioned. The idea is ingrained

through numerous children’s stories too, that it is still a feature in the thought

world of the urban Japanese.

Suzuki found that the funeral company offered a refreshing, perfumed

bath; the deceased is treated as being alive till the crematorium switch is

pressed and because night vigils with the body are no longer done, and so

deduced that the idea of the deceased being a haunting spirit is no longer so

strong. She found that those at the funeral expressed fear and uncertainty

rather about what happens after death.

3.1.6 Ethics

Motivation by heavy fear used to be joined to Confucian thought.

Ancestor practices are now seen as a virtue. In history, government decrees

made it a practice which every good citizen observed. Even in a society where

situation ethics rules, ancestor practices are still an enduring virtue.

3.1.7 Identity

Another reason for observing ancestor practices is simply “because I am

a Japanese, it is part of our customs.” A parallel situation exists in Thailand.

The church has not unravelled these two issues and clarified its position.

Issues of Japanese Christian identity are becoming more urgent with the

introduction of the Fundamental law of Education 2006 and the rise of right-wing

nationalism in various forms. The reality of being in Christ, with citizenship in

heaven is going to become more important in discipleship

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3.1.8 Respect/Honour

The last is probably the theme that needs the closest attention as the

focus group respondents (Chapter 2) emphasized respect, rather than worship.

The concept of respect, which in the west would be termed honour, was the

main impression of the interviewer.

From the above it is clear that identity, ethics, fear, the ie, respect,

gratitude, psychological dependence and memorialism are issues that need to

be addressed in a contextualised teaching tool in the local church in Japan.

3.2 Key Questions:

3.2.1 Are Scripturally Forbidden Issues Involved?

In seeking to contextualise these identified themes of importance, are

there Scripturally forbidden issues involved? The following key issues need to

be clarified.

3.2.2 Necromancy

Here two activities need attention: firstly, talking to ancestors has often

been labelled necromancy by missionaries. It is undoubtedly communication,

but it would seem that according to the definition given by the Concise Oxford

Dictionary (1982), “the art of predicting by means of communication with the

dead; witchcraft”; that “reporting” to the ancestor (usually parents or

grandparents) is not by definition, necromancy. “Obaachan, I passed the

exam.” “Mom, I got promoted.” “I love you.”

The second activity would be consulting spiritualist shamanesses

kuchiyose miko or kuchiyose

寄せ

of which there are 3 types, the kami kuchi, iki

kuchi, shi kuchi. The latter is relevant here. This medium can be called upon at

a funeral or at a festival like Obon. The purpose would be to know the will and

unfulfilled wishes of the newly dead, or for communication and advice

concerning the family, or to give reasons for family misfortune.

49

There are many ways that Japanese participate in divination uranai

占い

.

General “reporting” or “talking to” at the butsudan does not appear to fall under

the necromancy nomenclature.

Chua cites the film Saving Private Ryan, where James Ryan, then an old

man, standing at the tombstone of Captain John Miller, who sacrificed his own

life to save him in battle, speaks to the dead man and then salutes the

tombstone. (Would westerners have no problem with this?) (Chua 2005b:9)

Benson Igboin gives a comparative view into similar issues: In Afrel the

idea of the conscious state of the dead is a complex one. The African world is

one of terrestrial blending. People in general believe that the dead are

conscious of themselves as well as the world they left behind.

This is why the issue of the dead conversing with themselves is held

to be true. Conversation requires some dints of consciousness. But

for the living, the consciousness of the dead is a metaphysical and

psychical one. There are claims of dreams, apparitions and trances

of the dead. In these, it is claimed that messages are passed on to

the living. There are myths that are replete with the conscious state

of the dead (Igboin 2005:264).

Some pastors are not clear about this issue, but Yoshimoto writes,

“Concerning ancestor worship (sic) the communication with the dead must be

strictly judged” (Yoshimoto 1987:138-39) – meaning “clearly forbidden.”.

Takimoto, who wrote one of the few books published for lay Christians, also

takes a very strong stand against all communication.

There are numerous warnings. Deut.18:10-11 “Let no one be found

among you who sacrifices his son or daughter in the fire, who practices

divination or sorcery, interprets omens, engages in witchcraft, or casts spells, or

who is a medium or spiritist or who consults the dead.”

The “Complete Word Study Dictionary of the Old Testament” lists the

word “consult” sa’al, verb meaning to ask. One could ask another

person or even God for something (l Sam. 23:2; Ps. 122:6; 137:3;

Ecc. 7:10) People sometimes sought information by asking Urim and

could refer to borrow or lending (Baker and Carpenter 2003:1085).

Although the word primarily means to ask, yet the context of Deut 18:11

includes 3 other prohibitions to necromancy, given that the meaning of the

phrase in Hebrew parlance is the same, namely necromancy, and is forbidden.

50

Other instances of this word’s usage: in Is 8:19 it is used thus: “When

men tell you to consult mediums and spiritists, who whisper and mutter, should

not a people inquire of their God? Why consult the dead on behalf of the

living?”

The word used in Ps 122:6 is translated as “pray” sa al; in Ps 137:3 it is

a request to do something. Ezek 21:21 it is used in a context of divination,

wanting advice; Hos 4:12, asking advice; l Kings 21:6 a request.

Looking at the meaning of the word used and the contexts, it would

appear that this is one of the disputable issues that are best avoided.

3.2.3 Prayer to the dead

According to respondents’ answers, asking ancestors for help is still

being done even in urban centres. In reply to the question about the ancestor’s

having “power to help”, there was strong denial. Asking for help (praying) was

not linked in their minds to any clear idea of strength chikara

力

It is not a

logical connection, which they admitted. Here we see an example of the

phenomena that Japanese are able to hold paradoxical views in their minds –

both/and. Yet there is some expectation of ability to help.

Suzuki felt there is evidence to suggest that the act of praying to or

praying for the deceased is being replaced by a growing emphasis on the

memories of the deceased. Smith, who leant strongly in the direction of

“idolatry”, wrote that although the ancestors were strong agents of social control

in the ie, they are more rather “sources of emotional support.” The fact that

there is a haziness between the living and the dead, where the dead are felt to

be “living dead”, clouds the issue more. If grandmother, who helped you in life,

is still “alive”, why not ask her for help now that she is still around, but in another

dimension? A difficult concept for westerners maybe, but theologians are

dealing here with categories in a different culture and thought system.

Deut. 18:11 is usually the first reference examined about prayer to the

dead. (See the word exposition in the previous section.)

The practice of prayer to the dead has historically been a problem:

moving from the Roman empire’s cult of the dead and the early martyrs; the

Christians asked them to mediate for them to God, whereas their

51

contemporaries regarded the dead as being able to intervene directly in their

lives.

3.2.4 Offerings to the Dead

Japanese offer incense, food and drink to the deceased and often open

the butsudan doors and “eat with the ancestors”. When gifts of food are

brought to the house by visitors they are often placed on the altar or kamidana.

When a festive meal begins, food is taken off the butsudan and eaten by

everyone. Leach suggests how an anthropologist can discover meaning out of

cultural phenomena. Firstly, “the indices in non-verbal communication systems,

like the sound elements in spoken language, do not have meaning as isolates

but only as members of sets”. Totality is important for meaning communication.

Further, “A sign or symbol only acquires meaning when it is discriminated from

some other contrary sign or symbol”. This relates “to the issue of a classifying

scheme in the mind and in cultural phenomena. The cultural phenomenon is an

externalised form bearing meaning in concept.” Leach feels that we engage in

rituals in order to transmit collective messages to ourselves” (Nishioka1997:73).

(By starting to hold non-religious funerals, the Japanese are signalling that the

incense burning means nothing to them, people admit they don’t know the

meaning, it is something to do with the ritual, but exactly what it means they do

not know.)

A public meaning exists in the minds of the majority of the members of a

society. Nishioka insists that according to critical contextualisation, the

subjective understanding of the reality evoked by a particular symbol such as

incense burning should be examined and judged according to Scripture.

Certain culturally conditioned reality is called forth at a funeral concerning

departed spirits, and one’s attitude to spirits and this understanding should be

examined in the light of biblical truth -this is the “user’s meaning”.

Psalm 106:28 “They yoked themselves to the Baal of Peor and ate

sacrifices offered to lifeless gods”. The Hebrew word translated here “lifeless

gods” is again the word for “the dead” as in Deut 18:11.

When speaking of the use of tithes Dt.26:14 “I have not eaten any of the

sacred portion while I was in mourning, nor have I removed any of it while I was

unclean, nor have I offered any of it to the dead. I have obeyed the Lord my

52

God.”. The Israelites must have been aware of an ancestral cult and also of the

ancestral dead being useful to consult for advice as in l Sam 28. There are

similarities here with Japanese family meals/party practices. These practices

are forbidden in the Old Testament. The basic incompatibility with a death cult

is also shown in the forbidding of burying their kings in the temple –

Ezek. 43:7-9

In the New Testament Paul teaches the Corinthians and Roman

churches that feasting in temples in front of the idols is forbidden, 1 Cor. 10: 14-

22, meat sold from shops that bought from temples was permitted to eat, but

that one had to make sure that another Christian was not harmed by the eating.

l Cor 10:23 The idol is “nothing”, not a god, but someone new to the faith, did

not see it as such. Offerings to idols (which are nothing, non-existent gods) are

offered to demons (l Cor 10:21) and therefore clearly forbidden.

Therefore it would seem if relatives or friends make a point of mentioning

something about the food having been offered to the dead, that the Christian

should refrain from eating, but otherwise, with a prayer of thanksgiving and

blessing in their hearts, it is acceptable to eat. Attending a festival meal in a

temple or shrine would be out of the spirit of the teaching.

Eating in front of the butsudan at a shrine or temple is interpreted as a

participative act of union. (Nishioka 1997:283) A key term in understanding the

mystic linkage in the passage is koinonia, which is usually translated as

‘participation; impartation or fellowship.’ In the Hellenistic usage, this term is

often used for the notion of the direct union with deity expressed in sacrificial

meals (Hauck). Paul’s concern in l Cor 10 14-22 is a dual allegiance signified

by their multiple participation in different religious meals. “ According to trope

analysis the eating of religious foods in a certain context (at the church supper

or before cultic altar) is viewed as an act of forming a union”

(Nishioka1997:283). Paul is trying to develop a new symbolic universe with a

solid boundary between Jesus and other demonic beings. (Nishioka 1997:285).

Eating a meal “in memory” of someone (and memorialism seems to be

where death practices are heading) should not be seen as a problem. This is

giving honour and respect to the ancestor. (Could the western custom of

presenting a park bench “in memory” of a relative, or a church hall built “in

memory of”, or a donation “in memory of” carry the same meaning?) A similar

53

question has been thoroughly studied by Rabban Sauma in “Ancestor Practices

in the Muslim World: a Problem of Contextualisation from Central Asia.”

3.2.5 Worship of the ihai, Bones, Tombstone, Ancestor Spirit

The belief is that the deceased’s spirit returns to live in the memorial

tablet. The priest will conduct a ceremony for this. After time elapses, the spirit

exists in the tablet, in the grave and the tombstone. Relatives kneel before the

tablet and at the grave, offer food, flowers, candles and incense and pray to the

deceased because of respect, love and for favours. This would appear to

contravene the 2nd Commandment “Thou shall not make for yourself an idol…

You shall not bow down to them or worship them…..” (Ex. 20: 4,5).

“They deify ancestors. But their cosmology, mytholody (sic) and

ancestors are judged by the First Commandment” (Yoshimoto1987:137). Deep

bowing to relatives or important people is a day-to-day Japanese custom. If

bowing these days shows person-to-person respect, can this bowing be taken

to be worship? Is worship involved, is it idolatry? What is the bower thinking

and doing? What is the purpose in the Japanese context? Chua presented this

study on “bow”:

Similarly, the Hebrew word hwxTvh, as the Eshtaphal stem of hwx,

has two meanings. Depending on the context, it can mean either “to

worship: or simply “to prostrate oneself: Harris et al., 2003: item

619, Theological Word Book of the Old Testament). For instance, in

Exodus 2:5, 2 Kings 17:35, and Nehemiah 8:6, the word is translated

in the New International Version as “to bow down and worship, but in

Genesis 23:7 and 42:6, it is translated simply as “to bow down.” In

the latter, there is no religious connotation whatsoever. 2 Kings

15:18 presents an interesting case in which the word appears twice.

From the context, it would appear that the first instance refers to a

religious act of worship on the part of Naaman’s master, and the

second instance refers to a simple act of bowing on the part of

Naaman. This Hebrew word is translated proskunew in the

Septuagint. In the New Testament, proskunew has similarly the two

sets of meanings, as in Matthew 4:9 and 2:20 respectively. I was

alerted to the polysemous nature of these biblical words by Dr Robert

Priest. (Chua 2005:24)

Smith felt in 1974 that he had no doubt that the family’s dead are its

gods, which are worshiped and petitioned. Towards the end of his book he

admitted that although the ancestors were “strong agents of social control within

54

the household”, they are now rather “sources of emotional support” (Chua

2005:19).

Terminology is important in considering the issues involved. The term

“ancestor worship” commonly used till recently is problematic as a translation of

the various aspects of ancestral practices. There are eight expressions in

Japanese to cover this phrase. Chua takes issue with Berentsen (1985:27-28)

who admits that a religious worship concept and a concept of

veneration/respect is included. What term is to be used in English? Berentsen

in 1985 decides against the term “ancestor veneration”, in case the term might

convey just memorialism.

Reid took a semantic historical view of the term, and said that Takeda

(1973) mentions that sosen suuhai as a Japanese term for ancestor worship is

not “natural” to Japan as it was “coined to accommodate a Western import”.

Fujii at a lecture in Tokyo in 1989 said that anthropologists do not use this term

any longer. Neutral terms such as sosen girei

儀礼

(dictionary: courtesy,

etiquette) or sosen saishi

祭式

(dictionary:rites, rituals) “ancestral rites’ are

used. Both these scholars agree that the English “ancestor worship” is not

adequate to describe what is happening in Japan. (Reid1991:130). Focus group

respondents clearly preferred the term “ancestor respect” in English.

Suuhai

崇拝

is translated as “worship” (dictionary: worship, admiration,

adoration) in English and indicates a “profound, reverential feels toward another

person, whether living or dead is not the criterion. In other contexts, it is better

translated “admiration” or “adoration” – as in poring over a baby. (The focus

groups respondents also preferred the use of this idea.)

Maeda points out that suuhai “implies a recognition that the object of

suuhai is superior to man and is in a position to control the life of the

‘worshipper’ (Berentsen 1985:27-28), but Chua reminds us that Kagawa used

this word of the common worker, showing respect and admiration for a worker.

Not worship. So suuhai need not necessarily be translated into “worship”.

Chua warns us that we need to understand the inner feelings of the

“worshipper” before making pronouncements as to the religiosity or otherwise of

the practices. Here we could add Rabban Sauma’s notes in his work on Central

Asian Ancestral practices: “Muslims believe that every religious act, to be valid,

must be undertaken with a ‘pure intention’ (Tk. Naxa niyet >Pers. Taze, Ar.

55

Niyya), which one declares to God in advance.” And “17. “in your heart”

(jurekpen) is a crucial modifier because of cultural peculiarities in the meaning

of worship. The argument applying the lesson of Elisha and Naaman to the

Central Asian context is convincing only if the MBB reader believes that joining

with Muslims in their ancestor worship is not worship in the sense that matters

to believers in their heart.” (Rabban Sauma 2002: 344) Intention of the heart is

an important concept to Japanese too.

Chua argued that “ancestor veneration” would cover all the Japanese

expressions; worship and all the non-religious phenomena that the Japanese

expressions may imply. (Chua 2005b:23) (He is a Singaporean missiologist,

brought up in a traditional Chinese home and whose wife is a Japanese.) Spae

in 1971 spoke of these momentous distinctions that need to be made

concerning the religious motivation that we make using parallel Christian

standards of religiosity. He writes that people whose religiosity is not

interiorised can behave ‘religiously” for non-religious motives, such as social

customs, and pressures.

Offner in 1979, felt that we are too hasty to decide that everything that

happens at a shrine or temple violates the First Commandment and that the

English “worship” is not static in its meaning. Chua chided Protestant scholars

who uncritically “assess ancestral practices in wholly religious terms, in other

words, as idol worship” (Chua, 2005a:24).

Spae, spoke of the internalisation of religiosity and the criteria that can

help us “evaluate religious phenomena from the sociological and theological

point of view”, and gave 3 aspects:

“1) a religious view of life, 2) of a referential ethic, derived from, and

connected with that view of life of which it is the source and

inspiration and, finally, 3) of religious practices, private and

communal, which assume sundry characteristics, e.g. a mystic,

intellectual, affective or social, commitment towards one’s religion”

(Spae1971:18).

Stark and Glock spoke of some sort of encounter, contact between

themselves and supernatural consciousness. Wach’s definition of religious

experience is (1) a response to what is experienced as Ultimate Reality; (2) a

total response most powerful, comprehensive, shattering, and profound

56

experience of which man is capable; and (4) the most powerful source of

motivation and action. Prof Doi Masatoshi has often remarked that the “basic

trait of the Japanese mentality is the absence of the sense of ultimacy”

(Spae1971:30). (This was the impression we got while discussing with the

focus group – a big void in their spiritual being.)

Smith agreed that there are two aspects, respect and worship. Respect

arising from civic duty and worship involving religious rites. The first is

legitimate and allows for ancestral veneration, not involving fear or worship.

Respect includes appropriate acts of filial piety involving honour, esteem,

reverence, devotion, love and homage to ancestors as humans, but excludes

any worship or deification of them. The focus group insisted on the primacy of

respect, not worship – are we here seeing “blinded” idol-worshippers or people

objectively evaluating complex feelings? Questions were directed in 2006 at

not-yet-Christians and not to Japanese converts because they have already

imbibed stereotypes.

Professor Doi Masatoshi’s study group in the late 1950’s for the United

Church of Christ’s Study Centre for Mission sent out a questionnaire to 200 of

that church’s congregations and 80 responses were received. The wording

took care to distinguish between respect/keii and worship with petition/ogamu,

拝む

kigan suru

奇岩する

. 57.8% cited respect as the explanation for their

participation in ancestor rites, while 3.3% cited it as worship and supplication.

(This now is the position found in 2006 of non-Christian focus group’s

statements.) Berentsen argues that it is not enough to look at the

consciousness of people, because if the rites are still functioning institutionally

in a part of the population, that there is the possibility of a revival of the religious

values in the minds of people at large. There needs to be significant changes at

the institutional level “which are draining the rites of their religious content”

(Berentsen 1985:142). Secularisation happens as a dialectic between the

phenomena of consciousness and the institutional nature of the rites. The

writer feels that in 2007 we have reached a point of no return in Buddhist

strength, but not of that of Shintoo beliefs.

The dates of this scholarship shows that more could be done currently on

a linguistic basis. It would appear from Suzuki’s writings that the element of

“worship”, translated as suuhai has diminished in popular practice and

57

understanding. Even the idea of ‘respect” in Japanese usage has changed over

time. We are arguing over the meaning of words, but what are the Japanese

actually doing, according to themselves? The focus group insists it is respect.

Deep respect.

In Japan the close inter-changeability between humans and kami makes

the question more difficult to answer. The paradox in the Japanese mind is not

one difficult to hold, whereas to the Westerner it is more clear.

This kind of confusion is not peculiar to Japan alone:

In Central Asia, (Rabban, there is the Qur’anic term that is reserved

for worship of God (Uz. Ibodat; Kz.gibadat<Ar. ‘ibada), which is

understood in Islam primarily in the sense of saying the prescribed

five daily prayers (Pers./Tk. Namaz; Ar. Salat). The Arabic word

ibada is unfamiliar to most Central Asian Muslims, so it is translated

literally with the Turkic word qulshiliq, meaning service or slavery.

Applying the distinction between ibada and other terms, it is possible

to argue that Central Asian Muslims do not actually worship but only

honour or memorialise the dead, because the namax alone is true

worship or ibada for Muslims.

If this answer were acceptable to all, it might absolve Muslims of the

accusation of worshiping spirits. The problem with it is that the entire

Turkic semantic domain specified above is applied in popular

discourse to the worship both of God and the ancestor spirits, except

for bagishlama which applies only to God. The problem lies with the

middle terms in the semantic range. In Central Asia one frequently

hears Muslims using the words sivinu and tabinu for worship both of

God and of the ancestor spirits. Those capable of critical reflection

then confess sheepishly that this way of confusing the objects of

worship is contrary to the Shariah, the law of Islam.

Suzuki in “McFunerals” concludes

that to state that the Japanese McFuneral is proliferating does

not deny the existence of religious practices nor does it refute

the presence of religious elements in practice. The functions of

religious practice indicated by Durkheim is ‘its concentrated

expression of the whole collective life’: and the representation

of the ‘system of ideas’ held by a society (Suzuki 2003:72-73).

Worship? In his survey, Offner, reports that “in performing these

rites, respondents felt “no sense of a humble creatureliness nor a

feeling of awe before an all-powerful deity, no sense of divine glory

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which praise nor an idea of holiness that stimulates confession of

sin”, so not “worship” in the Biblical sense. (Chua 2005a:21).

Table 1: Overt and Covert Culture; Form and Variation

(based on Voget 1975:747)

Form Psychological

Processes

Change

Rates

Extrapolated

Change

Processes

Overt/Variation Periphery Habituations

subjected to

conscious

control

Rapid (no

deepseated

conflicts)

Variation

(History)

Covert/Structure Core Unconscious

conditioning

of

motivations

Gradual

(conflict)

Structural

(Evolution)

(Nishioka 1997:16)

As seen above, covert or unconscious aspects of culture change slowly,

whereas overt or conscious parts tend to change rapidly. Much Japanese

“ancestor worship” is “worship” no longer.

The conclusion is that for many in the cities that what they physically do

or think while observing the traditional rites, is no longer worship in the Biblical

sense. Many perhaps would be glad to not have the Buddhist priest there as a

representative of his religion. Could we say that if there were other ways of

showing respect and observing a rite of passage, that Japanese would do so?

The “living funeral” is already first step in this direction. Could it be that in 20

years’ time the non-religious funeral will be at a 50% level in the cities? Has the

time come for the popularisation of Christian funerals as the wedding has been

popularised, bringing wide opportunities for evangelism and pastoral care?

59

3.2.6 Religion

Are ancestor practices religious? It goes beyond the scope of this paper

to examine the enormous concept of “religion”, but we may briefly cite Geertz,

Chua and Ooms. Chua quotes Geertz who wrote In 1973 Geertz he defined

religion as a system of symbols that formulate “conceptions of a general order

of existence.” (Chua 2005a:10) Ooms is quoted by Chua: he regarded ancestor

rites as “a religious phenomenon which has more modest ambitions” and

concludes that the religious dimension in a religion is not to be found in the

expectation of either blessings or punishments from the ancestors, but rather in

the experience of an emotion or an encounter. He gives 3 levels of intimacy: (l)

a feeling of fulfilment of duty, thankfulness, (2) experiencing the ancestor’s

presence (3) mutual awareness of each other’s presence. He predicts that with

secularisation that the 2nd and 3rd levels of encounter will decrease, but that 1

will continue, as it provides way to cope with the fundamental problem of death.

(Chua 2005a:10-11) Chua here argues that the first level cannot be regarded

as religious just because it is a way of coping with death and that a feeling of

fulfilment of duty. Spae argued that if people’s religiosity is institutionalised

without being interiorised, they may behave “religiously: for non-religious

motives – and these, as Chua emphasized could be the reason why the

ancestor customs continue, although the Buddhist meaning/content seems to

be disappearing. Enns reported in 2001 that the religion is dependant on

funerary rites for its survival.

The argument about what is religion has been dealt with at length in the

literature. “The rubric of shuukyoo

宗教

religion is rather elastic, depending on

the context, its semantic range expands or contracts” (Chua 2005:29). Chua

agreed with Reader and Tanabe that a western definition applied to Japan will

give us unreliable results. There is a clear distinction “between religious belief

and religious feelings” according to a 1992 evaluation of a Japanese

government survey. And the Japanese themselves may not be cognitively

aware of this distinction. So thinking people might disassociate the ancestral

rites from “religion”.

Chua tended to see the religious elements located in the funeral,

mourning rites, 49th day memorial service, and anniversary services. The

60

observances at the butsudan and grave visits seem to include both religious

and non-religious elements.

Clearly the final word on these issues has not been given and one would

hope that the Church in Japan would plan up-to-date studies, plus the

missionary community would humbly and sympathetically listen to the

Japanese, both those inside and outside the Church in this changing situation.

Next we will examine how the indigenous Christian Japanese groups

have handled the subject in response to their culture and history. Surveys and

questions to Church denominations, mission groups, Seminaries and Bible

Colleges will show what they are teaching and practising with reference to life

after death. The Biblical teaching on life after death with relevant mention of

Japanese issues will be given.

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4 CHRISTIAN BELIEFS AND PRACTICES

CHAPTER 4

CHRISTIAN BELIEFS AND PRACTICES

The Japanese have not been passive recipients of Christianity, but

active agents who reinterpreted and reconstructed the faith in terms that made

sense to them. Nowhere is this better seen than in the so-called ‘indigenous

groups’. We will examine the indigenous movements with special regard for

their contextualisation of ancestor practices.

4.1 Indigenous Movements

The indigenous groups developed in the 1930’s and 1940’s started to

read the Bible with Japanese insights and in the light of Japanese folk religion.

Most representative of the indigenous groups that tried to indigenise were the

Glorious Gospel Christian Church, the Spirit of Jesus Church, the Original

Gospel and the Holy Ecclesia of Jesus. Some would view these as syncretistic

groups, but the founders and followers see these as Holy Spirit-led progressive

revelation to the Japanese. (Some are included in statistics and lists in the

general Christian Yearbook.)

Some clearly shun the ancestor practices as idol worship. The Spirit of

Jesus Church sees the butsudan and ancestral tablets as indwelt by evil spirits.

Buddhist utensils and altars are burnt. Many other groups are more tolerant.

The Holy Ecclesia of Jesus published a handbook, where much attention is

given to the problem of ancestors; a chapter, “Concerning Ancestor

Venerations” gives their position:

In accordance with the Scriptures, the orthodox Christian church

teaches that we are to respect our parents and truly honour our

ancestors, and for this reason we reverently hold memorial services

and festivals for the comforting of the spirits. Although we take

special care of the dead and have high regard for our ancestors, in

Christianity we do not worship the dead. As human beings, we

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should only worship the one true God who is the creator of heaven

and earth and the source of our being; although we pray to God for

the eternal peace of the dead, we do not worship the dead (Mullins

1998:139).

Also the Original Gospel, at a symposium on ancestral rites and

memorial services, reiterated these feelings, but said that an “expression of

gratefulness and respect toward those to whom the living are indebted” is

necessary in ancestral rites” (Mullins1998:139). The movements vary in their

teachings concerning traditional ancestor practices, but all have initiated

“alternative functionally equivalent practices to remember and care for the dead”

(Mullins,1998:39). Respect and memorialism goes together in their practices

4.1.1 Memorialism

Where the founder has died, the group has instituted memorial rites. The

Non-Church movement holds memorial lectures and banquets on the Sunday

nearest to the death of Uchimura Kanzoo, which are mainly evangelistic

opportunities, yet they provide expressions of respect for Uchimura. Christ

Heart Church holds a service for the founder, Kawai Shinsui after a 3-day

retreat of lectures, church and grave cleaning. Likewise the founder of the

Original Gospel Church is memorialised in annual services plus at the founding

church, elderly members still clean the grave and offer flowers every 3 days at

the grave of Teshima.

Attention is also given to the families and members of the movements.

They have adopted the cyclical and linear rites for the dead which are observed

in Japanese practice. Often during Obon they have a Common Memorial

Service for Comforting the Spirits – goodooireisai

合同

例祭

At one church

there is a service remembering the death of the Shoowa emperor and in

addition to Bible readings and hymns, the names of all deceased members are

read. A taped sermon by the founder, words of comfort and remembrance,

respects at the grave, goes before a lunch when memories and stores are

shared about the deceased.

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The Holy Ecclesia of Jesus hold services on the day that Roman

Catholics memorialise the dead and also at Obon

お盆

and Higan

彼岸

Members hold a photograph of the deceased relative, bring them forward, place

them on a table and there are pastoral prayers. A Lord’s Supper on behalf of

the dead is then held. The dead are then receiving this communion in heaven.

Memorial services do not generally have a set liturgy. Some groups provide

memorial services for the fallen of the war on Okinawa and also for the

Christian martyrs of the 17th century on Kyuushuu.

64

Table 2: Memorialism and Ritual Care of the Dead

in Japanese Christian Movements (Mullins, 140)

INDIGENOUS MOVEMENT

YEAR

ORGANIZED

FOUNDER

MEMORIALS

CYCLICAL

RITES

LINEAR

RITES

HYMNS

EXTENSION

OF

SALVATION

TO THE

SPIRIT

WORLD

FAMILY

ALTARS

(BUTSUDAN

OR

CHRISTIAN

EQUIVALENT)

Nonchurch movement 1901 Ñ

The Way 1907

Christ Heart Church 1927

Glorious Gospel Christian Church 1936

Living Christ One Ear of Wheat Church 1939

Christian Canaan Church 1940

Japan Ecclesia of Christ 1940

Spirit of Jesus Church 1941

Holy Ecclesia of Jesus 1946

*Founder

living

The Sanctifying Christ Church 1948 Founder

living

Original Gospel (Tabernacle Movement) 1948

Life-Giving Christ 1966 Founder

living

Okinawa Christian Gospel 1977 Founder

living

Shaded cells indicate presence of phenomena in contemporary religious practice.

*The wife of the founder, referred to as reiboosama, spiritual mother, is remembered each year at a memorial service.

Ñ In the case of the Nonchurch movement, memorial lectures are held on the Sunday nearest 28 March, the anniversary of the death of Uchimura.

65

Many indigenous movements allow followers to keep a butsudan and to

join family members in their rites. The Original Gospel allows followers to pray

in front of the butsudan, where their ancestors prayed. When they hold a

meeting in such a home, the menorah (symbol of God and light) is placed in

front and the butsudan doors left open. The Holy Ecclesia of Jesus, leads

members to have an alternative Christian family altar for worship and prayer.

Small wooden crosses have the names or “spiritual names” of the family

deceased written on them.

4.1.2 Evangelism of the ie

Feelings of family solidarity in the ie are very strong and one leader said

that he has confidence that his ancestors are saved, because of Christ’s grace

to him when he was saved. This idea is linked to Abraham becoming a source

of blessing for all the families of the earth.

4.1.2.1 Vicarious Baptism

Vicarious baptism is done in the Spirit of Jesus Church. (Another

indigenous group in the west that pays attention to genealogy and the

household, are the Mormons and there is also baptism for the dead.) In

Buddhism, one of the acts of mercy of the Buddha was to go into hell and

preach to those lingering there. According to 1 Cor. 15:29 “Now if there is no

resurrection, what will those do who are baptized for the dead? If the dead are

not raised at all, why are people baptized for them?” According to Murai there

is salvation for ancestors and family members through baptism – and Murai

invites newcomers to believe and bring their ie into the kingdom as well. They

also provide baptism for mizuko

水子

(aborted and stillborn children).

Newcomers are encouraged to accept the gospel for their own salvation and

told that they may perhaps receive salvation for ancestors through vicarious

baptism. At baptism, the ancestor’s name is given and the relationship to the

deceased and then they receive baptism by immersion for the deceased.

Believers can then put aside all worries about their relatives’ salvation.

66

A hymn reads, lst, 5th and 6th verses:

The spirits of our long-sleeping ancestors

Still now are weeping in sorrow.

Spring passes, summer comes, autumn goes and winter comes,

But hades is eternally winter’s dead of night.”

By and by the gates of hades are opened

Through the name of Jesus.

The substitutionary baptism of descendants in the world –

Oh, what immeasurable grace!….

[Oh,] the cries of joy reverberate!

Our ancestors have been saved!

The light of grace shines all around,

The songs of the angels thunder throughout heaven and earth. (Mullins,

151,152).

4.1.2.2 Vicarious Communion

Reading the Bible independently, Christians have seen hope for

those who have died without hearing the gospel. 1 Pet 3:18-22 “For Christ also

suffered for sins once for all, the righteous for the unrighteous, in order to bring

you to God. He was put to death in the flesh, but made alive in the spirit, in

which also He went and made a proclamation to the spirits in prison, who in

former times did not obey, when God waited patiently in the days of Noah,

during the building of the ark, in which a few, that is eight persons, were saved

through water.” Also 1 Pet. 4:6 “For this reason the gospel was proclaimed

even to the dead, so that, though they had been judged in the flesh, they might

live in the spirit as God does.”

This ministry to the dead is understood as a continuation of the work of

Jesus in His descent into hades and preaching to the imprisoned spirits.

4.1.2.3 Prayers for the Dead

The Glorious Gospel Christian Church encourages followers

to pray on behalf of their deceased relatives. In Vol 2 of “The Glorious Gospel”,

Sugita wrote of his certainty that

67

offering prayers of intercession on behalf of the dead is a good and

proper thing for believers to do. Although there is no Scriptural text

stating that those prayed for will necessarily be saved, neither is

there a text instructing us not to pray for the dead (Mullins, 148).

The fact that Jesus descended into hades to preach to the spirits there, is

a clear indication of God’s love to them. God will decide about their salvation.

4.1.2.4 Preaching to the Dead

Teshima (Original Gospel) said that

the spirits cannot eat material bread, but they can eat the word of

God. That is why the most appropriate memorial rite to read to them

is the word of God. Through our prayerful reading of the Bible, the

‘wandering spirits’ receive guidance and are pointed in the direction

of Christ” (Mullins, 148)

He also taught that it is not necessary to throw out the Buddhist altar and

memorial tablets, rather open the butsudan and “preach the gospel to the

ancestors” (Mullins1998:148). A disciple of Teshima explained to Mullins that

the first thing he did after conversion and healing was to go to the butsudan and

report his conversion to his ancestors and he prayed they would receive Christ’s

light.

Another group to be mentioned would be the Kakure Kirishitan on

Kyuushuu. After the edict banning Christianity in the early 17th century, under

Tokugawa, these believers denied their faith by stepping on a tablet of Christian

images, fumie

踏み絵

and recanting, yet they continued to practice their faith in

Jesus in private and when Roman Catholic and Japanese officials organized a

meeting in 1865 a sizeable group of descendants appeared at the meeting.

Folk Catholicism and traditional orthodox Christian teaching blended over the

years. Whelan has translated their sacred text Tenchi no hajimari no koto (The

Beginning of Heaven and Earth) and scholars today are showing interest again

in their history and current practice.

Although these movements have developed from Japanese leadership

and indigenised practices, Mullins shows that the only church which is still

growing is the Holy Ecclesia of Jesus, but that demographics of the general

country and the drop in Sunday School numbers, suggest that future growth is

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doubtful. What has attracted people over a few decades is not doing so

anymore, as these movements are growing less rapidly than mission planted

churches. (Mullins1998:166)

The Indigenous Movements illustrate the importance of ancestor

practices to Japanese. In various ways the indigenous movements care for the

dead and care for the salvation of the spirit world. After baptism, spirits of the

dead go to heaven and become benevolent ancestors, pray for their ie and

protect them. In these ways the Japanese indigenous movement provides

comfort for that inner loneliness that the Japanese feels when cut off from the

system of the ancestor cult by becoming a Christian. What are the ‘orthodox’

churches and missionary groups teaching and practising?

4.2 The Church: Teaching and Practice

The largest denominations are: (Christian Yearbook of 2006) Roman

Catholic Church 448 316, Japan, United Church 97 352, Anglican Church 27

950, Assemblies of God Church 9759, Holiness 8403, Japan Evangelical

Church Alliance 8037. Telephone enquiries revealed the following: All the

churches have memorial services for the dead, once, some twice a year. Some

of the JECA (Japan Evangelical Church Alliance) churches did not do this as a

denomination. The Anglican Church commemorates the dead at the All Saints

service in November; the dead are remembered as part of the communion

service and they send out notices to the families concerning the once-monthly

memorial service which is conducted for those who died within that month. One

or 2 months after death, the bones are interred at a service conducted at the

grave. They do not emphasize the ancestors but the concept of the “family of

God”. Up till recently they did not hold a wake ceremony, but they do now.

Their book of liturgy is updated to 1999.

All churches would conduct services at the grave, some only if requested

by the family. Most had their own church grave or cemeteries. Mainline

denominations have a set liturgy, the Immanuel Church uses a book of prayers.

All except the Anglican discourage members from offering incense at

Buddhist funerals and encourage them rather to stand with bowed head,

praying quietly for the bereaved family and maybe to give flowers. Some

mainline churches allow members to observe the offering at the butsudan if they

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are living with non-Christian family, because of the feelings of the family, or

some churches say individuals can decide. Members can stand and pray to

God for the salvation of their families. (Japan Lutheran Church encourages

members to have a special place in the house where they remember the dead.

A cross can be used, flowers and a photo. This is for the sake of the feelings of

the family.) Some teach about Christ’s victory over tatari, but not all. Some

teach as the need arises in Bible studies and sermons.

No church does any special service on the 49th day after death. (A local

Nishi Evangelical Lutheran church pastor did so upon request.) Documents to

prepare for their own funeral are used by all, with variations in the Anglican

Church.

More details is given on the following churches:

4.2.1 Nihon Kirisuto Koodan (United Church)

The handbook of the church on funerals starts with “the funeral is not

worship towards the dead” (Berentsen 1985:170). So there is a clear desire

not to direct worship towards the dead. Yoshimoto (1987:110) cites Doi

Masatoshi’s case study in the late 1950’s: They raised the question how

ancestral rites pertaining to the old family system influences the everyday life of

the Christian. Questionnaires were sent to 200 churches. Responses came

from 80. Of special interest is the fact that the questionnaire operates with a

clear distinction between respect keii

敬意

towards the ancestors and worship

with supplication ogamu,

拝む

kigan suru.

祈願

In accordance with this

distinction, 57.8 % explained their participation in traditional rites/festivals as

paying respect to the ancestors, while 3.3% said it to be worship and

supplication. To these figures the study group adds the comment that even

after they have become Christians, the mood of ancestor worship remains

rather strong. However, through the instruction of the church, worship suuhai is

consciously changed to respect keii. According to our 2007 focus group’s

response, this attitude of respect is now prevalent amongst urban traditional

Japanese. Concerning “worship”, in the 1970’s the debate about the offering of

flowers instead of incense was brought up again and Yamamoto Naotaka writes

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that it is a practice which should rather be done away with. This gives insight

into the dilemma.

4.2.2 Roman Catholic Church

In the guide to the funeral, the foreword explains the use of incense,

saying it is offered “in order to express respect towards the body of the dead as

a sanctuary of the Holy Spirit.” (Berentsen1985:67) The priest offers incense

facing both the altar and the coffin. At the close, prayer is given that the “dead

may be added to the saints”, silent prayer and then another offering of incense

to the coffin. In the general Mass the priest and acolytes bow in front of the

altar and offer incense and this is explained as conduct expressing religious

respect ”to the altar” (Berentsen 1985:67).

A clear eschatological view is found on the first page of the guide to the

funeral: “the Christian funeral is to be seen in the perspective of the fulfilment of

the kingdom of God, the second coming of Christ and resurrection of the dead.”

On November 2nd All Saints’ Day is observed and services are conducted for

the deceased and in this month they are prayed for.

4.2.3 Evangelical Lutheran Church

In the Lutheran handbook, before the various funerary rites, it states that

the Christian funeral is “not – as in other religions – to pray for the happiness of

the dead and/or to worship the deceased.” Further warnings are given lest the

rite or atmosphere goes into worship of the dead or idolatry in any aspect, from

encoffinment to the memorial services.“

The following is our observation on All Saints Day in November 2007 at

the All Souls’ Memorial Service, Zenseitoobi. There was a table with several

steps, covered with white cloth at the front right of the sanctuary. Here church

members had placed photos of deceased family members (both church

members and non-church members) in plain wooden frames. Older photos

were black and white, more recent were in colour. There were 3 small vases of

flowers decorating the table.

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During the morning service, Rev Ikegami Yasushi led a short service of

remembrance, reading from the liturgy of the West Japan Evangelical Lutheran

Church. At the start of the service there was solemn reading of the full name

and date of death of each deceased family member, otherwise there were no

contextualised features in actual wording. There was no incense offered, no

bowing to the photos, no prayers to the deceased or prayers for their salvation.

Prayers were offered to God, giving thanks for the deceased and their salvation.

No mention was made of the communion of the saints. (We noted that the

children’s story for the day was the history of the ten plagues, the last being the

killing of the eldest son and wondered how the many visiting non-Christian

relatives would perceive this.) “Mitama o kudarite”, (Come Holy Spirit) was

sung. Mitama

御霊

is also the word for an ancestor’s spirit.

Non-Christian relatives attending the service were offered a Christian

calendar as a gift on leaving. After a simple lunch together, church members

went 1 and a half hours by car to the Christian cemetery where the church

maintains a grave. There the gravesite was weeded, tidied and fresh flowers

placed before the tombstone. Rev Ikegami read from the Scriptures, “What a

friend we have in Jesus”, was sung and the Lord’s Prayer was prayed together

with the minister ending in a short prayer. All stood behind the tombstone to

have a memorial photo taken.

Some months later “Note to Heaven” Tengoku ni nooto was included in

the church bulletin, the purpose explained by the minister and Christians were

asked to fill it in and return it to the church. Here personal preferences for their

own funerals were noted and details of agreements with family members

recorded. (This prevents difficulties with relatives and Buddhist priests over

Christian rites.) This pastoral request has led to some not attending church

anymore.

Luttio objected to the JELC opening up the Christian funeral to nonbelievers.

(Strand 2004:245) Although church funerals would at this stage be a

very good opportunity for evangelism and pastoral care, in general in Japan

many are against giving Christian funerals for non-believers, forgetting that if

they were in the ministry in their home churches, they would be doing many

funerals for non-believers. “It would take so much work!”

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4.2.4 Mission organisations

What are missions doing with regard to ancestor practices? The

following were questions posed to leaders or experienced representatives of the

11 largest missions in Japan. Some were chosen because of length of work in

the country. Questions are in Appendix 2, No 1.

Responses showed that none except one group’s missionaries had any

training concerning ancestor practices before coming to Japan. One had a little.

None gave specific on-the-job training. Some used the Japan Evangelical

Missionary Association’s resources, some pick it up, some admitted “we don’t

do enough” and one group whose missionaries work under Japanese pastors,

entrust any training to them.

Memorial services were held by all, except 2 – one not knowing what I

meant. Services at the graves are conducted by 3, others said it varied, and

one did not observe anything. Churches varied a good deal about possessing

graves or cemeteries. Asked about introducing a substititute for the butsudan,

all except one said, “No.” Ancestor practices are seen as worship, by all except

one, who did not mind activity in front of the butsudan. All except one group

teaches Christians to stop burning incense to the dead. The question regarding

the ie had the most divergence in answers. 3 did not understand the term used

in the question, one had never been asked that before. Only 4 answered in the

affirmative, but this could mean only family respect because of the way the

question was formulated. Two mentioned the element of respect. From the

way in which respondents answered, we think more than 3 did not know the

term ie. One group teaches very strict separation at death: “No more amae

甘え

dependence on the parents, a real break.”

All replied that they would welcome a contextualised teaching tool, given

due review as to doctrine (2), if it would be helpful for evangelism (1), and if

there were no syncretism (1)

4.2.5 OMF Church Members

My own organization’s practices were investigated. The following

questions were posed by Strand in 2004 to 5 different church groups and are

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used here with his permission. Christians from missionary-led churches and

Japanese minister-led churches answered. A total of 33 responded.

The Questions are to be found in the Appendix 2, No 2..

Ancestors? Most thought of their parents or grand-parents as ancestors.

No-one mentioned anyone further back. 15 said the ancestors are living; there

were many variations as to how they are living.

16 said the spirit does not change, 8 said they are nearby, 17 felt that

there is a spiritual world (I think they misunderstood question no. 7). 21 said

they do not observe any death day hooji memorial for family dead. 19 do not go

for grave visits with their families. 24 do not offer incense or pray to the

ancestor. 12 do not pray to them, 10 did not answer. 25 do nothing at higan.

26 do nothing at Obon. 27 do not have a butsudan in the home. 24 say they do

nothing at the butsudan (Probably meaning their original family home

butsudan.

30 believed that ancestors do not help or harm them. 28 say they have

not experienced any cursing by the ancestors. 29 feel that nothing they do can

influence the ancestors. All, without exception feel that they cannot influence

the dead and 32 felt that if they do not offer incense or food, etc that the final

destination of the ancestor is not changed.

The answers given indicate a Christian worldview, that incense and

merit-making is not believed any longer and also that their knowledge of the

condition of dead spirits is hazy, needing more teaching and emphasis. They

are also not knowledgeable about Buddhism in any detail.

4.2.6 Hokkaidoo Japanese Pastors and OMF missionaries

Questions are to be found in Appendix 2, No 3.

There were13 missionaries respondents and 20 pastors, making a total

of 33. 8 missionaries hold memorial services; those who didn’t, did not yet

have any dead in their young churches. Only 1 missionary would not hold

memorial services. All pastors except 1 hold such services and one said he

would if requested to do so.

One missionary had performed a funeral for a non-Christian and 6

pastors said he would if he were requested to do so. It seemed to be a foreign

concept to memorialize non-Christian people to all respondents. 5 out of 13

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missionary-led churches have gravesites, but the rest would do so later. All

pastor-led churches either have one or share one. One missionary-led church

has an ossuary and all the pastor-led churches deposit the bones into the

grave. 5 out of 13 missionaries do services at the graves, but it was not clear

whether this is on a separate occasion from the annual memorial service. The

same percentage accounts for the pastors’ actions. Only 2 missionaries would

do a service at the 49th day if requested and none at l year. I felt that most did

not understand the significance of the 49th day and did not ask why I asked that

particular question. Some pastors were very firm about not doing anything on

the 49th day (7 out of 20 would if asked). 4 out of 20 missionaries give teaching

on life after death and funeral plans, 1 would if asked and 1 did this individually.

17 distribute funeral planning documents to be filled in. 10 pastors teach on this

subject, others teach at memorial services, funerals and at Easter. 11 out of 13

missionaries hold New Year services. Only 3 pastors do not. No-one speaks

about the departed believers at New Year. 2 missionaries have services at

Obon. 3 pastors have services at Obon, 1 going to the grave. In Hokkaidoo

there is a 2-day conference over the Obon holidays to which many go.

So attention is being given to the ancestors, but in the writer’s opinion,

following the lead of other denominations, more should be done. More

teaching, more contextualisation of traditional customs – boldly and wisely

done, led by Christian experts in Buddhism who are able to guard against

syncretism. More emphasis should be laid on teaching on the family, the family

of God, family activities and care of and genuine love of the elderly.

4.2.7 Seminaries, Bible Colleges

Questions posed to principals, of the main Seminaries and Bible Colleges in

Japan: are found in Appendix 2, No. 4.

There are over 200 Bible colleges of various sizes. 7 of the larger ones

were interviewed, but the impression is that older denominations had clearer

theological thinking, that much seemed to be left to the churches to do as they

wished, that the issues were not systematically dealt with, some leaving it to

“Missiology lecturers”. In Japan this is hardly an issue for Missiology only.

Most were helpful, 1 in particular, very quickly and systematically forthcoming

on all relevant issues, 1 told me “we are evangelical, it is rude to ask about this.”

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The conclusion is that as a subject, life after death is not systematically and

contextually taught and is not seriously grappled with by theological educators.

(Fukuda 1991:10-11)

4.3 Biblical Teaching on Relevant Issues of Life After Death

We have examined the indigenous groups’ teaching and practices, those

of the churches, missions and the seminaries in Japan. We will now examine

relevant Biblical teaching on life after death.

4.3.1 Life After Death

In ancestor worship, death does not constitute a final barrier between the

living and the dead. The family closeness continues. In both Buddhism and

Shintoo. The radical distinction between life and death is lacking. Although not

wanting to be known as a “funeral religion” death needs to be clearly

theologised and the message of the living who triumph over death because of

Christ the Victor, needs to be clearly preached.

Biblically, death is seen as a result of sin, (Althaus), not as being part of

man’s material nature and a biological phenomenon. (Wachter) Heroic death is

not found in the New Testament, because of sin and judgement, death is a

terrible thing. Christ vicariously bore the biological death of man as his last

enemy and after atoning for sin, he rose from death. The power of death was

taken away. (l Cor. 15:26, Acts 2:24, Rom 6:23) With no afterlife, there is no

final justification or final social reconciliation.

Kumano Yoshitake made a clear point when he writes that “a clear

eschatological understanding of Christian faith – of death, resurrection,

judgment, and eternal life – is a prerequisite for a proper funeral” (Berentsen,

179). Vagueness is responsible for confusion about proper forms in Japanese

churches.

The afterlife is variously viewed - Freud sees a regressive idea, Karl

Marx a ploy of the elite class – an avoidance technique. Evolutionary

psychologists and socio-biologists posit that genetic survival is all that matters.

Even theists locate heaven as a reality in the mind – a state of mind; a godly

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humanist sees a symbol for socialised human beings as they receive rewards

for enduring activities that benefit their societies. (Roberts 2003:32)

Greeks like Plato and the Jewish scholar Philo, whose thoughts of

immateriality as the true reality – which would fit in well with Buddhist ideas -

moved towards a “continuance of self-consciousness through souls, which upon

death would join other non-material entities, like angels” (Roberts 2003:23). A

co-existent spiritual reality is seen, a ”parallel universe” where souls are

immortal, but not to be resurrected as a personal body, but this does not reach

the Biblical teaching. Even heaven in the mind of God, being absorbed in the

Absolute, the joy of mystics, does not.

Smith saw heaven as “the abode of God, which picture he finds

reinforced by such biblical terms as tabernacle, temple and sanctuary (Roberts

2003:206)

4.3.2 God, Man and Spirits

It is precisely because the Japanese concentrate on the ancestral spirits

that there is difficulty in getting ideas on the afterlife biblically understood. The

afterlife is not afterlife per se, it is the afterlife with God, with Christ. Paul wrote,

that he desired to depart and be with Christ. Phil 1:23

The Bible shows God to be the Father of mankind, benevolent, involved,

merciful, righteous. He is the One by whom all families on earth are named.

He is different from His creation and creatures and created all things ex nihilo.

God rules His creation. He rules heaven and hell. Even hell does not belong to

Satan.

God is immanent. He is our Guide and Friend. We can talk to Him and

expect his help. (The Japanese are more avid to get guidance from various

occult means than to practise any religion. There is a general distrust for

organized religion. Yet there seems to be a hunger for direction and interest in

the unseen.)

The basic teaching of God as man’s Creator in Gen. 1 and 2 goes

against the idea of human and divine coalescing in cosmic oneness, because

we see God who does not belong to the cosmos, who brings it all into being in a

personal way. Not only is pantheism rejected, but the transcendent God is

close at hand. Not immanent in the sense of dwelling in all. As Stauffer points

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out, only in Acts 17:22 ff do we come close to such an idea, but it was put into a

new context, “in the light of their Jewish-Christian belief in God” (Berentsen

1985:152). Words and phrases were borrowed from pagan writers, but new

meaning put into them. God is close at hand, the life-giver and sustainer.

(Fukuda 2003:56)

Berentsen suggested a similar contextualising approach to a family in

front of their butsudan.

He (Paul) might have said that he understands from their activities at

the family altar that they are not only concerned with the memory of

their forefathers, but with the intimate fellowship in gratefulness with

their ancestral spirits – their kami and their hotoke – to whom they

believe they owe their very existence. He might have said that this

gratefulness of theirs should first of all be directed to God ‘the King of

kings and Lord of lords’, who ‘does not live in shrines made by man’

but is the maker of heaven and earth, and who – at the same time –

is close at hand to every one of them as their life-giver and sustainer,

as one of their own sages has said: ‘The heart of man is the abode

of God; think not that God is something distant’, then he might have

used this homiletical point of contact to go on to talk of God who

dwells ‘in the high and holy place, and also with him who is of a

contrite and humble spirit; (Is. 57:15), on the closeness of God and

the fellowship with him in Christ, and then ended his address with a

serious call to repentance (Berentsen 1987:53).

The nature of man too needs clarification: ancestor rites seek to bring

the innate Buddha-nature, bussho

仏性

of man to Buddha status in the afterlife,

joobutsu.

成仏

One could argue that 2 Pet. 1:4 could be interpreted in this way,

but in Israel their God’s divinity and their forefathers’ humanity were never

confused in this way.

While confessing the imago dei, we nevertheless would not follow Origen

and Clemens in their idea of the feiwsis of man, trying to synchronize Greek

philosophy and Christian faith; or the Greek Orthodox anthropology, unifying the

divine and human nature through the incarnation of Christ, but agree with New

Testament authors that the fellowship of God and man extends further than

fellowship of this world, and extends into complete renewal and glorifying of

one’s sinful and mortal nature. Even 1 John 3:2 is intended to show man in his

ultimate coalescence with the divine, so that man is no longer man. (Berentsen

1987:159). Tertullian also saw a ‘holistic’ view of the human person, but

rejected any deification of man in the afterlife. (Roberts 2003:207)

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Yoshimoto writes,

Japanese term for god kami actually does not mean God or the

Creator. In Christian literature kami is given the biblical concept.

There kami is somewhat equivalent to angels or children of gods. ll

Cor 3:18 we read that we are going to be changed into the glory of

the Lord . I think this state of human beings seem to be far higher

than the state of kami” (Yoshimoto 1987:138).

He also wrote that the Japanese concept tamashii

魂しい

for soul should

be redefined. Tama

魂

is originally a notion for mystic power in nature.

Therefore the concept of personality is vague. According to the image of Christ

the concept of personality must be clarified. The understanding of personality is

also important in terms of the community. “They must find the balance of

individuality and community” (Yoshimoto, 1987:38 ).

4.3.3 Sheol, Hades and Paradise

Traditional Japanese religion teaches that 49 days after death the dead

pass through mountains and cross a river before being judged by Emma, the

lord of hell. The world of the dead is referred to as Ano yo

あの世

“that world.”

Also referred to as shigo no sekai

死後の世界

the world of the dead, Yomi no

kuni

読みの国

land of darkness. Spirits of the dead gradually lose their

individuality after the 33rd year anniversary of death and merge with spirits of

the ancestors and reside in the mountains in Yama no kuni

山の国

Biblical progressive revelation in the OT teaches first an intermediate

state. Sheol is a place under or in the earth: (Prov 9:18, Ps 55:15) Personal

and national identity are kept (Ezek 32 and Isa 14:9), but the dead are only

shadows of what they were on earth. Man becomes a rephaim, disembodied

spirit, or shade. (Prov 2:18; Isa14:9, Job 26:5). Death was not annihilation.

Sheol is the opposite of life, an existence separated from God, and life is

a blessed condition. Those in the OT who died did not all go to Sheol. God

speaks of the patriarchs as being alive (Ex 3:6). David was assured of dwelling

in the house of the Lord forever and the godly went to be with God, such as

Moses and Elijah. (Pss 23:6, 17:15) So it would appear that there were two

parts, a division in Sheol.

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Jesus promised paradise to the thief beside him on the cross. The word

paradise paradeisoV is loaned from Middle Iranian paradez, “a garden or a

place of blessedness” (Strand 2004:136). Jesus used the word “today”,

shμeron, giving a temporal meaning of time, not a figurative meaning.

It is a pity that the question of ancestor practices, which seems to be

widespread all over the world, has not caused more scholarship on the parable

of the rich man and Lazarus as Jesus told it in Luke 16:19-31. It is possible that

Jesus used a common Jewish story and reworked it to teach his hearers. The

idea of Hades (used in the NT to denote Sheol) is borrowed from a folk-tale, yet

Jesus utilized it in a biblically faithful way because of the manner in which he

told it. He has “given it a stamp of His own” (Regalado 2003:345). There is a

clear distinction made between Hades and Paradise.

Care needs to be taken that we do not limit the revelation on the afterlife

to Luke 16. Ladd in The Last Things (cited by Strand) argues that because

Luke 16:19-31 is a parable we should not take this to be definitive revelation

about the afterlife (Strand 2004:136), yet two conditions are implied which

describe a degree of either punishment or reward. With Erickson we would

agree that although it might not be a doctrinal statement, He nevertheless would

not lead us astray on this important point. (Strand 2004:137)

What is clear, is that one could not cross from the one side to the other.

Also the possibility of help from earth was ruled out. Lazarus was in a position

of comfort and love in Abraham’s bosom kslpwn, and the rich man’s condition

was the opposite where he is suffering in great pain. Morey wrote,

Peter says that the wicked are “kept” unto the day of judgement.

This word is in the present, active, infinitive form, which means that

the wicked are being held captive continuously. Second, Peter says

that the wicked are “being tormented: This word is in the present,

passive, participle form and means that the wicked are continuously

being tormented as an on-going activity” (Strand 2004:38).

There is awareness of others, on both sides of the chasm and of those

living. There is a possibility of communication, but restrictions are placed on

this. “If they do not listen to Moses and the Prophets they will not be convinced

even if someone rises from the dead”, ‘indicates little or no opening for any

dead to communicate with the living’, but it would seem this does not exclude

communication from the dead, but emphasizes that the dead will not listen to

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any warnings and that it is indeed too late for such warnings. (Strand 2004:

138) Howard Marshall takes the view that the main intent of the passage is to

show the finality of Hades. (Strand 2004:139) Again, this is important because

of Japanese practices that are intended to give progression towards nirvana.

Regalado quotes Plummer:

But it is no purpose of the parable to give information about the

unseen world. The general principle is maintained that bliss and

misery after death are determined by conduct previous to death; but

the details of the picture are taken from Jewish believers as to the

condition of souls in Sheol, and must not be understood as

confirming those beliefs. The properties of bodies are attributed to

souls in order to enable us to realize the picture. (Plummer, 344)

Luke implies that “after a person dies his or her condition is irreversible”

(Regalado 2003:345). This is a necessary consequence of their respective

conditions in this life and nothing after death can change it. Verse 26 shows

that after death the character cannot be changed. “The motif of the finality of

reversals in this parable is strongly evoked.” (Regalado 2003:345) Regalado

pointed out that Jesus spoke of people’s obedience to the Scripture as the

turning-point which decided their eternal destiny. Luke 16:31 This is important

in the Japanese context regarding kuyoo, the chanting of the sutras to make

merit for the deceased and also concerning karma, where the actions of the

person determines afterlife conditions.

This parable has not received the attention that the Good Samaritan and

the Prodigal Son has, and what studies have been done, have been concerning

whose extra-biblical stories this parable is the paralleled. The “distinctive

features of the parable has been overlooked” (Regalado 2003:341). For the

Jews too, to care for the dead was a primary obligation, so it is fitting that Jesus

told this parable.

From an African perspective, where ancestors are also important, Igboin

writes that although the rich man, who traditionally would be loving and

hospitable to his family, he was unable to secure them a better future alternative

for his relatives. He didn’t have power, “unlike the African ancestor, to

communicate directly or indirectly with his brothers to warn them of the

impending suffering that awaited them should they refuse to repent of their

riotous life. Heb 9:27 “It is appointed that man should die once and afterwards

judgement” (Igboin 2005:263).

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Igboin points out that to them too, the idea that death is not the end but a

transition in the rites of passage, changing status and a further life with the

living dead. Death is not extinction but it is a “separation, transition and reincorporation”

(Igboin 2005:259). Care of the dead is important in Africa too.

“A man might have a hundred children and live to be very old. But if he finds no

satisfaction in life and in the end does not even get a decent burial, I say he

would have been better off born dead.” Ecc 6:33ff The big difference,

compared with the Japanese traditional view, is that in Africa there are

monotheistic beliefs, whereas there is a future of cosmic oneness, unrelated to

the Creator in Japan.

4.3.4 Heaven and the Resurrection

“But our citizenship is in heaven.” Phil 3:20 Being in Christ is a

continuous state, not ceasing at physical death. Gal 2:20, Rom 6:22, Cor 6:19,

Rom 6:1-6, Col 2:12-13, Gal 2:11, 9,20. In the NIV there are 422 entries where

heaven or heavens are mentioned and 737 for earth. The Hebrew samayim

and the Greek oμanos are used. This NT word depicts the glorious future

resurrection life. Arthur Roberts gave the following ways in which heaven is

used in the Bible:

The skies above the earth; the abode of God; a synonym for God’s

will; the total reality; the locus of revelation; the capital of God’s

kingdom; the ultimate judiciary; the repository for prayer; petitions;

the place where saints go for eternal life; the energizing centre for

natural phenomena; the standard for righteousness and social order;

the purposive context for historical events; the archives for good

deeds; the container for modes of existence; the future reality; the

arena for the struggle between good and evil and the furnace for

reshaping the cosmos. (Roberts 2003:4-5)

Roberts saw heaven “as a reality located within creation, of which the

cosmos itself is the part now open to our (limited) understanding.” (Roberts

3003:1) He sees heaven as signifying the divine driving force behind

space/time reality, embodying the foundation and goal for the cosmos.” He also

saw heaven as having continuity with the created order and that the renewed

heaven and earth, characterised by righteous character and providing increased

dimensions for fuller life. (Roberts 2003:34)

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When writing for pantheists we need to remember that for them there is

“no heaven that God rules, other than the present universe. There is no God

who judges the sinful” (Takamizawa 2003:39). Pantheists long for the

immanence of the transcendent God, yet issues of life after death, which are

crucial to them, remain elusive. (Takamizawa 2003:47).

Yoshimoto writes that “the Japanese think that they will go back to the

ancestors”. Isobe called it a reversion to the ancestors. Therefore the concept

of time could be biased by past orientation. “Reversion to the ancestors” must

be transformed to reversion or conversion to the Father. God the Father is not

only the Originator, but also the Completer and the Eternal One “(Yoshimoto

1987:140). He makes the interesting statement that Japanese history must be

rewritten in terms of salvation history. Especially the Japanese mythology must

be accepted as unhistorical stories even though some accounts probably

indicate historical events.of history, God intervenes human history and judges it”

(Yoshimoto 1987:140).

Igboin tells of the Yoruba of Nigeria whose eschatological belief features

“relatives and associates who have gone before and come to meet them in

rejoicing welcome” (Igboin 2005:264).

Life in heaven leads us to the Biblical teaching of the resurrection of the

body. “If for this life only we have hoped in Christ, we are of all people most to

be pitied. But in fact Christ has been raised from the dead, the first fruits of

those who have died” 1 Cor 15. “I have a hope in God – a hope that they

themselves also accept – that there will be a resurrection of both the righteous

and the unrighteous” Acts 24:15.

Our view of the resurrection of the body is based on the resurrection of

Jesus, the event which is central to history and kingdom spirituality. Justin, the

2nd century Samarian scholar had a holistic view of human nature, which agreed

with Moltmann, the German scholar “the human being lives wholly, the whole

human being dies, God will wholly raise the human being” (Roberts 2003:78).

The idea of bodily resurrection is basically foreign to Japanese, brought up to

the idea of oneness in nirvana, basically a spiritual, non-physical idea. The

resurrection of Jesus is often cited as a difficulty for belief by Japanese.

Initially, it is not attractive and very foreign.

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4.3.5 Hell and Judgement

“And these will go away into eternal punishment, but the righteous into

eternal life” (Matt 25:26). A Japanese proverb reads: “It’s only when the lid of

the coffin is closed that a person’s life is evaluated. (Kan o ooite

kotosadamaru)”

Hell was originally geenna, the name of the Jerusalem valley where

children were sacrificed to Moloch. The meaning later was associated with final

judgement and was so used by Jesus. God’s holiness is here revealed in his

righteous wrath.

Ordinary Japanese rarely speak of hell and are mostly universalists in

common belief, because Amida Buddha will save all. Funeral Buddhism has

given a way for all to reach nirvana and the thought that any relative would end

up in hell is too much for the Japanese psyche to cope with. If the finality of hell

and judgement were preached more – it is socially a very difficult thing to do

here, maybe a better attitude would develop towards personal evangelism. (But

discontenteds would leave the church too.) It should be noted that Buddhism

teaches the notion of hell and most are familiar with the idea of Emma, the lord

of hell dispensing judgement.

4.3.6 Purgatory?

Views of purgatory need to be visited as it has meaning in the Japanese

view of the afterlife. Views of the interim state include the following: “A state of

limbo; a punitive purgatory; final sanctification at death; complete earthly

sanctification, thus no transitional state needed; hell as ultimate purgation;

purgatory as preparation” (Yoshimoto 1987:146). Hell as purgation: those who

believe that God’s love will ultimately overpower the most recalcitrant sinners.

As preparation: fearing antinomianism, some Christians have held to a more

inclusive understanding of God’s power both to forgive sins and to purge the

disposition to sin.

Theologians throughout the centuries have pondered how persons can

make a proper transition into heaven, how they can be perfected in faith, how

they can be made holy. Is sanctification sufficient, or is something more

required before admission to heaven? An interim or transitional state is

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perhaps required to prepare people for eternal things. Assume 3 things: first,

that there will be an interim time before the final judgement (see l Thess 4:13))

second, that most persons enter heaven with lots of worldly baggage to unload

at the gate and hence need help overcoming a moral or spiritual shortfall; and

third, that God will do whatever is needed on behalf of persons whose hearts

are right. (Roberts 2003:57)

The medieval church, (Protestant Christians rejected the doctrine of

punitive purgatory and indulgences), generally concluded that in death:

believers are instantaneously purified from whatever remains of sinful

propensity or habit. The righteousness of Christ suffices. Robert Barclay a 17th

c theologian, challenged the Westminster Confession which asserted that no

one can keep God’s commandments perfectly, that even the best actions,

thoughts and prayers of the saints are impure and polluted. The Holy Spirit

cleanses believers from the body of death and gives power to overcome sin.

John Wesley taught that although most people who have died in faith have not

been perfected in love, he believed that at death, entire sanctification must

occur, why not sooner for those who seek it?

4.3.7 The Communion of Saints

In the Lutheran reformers Confessio Agustana’s Article XXI, dealing with

faith and doctrine, the right veneration of the saints (departed Christians) is

dealt with: they are to “be recollected in order to serve as examples for

Christians in faith and conduct.” There is no Biblical basis for asking their help

through prayer, “Jesus being our only mediator to whom we bring all our

supplications” (Berentsen 1985:168). The corresponding article in the Apology

states that there is the possibility of the saints praying, together with the angels,

for the living church, just as living Christians do. There is no evidence for this in

Scripture however. This attempt to include the dead in mediation is refuted in

the Confutation.

The living and the dead in Christ are partaking in a community which

bridges the chasm of death and is heading towards consummation” (Berentsen

1985:244-245).

It is the opinion of the contextualisation theologian, Fukuda Mitsuo, that

expanding and emphasizing the concept of the communion of saints is too near

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to the idea of departed ancestors to be safely expanded and usefully used in

the Japanese church. Offner however has written about this subject at length.

4.3.8 Family

In 1973 Berentsen’s statistics recorded that one out of 4 Christians

receive stiff opposition on baptism. Experience since then would point to the

number being the same now. The Church has a responsibility to teach and

practice family values, carrying on the tradition of the OT and the NT.

In this section I am indebted to Berentsen’s masterful handling of the

subject in Chapter 3 of Grave and Gospel.

In Genesis 2 we see that man is a social being, but that family institutions

operate in a fallen world. Ex. 20:12 “Honour your father and mother”, is again

emphasized by Jesus in Mark 7: 1-5 and again in Eph 6: 1-4. Jesus, instead of

taking people away from their family, often sent them back to them. Parents are

given a special place of honour in the Decalogue and Barth comments that that

honour is not dependant on the quality of the parents. (Berentsen 1985 225).

In Eph.6:4 parents are commanded to instruct children to know the Lord and

they are not free to behave as they please.

The vertical family in all its generations is shown in the OT and the NT to

be important (Gen 47). The ancestors have a prominent place and the idea of

being buried with the ancestors was important. The unity of the family, in

present and future generations is also seen in the blessings and curses

－ precautionary measures are given to ensure the continuity of the family in Deut.

25:5ff.

Horizontally, there is “the primary solidarity-group of the living

generation” (Berentsen 1985:227). In 1 Tim 5:4 instruction is given for looking

after widows. The Japanese text uses the actual term for filial piety in the older

translation: jibun no kazoku o taisetsu ni shi, oya ni ongaeshi o suru koto. This

biblical teaching is exactly that of the traditional family obligations of ho-on,

repaying of one’s debts. In 2 Tim 1:3 the text is translated using the word

senzo, ancestor here refers not only to one’s parents, but to the forefathers too.

(Berentsen 1985:228) So Japanese values are not alien to Biblical thinking.

Yet, how far does a Christian have to go in obedience in the family? Are

there instances where one does not obey? The OT speaks out against

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individualism, clinging to its rights and freedom. In Micah 7:6 the family

members are criticized for anti-family behaviour and Jesus rejects individual

piety that ignores family obligations. The question of tensions between

individual rights and family obligations is a difficult one for Japanese.

The injunction to love God comes first in the Decalogue. Faith in God as

the ultimate authority above the individual and the family keeps the two in

balance. The new man in Christ is neither slave nor free, male nor female, Gal

3:28, but a slave of Christ, submissive in human relationships, imitating Christ.

The Christian belongs to a natural family and to the family of God without

confusing the two. (Berentsen 1985:242)

On the one hand, it implies that when we approach the problem of

the individual and collective in the family context from the

eschatological point of view, Christianity cannot simply be conceived

of in terms of a revolutionary, ideological movement which breaks the

walls of the Japanese family-structure. Christianity in Japan should

not be identified as the main proponent of some kind of Western,

nuclear family-system introduced as “The Christian family”. Just as

the New Testament Haustafeln testifies to the apostolic affirmation of

the Christians’ ‘concrete position within the process of history.

Christians in the Japanese family context have to affirm their

particular ‘finitude within the social order’. The new life in Christ – the

discipleship’s imitatio Christ in terms of service and self-sacrifice in

love – is to be realized within the framework of the particular familycollective

to which one belongs and within the family-structure of the

social order of which one is a part. Saying this we are not

contradicting or minimizing the possibility of conflict which the

religious aspects of family life cantered around ancestral rites may

create for a Christian. (Berentsen 1985:237).

On the other hand, also in a Japanese family-structure, Christianity

brings about a motion that changes existing orders from within. The

point we just made does not mean that Christianity may be employed

as an effective force for the conservation of old structures, because

after all – one might think – a patriarchal, extended family-system

seems more akin to the structures of the Bible than does the

individualistic, nuclear family of the West. As we have seen, in

Christian thinking, the family as such is put decisively into

eschatological perspective by being subordinate to the lordship of

Christ and the individual members of the family – each in one’s

particular position sharing in the new creation in Christ through faith –

is a disciple living the daily struggle of imitatio Christi. Thus the

change that takes place from within is not a simple, once-and-for-all

substitution of an old set of structures with a new one. Rather is it a

process that reveals itself in changes towards an ever greater

realization of a family-fellowship in reciprocal service and self87

sacrifice of the one for the other under the common authority of the

lordship of Christ. (Berentsen 1985:237- 238).

From the above arguments about the family, one could say that covenant

theology would seem to be of great value in Japan, where God’s interest in

generations of families is emphasized. The theology of the family is something

the church should be exploring, both in education, practice and in missionary

practice.

As was seen in the focus groups, the abiding reason for ancestor

practices is not religious, but social, in agreement with Chua who wrote in 2005.

“it is precisely the non-religious aspects of the ancestral tradition that have

withstood the battering forces of ‘ secularisation’ (Chua 2005b:34).

Chapter 3 has shown what indigenous Japanese Christian groups are

doing, especially in the area of Ancestor Practices, what the churches, missions

and seminaries are teaching and practicing as regards to the afterlife. In

chapter 4 the concept of Contextualisation in the Japanese church is explored

before we attempt any actual contextualisation of the after-life in the last

chapter.

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5 CONTEXTUALISATION, HIBACHI METAPHOR

CHAPTER 5 CONTEXTUALISATION, HIBACHI METAPHOR

In this chapter we will confirm the necessity for contextualisation in Japan,

survey the most useful models of contextualisation, consider syncretism and

dual systems, and discuss the way in which Japanese see theology and

religious truth. The writings of Japanese will be given preference.

5.1 Failure and New Ways of Doing Theology

We need to communicate the gospel at the worldview level of the

Japanese if we are to make an impact on Japanese society. Contextualising

has been done by missionaries; done and not disseminated. The biggest

problem is that most missionaries cannot read the kanji and understand the

vocabulary at the level required to understand the Japanese theologians who

have written. Uchimura Kanzoo wrote “We might receive germs of the truth

from abroad, but we cannot save both ourselves and our fellow men with the

truth which has not been cultivated at the bottom of our heart. Japanese

Christianity is not a Japanese religion, Japanese Christianity is the Christian

truth explained from a standpoint peculiar to the Japanese” (Miura Hiroshi

1996:66).

Kearney’s definition of worldview is a people’s “way of looking at reality”.

A world view

consists of basic assumptions and images that provide a more or

less coherent thought, not necessarily accurate way of thinking about

the world. A world view comprises images of Self and of all that is

recognized as non-Self, plus ideas about relationship between them,

as well as other ideas. (Nishioka 1997:37).

Traditional Japanese religions have actually been successfully

indigenising over the centuries – shuugo

習合

– Shintoo and Buddhism moving

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together dialectically, backwards and forwards. Christianity has found

contextualisation hard to accomplish.

5.1.1 Self-Theologising

The church, being bound by the need and desire for theological

orthodoxy, has found it more difficult to self-theologise. This is a term coined by

Paul Hiebert. Unfortunately, missionaries have often thought that if the Three-

Self model of Rufus Anderson and Henry Venn were followed that

indigenisation was complete. Self-theologising is forgotten. (Song Minho

2005:12) Yoshimoto commented that missions moved from the Three Self’s

theory into the direction of the cultural identity of the younger churches, then

enlarging to self-hood, including politics, economics and social innovation. Now

the selfhood of the church is beginning to deal with the fourth Self: selftheologising.

The Tokyo Missions Research Institute is leading Japan in this

and numbers of young Japanese are studying Missiology overseas and writing

dissertations from a Japanese point of view.

Contextualising was done during the war by the United Church and has

perhaps been the reason why Japanese theologians have mostly, until the 60’s

and 70’s, kept to other branches of theology. The following was produced to

show support for the war effort.

(1) Since Mikuni (kingdom of the emperor) and Mikuni (kingdom of God) are

pronounced in the same way, serving the emperor and cooperation in

Japan’s advance into China serves the advancement of the kingdom of God.

(1) The emperor and Christ are identical, otherwise Japanese would not believe

in Christianity.

(2) For the Japanese, if not for Westerners, Shintoist ancient writings such as

Kojiki and Nihonshoki are the Old Testament.

(3) Yahweh, the God of the Old Testament, and the god Amenominakanushi no

kami of the Kojiki are identical.

(4) As it is written in the Old Testament, especially in the book of Isaiah, the

mission of the Japanese is to restore Israel, and the war against China is

part of that mission (Furuya 1997:57).It must be added that the Nihon

Kirisuto Kyoodan apologized for this theologizing and its part in supporting

the war effort.

David Lewis wrote in The Unseen Face of Japan (1993:289) that Aikawa

and Leavenworth related a story which was told by Father Organtino, a Roman

Catholic missionary to Japan in the mid-16th century. He had a vision of the

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indigenous gods of the country. One of them, a minor deity, told him how they

absorb, but change the foreign gods out of all recognition into Japanese ones.

This spirit concluded by commenting, ‘Perhaps in the long run, your Christian

God will be changed into an indigenous god of this country. As Chinese and

Indian gods were once changed, the Western god must likewise be changed…

beware of us.’” Efforts to contextualise have sometimes been disastrous. How

do we contextualise with fidelity to the Scriptures?

5.1.2 Culture and Theology

Students of contextualisation need first to look at culture, then theology.

In 2007is the role culture in the shaping of theology seen any clearer than

before? Geertz defines culture as that “system of inherited conceptions

expressed in symbolic forms by means of which people communicate,

perpetuate and develop their knowledge about and attitudes toward life”

(Bevans 2003:6).

Bevans spoke of theology as having 3 sources: Scripture, tradition and

present human experience - the context. (Tradition is interpreted as being the

Christian theological past.) He also says that we cannot speak of “one, right,

unchanging theology. We can only speak about a theology that makes sense at

a certain place and in a certain time” (Bevans 2003:4). Context includes the

experience of a person’s or group’s personal life, which is possible only within

the context of culture and in terms of a person’s location. This context is not

static and is affected by modernity and the idealism of modernity.

He agreed with Bouillard that a theology that is not reflexive of our times,

our culture and our current concerns – and so contextual – is also a false

theology. Bediako stated that ”the universal character of the Gospel lies in the

fact that it tests all cultures, but also in the fact that it allows every people to

make their contribution to the kingdom of God” (Dyrness 1993:66).

Nowhere else do we see the need to really connect with the Japanese

culture as in this thorny question of ancestor practices. (Geertz recommends a

thick description) (Schreiter 1985:28). Oduyoye pointed out that Nile basin

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(Ethiopian) Christianity may have survived because it reflected the primal

religion of that region.

James and Johnson correctly commented that

Christianity does not necessarily spread as an organic entity; partial

elements, themes and practices, are characteristically taken up by a

particular culture or civilization, ethnic, class or interest group, at a

particular time (Swanson & Chillson 2006:126).

Bevans says that this use of the context is a departure from the traditional

way of doing theology. Flemming would disagree with this, as he showed so

clearly in “Contextualisation in the New Testament”, that the New Testament

was a completely contextualised book. (Flemmings:2005)

5.1.3 Compelling Factors for Contextualising

In 2007 two sets of factors compel us to do contextual theologising once

more. The external being general dissatisfaction in the South with classic

approaches to theology, the oppressive nature of earlier theologies, the growing

identity of local churches, the social sciences’ contribution to our understanding

of culture. Internal factors are the incarnational nature of Christianity, the rich,

diverse, universal nature of the church. Bevans here mentioned the

revitalization of Trinitarian theologising, but this would be a stumbling block,

rather than a help in Japan as the main description of Christianity that everyone

can express is “Christianity, oh yes, the Trinity” and the idea is very off-putting

and puzzling to the polytheistic Japanese

5.1.4 Who Does Contextualising?

Who does this contextual local theology? Can the foreign missionary?

Bevans feels the answer, from one point of view is “No”. Yet in limited ways, to

a certain extent, those who do not share the full experience of the other are able

to contribute to contextual theology (Bevans 2003:9) The outsider’s etic

description may be phenomenological, but he is “setting the stage for

explanation” (Schreiter 1985:58). He can provide a counterpoint in his critique

of a situation, he can stimulate people from the culture to do their theologising.

Humility and honesty is necessary. Bob Goldman disagrees and states that

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“foreigners are unreliable guides for what is appropriate for believers in a

particular ethno-religious situation” (Goldman 2006:12). In the beginning, the

theologian’s knowledge is necessary. Later, when Japanese cultural difficulties

of hierarchy (that prevents change and innovation, lack of freedom for free

speech) that prevents natives from doing the contextualising, the foreigner is

still needed. Despite paternalism dangers, the local church can turn on itself

and become self-satisfied; so the link to the world-wide church is needed. Lifelong

local leadership can be just as oppressive as foreigners and not “see”

(Schreiter 1985:20). Key questions in an outer description should be: What is

the purpose of the translation of the sign system?” Who is being served by this

translation? How is the translation being authenticated (Schreiter 1985:59)?

Emic analysis may not always be the best, especially when there has not

been opportunity to experience other cultures and gain perspective. The

structuralist, Claude Levi-Strauss discounted the value of native exegesis,

especially when it goes into the “deep, unconscious structures that govern

change and identity in a culture” (Schreiter 1985:41). Charles Taylor wrote that

the native’s point of view is not always perfectly adequate or that “it cannot be

corrected from the outside” (Dyrness 1992:1). He suggests a middle-way,

neither ethnocentric or incorrigible, the interpretive view. One seeks to find a

means of understanding and description that challenges the observer and the

native. A dialogue between the two could be mutually corrective. Benjamin

Nelson has argued that because of the inter-connectedness of the global world

that all knowledge will be cross-cultural in the future.

Inner and outer descriptions are necessary: inner descriptions

provide the sign systems that make up the identity of a people; outer

descriptions help with social change, and with linkage to the larger

reality of the Christian church (Schreiter, 1985:59).

But the record of serious evangelical interaction with the major religions

has not been good. Many Western missionaries are sent to Asian countries

with superficial preparation. (As borne out in my survey of missions.) Because

they think a-historically, in terms of belief-systems, they have not taken

Christian or other religions’ historicity seriously.

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Bevans went on to say that we can do contextual theology from a

redemption-centred (the human experience is in need of radical transformation)

or a creation-centred perspective. His favour towards the latter is built on his

view that creation is sacramental, that human experience is good, that this

world is where God reveals God, very much like Rahner’s “anonymous

Christianity” and Panikkar’s “unknown Christ of Hinduism. It is the same kind of

thinking that produced the Shintoo/Christian thinking of the wartime United

Church. Gilland speaks of bringing elements of the cultural milieu under the

lordship of Christ. The church must “challenge, incorporate and transform, the

elements of culture so as to bring these under the lordship of Christ” (Song

2005:13). The receptor’s mind is not empty or free and needs to go through a

hard battle for Scripture’s truths to be internalised.

What are the criteria that would prevent us mixing Christianity and culture

in a way that would compromise us? Schreiter, in “Constructing Local

Theologies” gave five criteria. There should be inner consistency, it should be

translatable into worship, practice should be ethical and non-oppressive, it

should be open to criticism from other churches and it should be able to

challenge other theologies. Much has been written on contextualisation per se,

but it is the way it is practised that is lacking, not the theory. Before actual

contextualisation, we will look at models to assist us in clearer thinking.

5.2 The Use of Models

Dulles described a model as “a relatively simple, artificially constructed

case which is found to be useful and illuminating for dealing with realities that

are more complex and differentiated (Bevans 2003:29). Models that do not

supply intelligible explanations of phenomena in one model can be found in

another model. Different models give a unique way of theologising that takes a

certain context seriously. Although models are distinct, they can be used in

tandem with others. Bevans felt that only one should not be used exclusively as

this will distort the theological enterprise. He describes the Translation, the

Anthropological, the Praxis, the Synthetic, the Transcendental and the Counter

cultural models in his book, “Models of Contextual Theology”. Nishioka, the

Japanese missiologist, argued that actual missionary activities and human

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experiences cannot be encapsulated in one unified single theory and any one

theory cannot foretell actual human experience with certainty. For reasons of

suitability to Japan we review the Translation, the Anthropological and the

Synthetic Models.

5.2.1 The Translation Model

The most often employed model is the Translation model and the

Adaptation model. Kraft said that this is a recovery of the original spirit of

Christian theologising. The message of the Bible is seen as an unchanging

message. (Acts 17) Kraft “suggested that the dynamic-equivalence approach

might be extended beyond Bible translation to become a theological procedure”

(Schreiter 1985:l7). It is often used first by missionaries in urgent situations,

allowing ”some initial missionary adaptation to the local culture”.

This model teaches that “something” must be “put into” other terms. The

key presupposition is that the gospel is supra-cultural. The supra-contextual

message can be separated from the contextual mode of expression. The

starting point is the supra-contextual message, which affects culture and social

context, ”putting the gospel into”, (Bevans 2003:40). The basic structure of all

cultures is also presupposed. The translation model takes Scripture seriously, it

sees the ambivalence of contextual reality, can be used by anyone committed

to a particular culture.

Criticisms would be that it is a positivist approach, assuming “that culture

can be quickly decoded and understood by foreigners. There may not be

cultural parallels or the same significance in both cultures. (e.g . bells and

drums) Space prevents a discussion about whether there is such a thing as the

“naked gospel” and Krikor Haleblian suggested that “culture is more like an

onion with various layers” (Bevans 2003:43). Instead of finding an essential

core, (the kernel and husk idea - the onion idea is better) the aim is to discover

cultural patterns that can incarnate Christian existence and meaning” (Bevans

2003:43). Another criticism is that revelation is not propositional, but the

manifestation of God’s presence in life and society, the Bible representing that

record of manifestation in particular times and society, Israel and the early

Christian era.

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Numbers of theologians practise this model, but Hesselgrave is

mentioned because of his experience as a missionary to Japan for 12 years.

He chooses the Translation model, but his approach seems “to be limited to the

first encounter with a non-Christian culture” (Bevans 2003:45) probably

stemming from his missionary experience. He mentions “the source, the act of

encoding, the message, the act of decoding the message and the receiver”

(Bevans 2003:45-46). The core teaching is put into terms the receptor can

understand.

5.2.2 The Anthropological Model

Justin Martyr taught that other religions and cultures contain “seeds of

the word” and here the Anthropological Model recognizes the value of human

culture, the human person; it makes use of anthropological science, provides

fresh perspectives of Christianity. It starts where the people are - searching for

treasures in the culture. At the heart of this model is sacramentalist Catholic

thinking. The primacy of culture is recognized. Culture shapes the way

Christianity is articulated. It sees Scripture and tradition as a “series of local

theologies” (Bevans 2003:59).

The weakness here is that often the local theology is not carried out

beyond the first couple of steps. Identified problems and questions may be

addressed, but dialogue has not yet continued. In seeking to maintain identity

and stability, conflictual factors are overlooked for the sake of keeping harmony.

(This is where we are in Japan.) The model becomes a conservative force,

instead of a force for needed change. Another danger is cultural romanticism,

where critical thinking about the culture is not done as it also requires great

effort and it does not happen by serendipitous discovery. Also much of the

cultural analysis can only be done by experts and not at grassroots. A close

working dialectic between Biblical traditions and local cultural traditions will

avoid these dangers.

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5.2.3 The Synthetic Model

This model endeavours to balance the insights of the Translation, the

Synthetic and the Praxis Model (which has a strong epistemological basis) and

also the Counter-cultural model which provides strong context and gospel

fidelity. This model mentions translating the faith into other cultural contexts,

but seems to go beyond the Translation model, “in that it acknowledges mutual

enrichment of cultures” (Bevans 2003:89).

The importance of reflection and intellectual activity to theologise is

necessary - there is a synthesis with one’s own cultural viewpoint and those of

others, and it develops a creative dialectical, acceptable to them. Here every

context has unique elements and common elements with others. Therefore

cultures can borrow and learn from other cultures and still be unique. Content

is ambivalent, some features being neutral, some good and some bad

Schreiter argued that out of a thick description of listening to the culture

for basic patterns and structures and analysis to find its basic symbol system,

basic themes for local theology will emerge and be understood to be operative

in one’s own context, calling for transformation and social change. We are

warned that the inculturation of theology cannot be limited to the ‘first insertion’

of a faith into a culture. Contextualisation needs to become an attitude, coping

with ongoing change. Dialoguing with the North churches will give South

churches a sense of equal status.

Interestingly, Koyama Kosuke, the Japanese missionary to Thailand, and

others such as Vitaliano Gorospe, Jose de Mesa, Aylward Shorter and Charles

Nyamiti used this model.

Koyama has a creative and imaginative way of doing theology, which

might not even be classified as theology by some western theologians, but

perfectly intelligible and valid to Japanese. Koyama “tends to see the possibility

of a supracultural message, a ‘universal word’ that can become meaningful (and

so translated) when it is spoken with reverence to a particular cultural and

religious context” (Bevans 2003:97). Bevans found more than just a translation

of doctrinal categories into the Asian cultural world – he finds a strong dialectic

between a high sensitivity to cultural reality and the strong sense of gospel truth.

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A real dialogue is progressing with Buddhist values, which are treated with

respect and also critiqued by the gospel. “Mt Fuji and Mt. Sinai” bears out this

attitude. “Japanese world-negating Buddhism and Judaeo-Christian tradition

have positive points that need the benefit of a two-way traffic between them”

(Bevans 2003:98).

5.3 Syncretism and Dual Systems

Before going on to a contextualisation that is suitable to Japan, we

examine the question of syncretism and dual systems. Syncretism is hard to

define. Louis Luzbetak offers “a theologically untenable amalgam” and it is a

good one.

Bevans lists 3 kinds of syncretism. (1) that which is practised on the NE

coast of South America and the Caribbean, where Christian deity and saints are

synthesized; (2) where Christian elements and non-Christian elements are

blended, using a Christian framework, such as the IEC of Africa, Rastafarians

and the cargo movement; ( 3) where the system is highly selective in its use of

Christian elements, such as the New Religions of Japan.

In these forms of syncretism, Christianity is given a new reality with the

basic framework given by the other tradition; (2) where the framework is given

by Christianity for the syncretistic system, then reinterpreted and independently

reshaped; (3) where only selected Christian elements are incorporated.

Dual systems need examination because this is the situation in Japan

with ancestral practices and Christian practices observed alongside each other.

He lists 3 kinds of dual systems: (1) where the Christian and other tradition

operates side by side, with many native American groups in both North and

South America. People follow 2 sets of rituals, seeing no contradiction; (2)

selected elements of another system, plus traditional Christianity is practised –

local leaders see these as contradictory, but the people, in time of stress will

revert to the original religion; (3) often seen in Asia where citizenship and a

religious tradition are inextricably bound up. Religious tradition and culture are

so interwoven that it is difficult to see the boundaries. The Japanese have a

particular problem with (2) and (3).

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In the first, the tradition and Christianity are seen as two distinct entities,

in the second, Christian elements are primary with selected elements from the

local tradition practised separately; in the third, Christians try to be faithful to

their national identity and to Christ.

Questions that arise are ones concerning the original conversion of the

person and what is religion? In fact, what is religion to this person? Barth’s

faith and religion distinction is not helpful as in some countries there is no word

for “religion” and a faith system is seen as a way of life, another one merely

expanding one’s quality of life. Another question is about the seriousness of our

contextualisation? Can world-view and group boundaries easily be forsaken

and do we tolerate the product of true contextualisation – the heart of the

culture – and not just “the equivalent of an artificial heart”

True preaching of the gospel will effect change, but how deep?

Behaviour change, social change, but also semiotic change, introducing the

new message without creating change in the sign system. An incomplete

coming together of the gospel and the church could be the cause of syncretism

or a dual system. Why do certain people seem quite happy to live in a dual

system? Christianity has often borrowed ceremonies from other traditions over

the centuries, could it be that now the same thing is happening much faster and

in too many places – “who determines what is proper and improper borrowing?”

(Schreiter1985:151).

An incomplete existential encounter between two systems results in

syncretism or dual systems. Using the principles of the Anthropological Model,

we look at it from the point of view of the dynamics of culture change in the

culture. It could be that the church/missions do not deeply understand the

culture – as in Japan.

5.3.1 Ways of Encounter

The first manner of incorporation is to look at similarities between sign

systems of Christianity and the culture. “Analogous” elements of the invading

culture such as holy water, prayers, healing, communion of the saints are seen

as similar to signs in the local culture and are taken over, according to its own

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codes and then could bear its own messages. So Christian signs of grace were

understood then as signs of local power. (Perhaps one reason why Japanese

theological principals adamantly refused the idea of a substitute for the

butsudan. “Japanese easily see these things as magical.” Missionaries see

these signs as being helpful, as the easiest method of accommodation, not

realizing that the signs now bear different meanings. (A Translation Model

difficulty.) They are lulled into thinking that quick contextualisation has occurred

since parallels are played upon.

Another manner of incorporation is that of filling gaps: problems that are

not being properly solved in a culture is catered for when the invading culture

provides signs and even codes for dealing with these problems. Hori

mentioned Buddhism more successfully dealing with the question of the spirits

of the dead than Shintoo did. Not only does the sign carry the meaning, but

also codes are involved in filling the gap.

Indiscriminate mixing happens when the receiving culture is at a “low

level of social and cultural organisation” (Schreiter 1985:153). and it is

susceptible to new sign systems, codes and messages. Here the problem is

that the culture will often reconstitute the new sign systems to agree with its

entire culture. A resilient culture will produce indiscriminate mixing which

Christians often label “syncretism”, especially where the culture wants to use

Christianity’s signs, mixing will be acute. Here the dynamics are the clearest.

The Japanese are famous for being able to do this. Historically and culturally

we seem to be in this kind of social condition.

Domination is another manner of incorporation where the local culture is

in a weakened state regarding signs and the invading culture’s sign system

takes over, replacing the local signs.

British social anthropology sees dual systems growing out of “culture

clash”, not “acculturation.” Why does this happen? Firstly, because of an

incomplete encounter with the invading culture, if the culture does not feel that

the incoming culture’s signs are dealing with the same issues which its own sign

systems are signalling. So real contact is not established and it remains a

foreign system – the accusation of most Japanese about Christianity. This

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could be caused by a lack of sufficient contact, through a lack of the sign

systems making contact with one another. This has happened in Japan “where

many missionaries never achieved the linguistic ability to bring about a genuine

contact” (Schreiter 1985:155). More importantly maybe, that there is often not

heart’s communication occurring, apart from linguistic ability. A closely related

reason is that the local culture’s sign system’s value is enhanced by the

presence of the invading culture (as during Meiji in Japan and after military

defeat in World War II) when the outsiders are seen as more powerful, and one

needs to placate them, by outward appearances.

Another scenario is that, although there is acceptance of the sign system,

the receiving culture feels that the invading culture’s sign systems cannot

adequately handle all of its problems. So older forms of magic and divination

continue to meet the concrete needs of the believers. Another similar to the

first: the local sign system and the invading sign system are perceived as

dealing with differing things. The person feels that he cannot pray for his

ancestors like a Christian because his ancestors were Buddhist. Only Buddhist

practices provide the right respect. Buddhism will include Christianity, but

Christianity seems to be intolerant of it. Are such limits necessary? So

perceptions are that the invading culture’s sign system is alien, inferior,

inadequate, or not to the point – an accurate way of looking at the Japanese

view of Christianity. (Japanese Christians protest that they do respect the

ancestors, but Japanese feel that the church’s way of memorialising the

ancestors is not adequate.)

How to deal with these perspectives? We need to realize that good

evangelisation will bring about culture change, that religion is a way of life, that

“religion” varies in different cultures, it’s not just a set of ideas. For whom is the

dual system in Japan a problem? Maybe the conversion process takes longer

than we imagined; what we see as “syncretism or a dual system may be but

reflective of the stages of the conversion process.” ”The firm foundations we

experience today were not easily achieved. No doubt they may have looked a

dangerous syncretism to an earlier generation” (Schreiter 1985:157-158). One

only has to read Flemming to see how dangerous the New Testament must

have looked to Jews, Greeks and Romans.

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5.4 Guidelines to Contextualisation in Japan

What are our guidelines in contextualising here? First, the study

examines cautions before listing the guidelines - simple guidelines could be: no

idolatry, no immorality, no injustice or individualism.

5.4.1 Emotion, not Logical Propositions

Yoshimoto states that:

The theology of the Kingdom of God should deal with all necessary

themes in Japan’s culture such as ancestor worship. Apologetics,

epistemology and expression should be appropriate for the Japanese

people. For example power encounter is a very significant point to

apologetics. Emotionality should be considered in terms of

epistemology. Japanese think very emotionally. For example,

Kitamori Kazo “Theology of the Pain of God” can be called emotional

soteriology. Through this emotional concept of pain the Japanese

can really feel the love of God. Concerning expression, concrete

expression is usually very appropriate to the Japanese. In this

respect I think that many Christian theologians must rethink their

style of theology. Mostly, they imitate the styles of western

theologians too much (Yoshimoto1987:145).

Bearing in mind the above 3 models, we need to remember that

Japanese, as Yoshimoto explained above, think in terms of emotion and not in

terms of doctrinal statements. Western Christians may find this strange,

because “it does not fit into their presupposition of the form of truth” (Yoshimoto

1987:25). He argues that theology from the west is the product of long

interaction between Greco-Roman philosophy and Hebraism. “Its rationalistic

character is sometimes inappropriate to the mentality of other cultures”

(Yoshimoto 1987:25).

5.4.2 A Three-Layered World-view

Yoshimoto quotes Munakata

people are living in a world of three layers. The first layer consists of

the symbolic relationship between nature and the human being. This

is a feeling of mystery in nature, a feeling of unity of man and nature.

We can identify it as mythological, cosmological world view like as

(sic) Ko-Shintoo. The second layer consists of the continual

relationship of human spirits. This chain of life includes not only

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living men, but also spirits of the dead ancestors and un-born

descendants. It is a cosmological community of all spirits. These

two levels are often unconscious. The third level is the world of

individuals. It is a world at the conscious level. At this level people

believe in different ideologies or value systems. Munakata brings

clarification here in saying that people live in the great spiritual whole

world at an unconscious level. He defined it as “the Spiritual

Communal Body (Yoshimoto 1987:104-05).

See Hiebert’s similar evaluation below:

FIGURE 3: Hiebert’s Three Layered Model For Analysing Worldview

(Clinton 1986:68) (Yoshioka, 97)

Yet, Yoshimoto, in examination of the Japanese worldview, with

reference to ancestor worship, said that “manipulation of worldview does not

seem to be the right way”. He points to the individual’s power encounter with

Jesus as being more important. (Yoshimoto 1987:148)

5.4.3 Transformation of Ancestor Practices

Ancestor practices are not only changed in some way, but Yoshimoto

wrote that

ancestor worship must be ultimately transformed. In the process of

transformation, we analyse the custom, compare it with the biblical

norm, evaluate it, reject unbiblical elements, find a functional

substitute, find a new form in a transformed worldview and try to

transform it. Thus the ultimate principle would be transformation, but

in a practical procedure of each case we need to employ complex

attitudes (Yoshimoto 1987:135-136).

Person Foundation Process State

Value

Allegiances

Explicit

Belief

and

Value

Systems

Reality as

known and

experienced

in life

Levels

of

analysis

Deep Level Assumption Level Surface Level

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Yoshimoto stated that the Japanese national church should have a right

self-consciousness that she is a part of the universal church, the Body of Christ.

I think that when the Japanese can really identify themselves with the

universal community of the People of God, they can dissolve the old

world view and integrate themselves in to the new world view. This

transformation of the spiritual community seems to be the most

important issue to the Japanese people. Then the Japanese will be

truly liberated from their ethnocentric world view (Yoshimoto

1987:143).

5.4.4 Self-Negation of Western Christianity

More, metamorphosis is needed; the self-negation of Western traditional

Christianity, which is originally an element in Jesus’ crucifixion is necessary.

(Furuya 1997:137) Endo Shuusaku also said “If Christianity was to become

indigenous in non-Christian countries, metamorphosis through self-negation is

necessary” (Furuya 1997:138). The mission that does not anticipate this is

haughty by nature, no matter how humble its attitude may appear towards

indigenous religion.

5.4.5 Japanese View of Religious Truth

People participate in religious activities because of socio-cultural

belongings, not because of well thought out beliefs. Hatsumode

初詣

and obon

are good examples of this: many Japanese people take part in the former

because it is the thing to do at New Year and the latter because of household

obligations. They can therefore pray to the deities and the ancestors because

the situation and circumstance demand it, yet need not express beliefs in either.

Participation thus cuts across religious boundaries. (Nagasawa 2002:53)

5.4.6 Believing Through Doing

Japanese come to believe through doing; not come to doing through

believing. For Japanese, a religion is that which is lived out, and knowing truth

is bound with doing truth. Lived truth, religio vera versus experienced truth,

intellectus verus. (Nagasawa 2002:135) The recent rapid growth of

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charismatic type churches underlines this “Thus for the Pentecostal church,

one’s affirmation of a belief or doctrine is not so much the terminal as a starting

point of the religious life” (Nagasawa, 2002:55).

5.4.7 Not Logic, but Emotion and Intuition

“Unlike the absolute either/or dichotomies of western logic, Japanese culture

– at the implicitor structural level – is based on a “logic of relative

contrasts….[E]ven when religious customs change – at the explicit level of

culture there is a tendency for the original implicit categories to reassert

themselves in a new guise” (Davis 1992:247).

Nagasawa advised that “We must help the targeted people to discover

truth in such a way that it is meaningful for their cultural context. Therefore we

have to examine the cultural background of the targeted people regarding a

concept of religious truth” (Nagasawa 2002:44). Every truth strives for

verification. However, the type of truth that the Japanese seek as being true

and pure in heart is subjective, and seems to be aloof from the verification itself

as well. Indeed, the experimental and critical method of verification is not valid

for this type of truth. Yet, verification of this truth could take place within the lifeprocess

itself. (Nagasawa 2002:61)

Nagasawa went on to give the example of Celtic Christianity, quoting

Hunter, saying that Celtic Christians experienced God as the Triune dweller in

their hearts and companion in daily life, while they emphasized the immanence

of God. Roman Christians exclusively experience the divine presence in the

sacraments, if at all. Analyzing their thinking methods, she writes further that

Celtic Christians predominantly used the right-brain, (same as the Japanese)

that they did well intuiting, feeling imaging and in experiential activities.

(Nagasawa 2002:56)

So while Roman Christianity spoke in concepts, Celtic Christians spoke from

their imaginations to the imaginations of their hearers through poetry and

storytelling. Based on what we have discussed above, we suggest the Spiritcentric,

subjective, sensuous or experiential approach, because the foremost

religious concern of the Japanese is of brightness and purity of heart and openminded

awareness of reality.

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Words and sentences have no fixed meaning, and logic is often

irrelevant. Words have meaning only in relation to who is using them, who they

are talking to, and what situation they are used in. Some positings are indeed

nonsense; other positings appear to be nonsense at first, but this is because the

meaning is all between the lines. Zen and poetry have gone hand in hand for

centuries.

Nagasawa further writes that what Richardson says about the

“postmodern world is cogently valid for Japanese too.‘ Today people often

come to Jesus by first trying to live by his wisdom and follow his lifestyle’”

(Nagasawa 2002:59).

Often theologians focus more on Jesus’ work than on His person. Third

world theologians, in contrast to Western theologians, conceive of it relationally

and communally rather than individualistically (e.g. with concern about defining

Christ’s divine-human nature). (Dyrness 1990:180). People are looking not for

a message to believe in, but for a community to belong to.

5.4.8 Nature, Mono no aware and Wabi

A study of Japanese history, art and literature shows that the Japanese

intuit the eternal present in the ephemeral beauty of nature. This intuitive or

aesthetic sensitivity, in itself, is a religious element and is related to the concept

of religious truth. Sensitivity to beauty is the pathway by which one reaches

religious truth, that is, the eternal present.

As such, it describes a particular orientation of the Japanese to intuitive

experience rather than to objective description or reason as the major mode of

knowing or apprehending reality. Mono-aware

もの

哀れ is a way of

perceiving reality and a mode of being in the world that emphasizes aesthetic

intuition, experiential sensitivity to the invisible and unspoken, openness to

depth and mystery, and appreciation of the pathos of passing beauty.

Theologian Takenaka Masao, who wrote of “Zen-like” experiences where,

not by study but by sudden inspiration, something triggers illumination into the

depths of reality. He believed that such experiences are the secret not only of

our relation to God but also of a new theological method.

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‘Whenever two or three Western theologian are gathered together,

there is argumentation about God,’ he jokes. As an alternative to

this, he proposed the ‘Ah-hah!’ method. In the Bible, he argues,

people did not come to know God by discussion or argument, but by

experiencing him.” “This means developing deep sensitivity toward

the ‘atmosphere: of the place where we live, as the basis for knowing

God” (Dyrness 1990:145-146).

Insight should be provoked, rather than argued. Koyama tells that thinking

in images is not a strategy of communication (like sermon illustrations to drive

home a point); it is a special mode of thought that is at home with proverbs and

parables, which make up evocative power what they lose in precision. (Dyrness

1990:149)

All of Japanese art, grows from a basis characteristic of Japanese life

called wabi.

侘び

This is beauty expressed without pretension, in a meek spirit

and with harmony. Takenaka believes that Christ can best be understood by

Japanese in these terms. He often kept silence, He wept at death, He was

troubled, and He found His friends in table fellowship, Phil 2 (Dyrness 1992:

146). It has been novelists that have captured the value of Christ’s suffering

like Shusaku Endoo, and Miura Ayako.

5.4.9 Ritual not Proposition

Miyake states that ritual is an integral part of Japanese cultural schema,

as the greatest emphasis is not on ideas but on rituals. In general, Indian

thinkers point out, Western thought patterns are fundamentally dualistic,

therefore analysis is the primary mode of critical thought. Eastern patterns

favor non-dualistic modes, therefore thinking tends to be synthetic. (Dyrness

1990:131) In the west we have a tendency towards abstraction and analysis,

the desire for synthesis can again have a role to play – as it is God’s plan to

‘unite”’ Rodrigues Tano said, the idea of non-duallty will “provide a clue to

viewing reality as a whole (Dyrness 1990:161).

In this regard, based on the primacy of action, we would like to suggest a

role or a function of the Bible in the context of the Japanese religiosity. I think it

is more appropriate for the Japanese to define the Bible as the canon designed

for teaching what is to be practiced, than that designed for teaching what to be

accepted as beliefs. In other words, it must be emphasized for the Japanese

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that the Bible is read for the sake of being true by doing. It seems to us that this

suggestion coincides with virtual components of the Bible.

Still another way to suggest poetic reality in Shintoo is to consider the

centrality of ritual action and the importance of direct experience of

the presence of kami (deity) in and through ritual. Shinto ritual is not

only a process of purification (internal and external) but also a

process of waiting for and waiting on the presence of kami in the

tranquil stillness of nature. It demands an experiential sensitivity to

see, hear, or feel the coming and going of kami. As one Shinto priest

told me, Shinto ritual (especially individual worship) is primarily a

matter of waiting in the right state of mind for the coming of kami and

then being a proper host for the sacred guest (Nagasawa 2002:59).

In general, the Japanese begins with form in act, then reaches the

meaning, with respect to religious life. Thus, in introducing the Christian life, it

is necessary to develop such forms of religious practices or rituals for

individuals as Islamic prayer practiced with bowing down every day or prayer

practiced with invocation as in the nembutsu before the altar every morning.

Japanese are highly need and situation-oriented people. There is antecedent

ritual in the history of Christianity applicable to the Japanese context -the Celtic

contemplative prayer - prayer for ordinary, everyday events.

5.4.10 Community, not Doctrine

A movement away from cold doctrine to the warmth of community is

suggested by Nagasawa who has emphasized that

spiritual realizations must be communal and transformational. The

spiritual realizations include a deeper sensitivity to self and others, a

feeling of equanimity toward all, self acceptance, a subtle sense of

the holy, freeness from material attachment, a deep awareness of

human predicament and dignity, genuine compassion and love and

so on. In other words, it is these experiences that help overcome the

negative forces, impulses and tendencies that lie within us. I believe

only Christian fellowship within which the Spirit is active can cultivate

these spiritual experiences within the Japanese as they participate.

In addition, it might be useful to develop Christianized rituals to assist

Japanese people in creating an atmosphere that is helpful for the

spiritual state of mind longing for experiencing divine presence

(Nagasawa 2002:58).

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Strand warns about an age in which truth about reality is hidden forever

and that the refusal of any religion to claim truth is as remarkable as admitting

its own falsity. (Strand 2004:118)

As individuals we are not able to present an objective theology. But

as critical realists, we believe we are dealing with reality, in this case

parts of God’s theology. Thus when we inform and correct each

other in the international hermeneutical community, we get a better

picture of the revealed facts. (Strand 2002:119).

This study has suggested models of contextualisation, examined

syncretism and dual systems and why they occur in Japan. Contextualisation

needs to take into consideration the special phenomena we find in Japan:

those of emotion and ritual taking precedence over logical propositions and

mono no aware and wabi

侘び

that influences Japanese thinking. Logical,

propositional thinking is foreign to Japanese-style thinking. This leads to the

suitability of using poetic tools to contextualise – to the use of metaphor. Ritual

needs to be emphasized, not ‘teaching’ as ‘teaching’ is achieved by ritual. The

schema that holds all together is community – group, warm group interactivity.

We will examine metaphor and how to use it in meaning and form,

constructing contextualisation about the afterlife in the Japanese church.

Emergent themes of memorialism, respect, the ie, gratitude, fear,

interdependence of the living and the dead, ethics, identity, and respect in

ancestor practices, both for traditional Japanese and for Christian Japanese, an

overview of contextualisation, suitable models and the problems of dualism and

syncretism, led to understanding the way contextualisation should occur in

Japan

Here the use of metaphor can set the emotional stage for warm, caring,

discussion by a Japanese group – the metaphor of warmth from the hibachi.

5.5 Metaphor

Japanese use right brain thinking and are susceptible to intuitive thinking,

prefer emotive thinking to logical propositions. Mono aware is revealed in all

Japanese literature, art, architecture and music. Poetry is particularly useful in

this regard. This leads us to make use of metaphor to express meaning in

Japanese contextualisation. Nishioka has written powerfully on this in his

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dissertation “Rice and Bread: Metaphorical Construction of Reality – Towards a

New Approach to World View.” I am indebted to him for this section.

The theory of metaphor can contribute to developing a theology which is

sensitive to tangible human experiences. Metaphor plays a significant role in

integrating these two aspects of human experience, body (practice) and mind

(reflection). Metaphorical mapping which is not a mode or figure of speech, is

one dominant process of construction of new realities. According to this view,

theology can be seen as a human reflection on the scriptures (and/or spiritual

experiences) through recurrent tangible experiences.

. Studies in metaphor are old and yet very contemporary philosophically,

starting with Aristotle to the 1970’s. Aristotle wrote: “a good metaphor implies

an intuitive perception of the similarity in dissimilar” (Nishioka l997:126) but he

did not provide a distinction between metaphor and simile. Empiricism or

rationalism caused prolonged negligence of the importance of metaphor and

prepositional statements were therefore thought to be the only appropriate way

of coping with objective reality. Johnson wrote that substitution and comparison

theory treats metaphor in a reductionist manner. (Nishioka 1997:127)

Richards’ study has brought about a paradigm shift in the study of metaphor

(Nishioka 1997:128) He proposed a “dynamic perspective for understanding

metaphor as a means of constructing knowledge.” Metaphor is characterized,

he wrote by the interaction between the ‘underlying idea or principal subject

which the vehicle or figure means” (Nishioka 1997:128).

According to Wheelwright, a metaphor “is an active thought process, not

just a simile between two entities, nor a grammatical rule, but rather it is ‘the

quality of semantic transformation that is brought about’ or ’semantic motion’”

(Nishioka 1997:128).

For Sapir, metaphor is a mode of linkage, for Turner, root metaphor is a

function by means of which new knowledge is constructed. Turner’s process

oriented view on metaphor is significant for exploring how people construct

cultural knowledge. (Nishioka 1997:186).

According to the cognitive theory of metaphor, comprehension of

new ideas is attained through the mapping process of certain old

knowledge (source domain) onto the new idea (target domain.) The

construction of new reality is grounded on a receptor’s ability to

evoke certain related knowledge (secondary source) out of mutually

manifested stimuli (primary source) and to discover a certain

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correspondence between correspondence source domain (primary

and secondary and target domain. All these processes are crucial

for both communicator and receptor (Nishioka 1997:214).

Beardsley in 1981 introduced a theory underlining the moment at which one

identifies a metaphor. The step is needed in the exploration of the marginal

meaning – that is, meanings which are implied or associated with a certain word

in various contexts. This involves a shift from the central meaning to the

marginal meaning which is triggered by tension between subject and modifier.

“To understand metaphor is to explore these marginal meanings for discovering

meaningful connections” (Nishioka 1997:31).

Metaphorical process is selective. If one uses “body” as root metaphor for

conceptualising the reality of a local church, specific aspects of social and

relational reality are emphasized, such as: internal unity, harmony in diversity,

authority of head. When this metaphorical process is repeated and shared by a

majority of members, the root metaphor becomes symbol for the group.

(Nishioka 1997:190 ) figure 6-2

In trope theory, metaphor is treated as one mode of linkage in a meaning

system. The focus is, as Sapir suggested,

directed toward patterns of linkage in culturally constructed meaning

systems. (product). Metaphor is viewed as cross-domain linkage

between signifier and signified by means of which symbols are

constructed. At the same time, as Turner (1974) maintained,

metaphor is viewed in terms of the process of constructing

knowledge or meaning” (Nishioka 1997:191).

The root metaphor is used for understanding something new. In this case,

the hibachi metaphor is used to link the idea of communal warmth to a generally

taboo, cold subject, to enable discussion, sharing and learning. If one object,

such as a hibachi, which “is recurrently and tacitly used in a society, it is most

likely a key symbol (Ortner 1973:134)’” (Nishioka 1997:193). The hibachi is no

longer used but will be a symbol for a long time.

Recurrent bodily domestic experiences often become symbols having (in

familial or communal setting) religious dimensions The conventionalised

metaphor or simple metaphor can be used as a source for new metaphor.

Knowledge which is commonly shared and deeply internalised is most likely to

be used as the source of metaphor. The Japanese mind will move from ‘the

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warmth and comfort of the hibachi idea’ to the possibility of discussing a taboo

subject, because of the warmth metaphor zed in the hibachi. According to

Sperber, knowledge about life after death, which is not really empirical, and only

half-understood, is highly susceptible to the cultural interpretation’s influence.

The level of susceptibility to influence varies according to the validity of the

person who has taught the knowledge. Therefore although, the average

Japanese do not like the Buddhist priest (because they see him as being

money-grabbing and representing death) one would hope that the attitude to the

minister, missionary or church leader would be different.

Following these insights, we can see how the hibachi, which signifies

warmth and a pleasant feeling to a Japanese, is a powerful metaphor that can

lead us in constructing a teaching tool about life after death. A common human

experience is used. The hibachi group is a means of constructing knowledge, a

mode of linkage, linking warm feelings to a usually cold, fearful subject. Old

knowledge is connected to new knowledge – the 3–layered worldview of life

after death is connected to the transformed Christian ritual and belief by strong,

positive feelings. An old symbol is used as a root metaphor, bringing it to a new

target domain, so that the old symbolic system is transformed. Japanese are

able, in a Zen-like way, to suddenly see the link in thought, the poetic feeling

invoked by the metaphor. It is a culturally practised way of understanding. The

hibachi group metaphor can become a symbol for the church community

meeting and sharing in discussion. This object is one recurrently used, a

physical object that is often used in a family space – a very good metaphor to

introduce into the new life after death schema.

We are not advocating a teaching tool in the western sense, and also not a

teaching tool as such, but a manner of sharing ideas, sharing experience in a

warm environment.

The household is the most important space in Japanese history. Japanese

society is in crisis. In such a period of social change, various metaphors are

needed and will play an important role because the available symbolic systems

do not provide appropriate meaning structures,

We are not advising ‘teaching”, but there must be a certain root metaphor in

the process of constructing the reality of “institutionalised practice.” For

example, a large part of Protestant local church ministry is constructed through

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a schematic knowledge of “school”. The existence of the pulpit, ways of

organizing pews, lecture-style preaching, and the content of preaching are

closely related to school, rather than to family or household. Ministry

constructed through the model of school also is associated with certain value

systems and language. It also affects time orientation, space orientations, and

relational orientations in various church practices. (Nishioka 1997:367) Usage

of the school model itself is not problematic, but an uncritical adoption of one

model over the other while neglecting its limitations, is a problem. Thus for

Japanese church ministry we need to critically assess what is a root metaphor

for social and religious realities in both contemporary Japanese society and

Japanese local churches. (Nishioka 367-368)

We have made it clear that the teaching domain is not the one to use, but it

has become clear from the surveys done that both churches, mission groups

and young pioneer churches are on the whole observing necessary ritual, but

that actual discussion and information that people are curious about and need

to know to provide a theological background to their transformed actions, are

lacking. So we will explore the concept of the hibachi, and then go on to the

contextualisation.

5.5.1 The Japanese Hibachi

Although the hibachi

火鉢

is not in common use anymore, all Japanese

are familiar with this household article of yesteryear. Hibachis were used from

the Heian period, first by the nobility. Then during the Edo period, commoners

started to use them. Hibachis were used for heating, made in circular and

rectangular shapes, from ceramic, metal or wood. Another usage was heating

water for green tea, heating sake or selected cooking, (omochi, rice-cakes or

grilling fish.) Food cooked on the hibachi charcoal has a special nostalgic taste.

(Metal hibachis are still used for the tea ceremony.)

Rectangular wooden ones were considered very chic iki.

粋

The owner

of the house monopolised it when he was thinking. The wood was lined with

copper. Wooden containers were sometimes elaborately carved and used for

entertaining guests. Broken hibachis were repaired by itinerant craftsmen who

used a bronze or copper clip to repair cracks. Glue was also used.

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Charcoal was placed inside the hibachi after it had been allowed to burn

till there was no more poisonous blue flame. The family maid or one of the

young children would see to the charcoal each morning, or put out the coals at

night. She would polish the nagahibachi’s copper lining with powder till clean

and shining. The rules regarding fire were very strict around the wooden

houses. At night the maid would use hihashi, fire-chopsticks, to pick up the

coals, put them in a clay pot and close the lid. Used charcoal from the night

before were used again the next morning and only lazy people left the coals

burning all night. Gas was used to start the fire in the morning and the

technique was to keep the fire burning slowly by covering the charcoal with ash.

Wasteful housewives kept the kettle aboil, not simmering. The hibachi needed

careful attention and visitors who used the hihashi to change the heat or move

charcoal to another side, were not appreciated. The hibachi served as the

family’s central meeting place where people would gather and sit, enjoying the

warmth, making conversation, where harmony prevailed and people usually did

not argue. It was the central point of the home for conversation and eating.

Here the elders would tell the younger family members traditional stories and

sometimes a local ghost story. Occasionally a naughty child would be banned

from the warmth of the hibachi circle and be sent outside to stand in the cold.

When small rooms were built onto the house for separate bedrooms and

people moved a small hibachi into their private rooms, perhaps one can see the

beginning of family breakdown. The hibachi kept the family together. The

immediate area around the hibachi was warm, but elsewhere cold.

The following might be suggested content for discussion around the

hibachi.

5.5.2 Hibachi Theology – The “Teaching Tool”

We are not advocating a teaching tool in the western sense, and also not a

teaching tool as such, but a manner of sharing ideas, sharing experience in a

warm environment which is Japanese to the core.

Domestic experience is filled with such repetitious, bodily and imagery

qualities. The household is the most important space in Japanese history.

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Japanese society is in crisis. In such a period of social change various

metaphors are needed; play an important role because the available symbolic

systems do not provide appropriate meaning structures, especially in a chaotic

stage of liminality and anomie.

Eating around a hibachi is important. In some Japanese local churches

the value of actual eating practices in the religious community has been

overlooked. How can the hibachi be used to construct knowledge and order

experience of other domains? “This cross-domain activity is possible when a

certain schema functions as a symbol, because a symbol is metaphorically

projected to other domains of experience” (Nishioka 1997:182).

The hibachi is the quintessential metaphor to the Japanese, denoting

warmth. When they are outside in the cold, they long for that warm, comforting

space. Outside the Japanese suffer from the cold and dream of the mild, tender

feeling that awaits them around the hibachi. Others in the church are suffering

the same coldness, so there is empathy, sympathy and friendliness around the

hibachi. Japanese will react strongly if someone takes the hibachi away. The

hibachi has been the communal space of warmth for the Japanese family for

thousands of years

(1) Hibachis were first used by the nobility – the church member is a priest

in the priesthood of believers. Special people, specially loved by God.

(2) Wooden hibachis that are carved could be spoken about, linking it to

the schema of the Cross, where His body was carved so that it would

be given meaning, eternal significance and beauty.

(3) Hibachi’s are made of malleable clay and then fired to produce a

durable, beautiful ceramic. The Christian and the church are fired by

trial and become beautiful and persevering.

(4) Sitting around one hibachi gives meaning to the idea of one body, with

diverse parts, where each one has a place and is welcomed.

(5) Rice wine is warmed, and rice cakes are grilled over the hibachi – the

Lord’s Supper could be given meaning.

(6) Hibachis can be fixed, are not thrown away. The Christian is safe with

God, not thrown away and rejected when one makes mistakes.

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(7) The hibachi lining is polished – God polishes the Christian so that the

face of Jesus can be seen in the Christian.

(8) One needs to be careful with the use of the charcoal – so we need to

be careful in our relationship with the Holy Spirit. Also we need to

appreciate the church, “discern the body”, not stir up trouble, as when

we stir up the charcoal.

(9) Conversation around the hibachi could be seen as nemawashi

根回し

(preparatory discussion), before going to speak to the family about

death-related matters. The senior of the group would gently interject

subjects for conversation or necessary information and then the

normal dynamics of Japanese group discussion would take over. This

gives decision-making and learning in a culturally non-threatening

way.

(10) Hibachis had various uses – the hibachi group can be used to discuss

and bring the church together

(11) A hibachi would be displayed as an artefact of beauty instead of a

flower arrangement.

(12) A small hibachi would be used as an offering plate, again conjuring up

the feeling of warmth, beauty and togetherness.

(13) A hibachi could be used as a baptismal font.

(14) Teaching could be given on the necessity for regular church

attendance, using the metaphor of the hibachi: if you move away from

the hibachi and stay away, you become spiritually cold.

(15) The hibachi represents the warm Body of Christ, where the family are

welcomed; where there is empathy and a warm feeling towards each

other. There is a feeling of safety – safety, which the top emotional

need in the hierarchy of needs in Japan. Death can safely be

discussed and thought about. Hard truths can be reflected on,

existential matters can be faced in the company of others. These

matters should not be faced alone, or in the company of an

unsympathetic, un-believing family.

Here the family of God can help each other by speaking, sharing, listening,

lapsing into intimate silence together, practising haragei

腹芸

intuitive

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communication, and knowing that others understand and accept their fears and

complex difficulties concerning their family situation – family funerals, hooji,

grave visits and matters of personal fears and stumbling blocks.

5.5.3 Discussion Material

Content for discussion around the hibachi is written in Frequently asked

Questions style. The basic emotions are treated first, the Japanese order of

interest and importance is given. Someone not knowing their worldview or their

basic culture background about life after death would perhaps start with:

“Here’s how to get to heaven”, when issues of the ie and family should come

first; issues of ancestor “blessings” that are the Creator God’s blessings. A

whole new dimension will be opened here to the Japanese believer, coming

from his 3-layered worldview, acceptable to what is in his mind (not the

missionary’s mind) because we start at the right place.

Q. Do I need to fear death?

A. “Oh death, where is your sting, Oh grave where is your victory?” The horror

of death, the deep unease is taken away by Jesus.

Q. Who brings the rains and gives the harvests?

A. The Lord God, the Creator of the heavens and earth.

Q. Who gives the blessings of health, the ability to work and protection for the

family?

A. The Lord, our Creator and Protector.

Q. What about the future of my ‘ie’?

A. In His covenant God promises blessings to the descendants of believers.

So we put effort into praying for them and sharing Jesus.

Q. What is my relationship to the ‘ie’?

A It is unbroken. Sincere thanksgiving and respect is appropriate.

Q. Does my church relationship replace this?

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A It enriches it and enables me to be a better relative.

Q. What is the function of the eldest son?

A. As we learn in the Passover story, he is special to God, he has a special

place in the family. Our priest and mediator is Jesus.

Q. Are genealogies important to God?

A. Yes, there are many genealogies in the Bible, especially that of Jesus,and

people’s ancestors are often mentioned.

Q. What is my role in the family?

A .I imitate Jesus in sacrificial service and love, forgiveness, in deep respect of

my parents in patient training of my children, of mutual partnership with my

spouse.

Q. When will I remember my ancestors?

A. Every day I will thank God for their on (favours) and for their lives in my

prayers. I will thank God for them at visits to the graveyard as appropriate, (on

the day of their death, their birthday, at Higan, Easter and Christmas).

Q .How do I show honour to my parents?

A. By strong, creative efforts while they are alive.

Q. Who is my original ancestor?

A. Adam and Eve

Q. Will I be forgotten?

A. No. There will be annual church memorials, graveyard visits, family

memorials, and regular remembrance and thanks at communion.

Q. What is appropriate to my memory?

A. Thanks, respect, gratitude for my contribution to the family and society.

Worship to God for my salvation and life

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Q. Where will the church keep my ashes?

A In the church graveyard or ossuary

Q. Why do I receive an inheritance? What will I do with my inheritance?

A. I will use it wisely to provide for my family, especially those, who through no

fault of their own are suffering financial stringency. I will provide for our old age

and I will tithe it in thankfulness to God my heavenly Father. I will use it for the

spread of Christ’s kingdom I will use it for the upkeep of the family grave.

Q. What will I do to repay my parents for my inheritance?

A.I will honour their memories in thanks and respect. I will make extra efforts to

show love and honour while they are alive. I will regularly visit their graves.

Q. Do my descendants ever need to fear me?

A. No, I am in bliss with Jesus in heaven. I cannot return.

Q. Can I bring misfortune to my family?

A. Viruses, bacteria and accidents, bring bodily harm. Sinful relationships and

events of history, e.g. bankruptcy, brings harm to people.

Q. Can I come back and bring misfortune to my family?

A. No. Jesus said a great gulf exists between those in the after life and those

on earth – there is no return or possibility of contact.

Q. How will I handle difficult family relationship?

Q.I will value forgiveness and practise it, leaving no place for revenge.

Q.Who protects me from ‘tatari’?

A.In His death, Jesus broke all power of evil against me.

Q.What about the unseen powers that cannot be seen?

A. Jesus disarmed these powers and authorities, triumphing over them by

the cross.

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Q. Do I need tsuizen kuyoo?

A. No. My salvation is fixed when I call on the Name of Jesus, repent and

confess my sin. On the cross Jesus declared that salvation is accomplished.

Q. Do I become ‘kami’ after death?

A. No, only Jesus is God.

Q. Do I stay connected to my husband’s family in heaven?

A. We become the Bride of Jesus.

Q. What down-payment, what assurance do I have of heaven?

A. God gives me His Holy Spirit, Christ in me, the hope of glory.

Q. Will I be lonely?

A. In heaven we join with billions of believers who worship Jesus.

Q. What is my function in heaven?

A It is part mystery, what is clear, we will be worshipping Jesus

Q. Do I hunger or thirst in heaven?

A. There will be no hunger or thirst in heaven.

Q. Are the believing people dead or alive?

A. God is the God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, so the dead are alive.

Q. Why is your spirit important?

A. I am made in God’s image, my spirit stays personal after death.

Q. Is there any purgatory ‘chuuin’?

A. Jesus told the thief that he would be with Him in heaven that same day.

Q Is the danka system still law?

A It was revoked.

Q. Is the butsudan inheritance still law?

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A. Yes, I will sensitively discuss with my family the issue of butsudan

inheritance.

Q. My parents never heard the gospel, what is my attitude to God about this?

A. “Righteous art Thou, O God.” God is just when He judges and full of mercy.

He will judge them according to their thoughts and actions regarding His law in

their consciences. This is also a mystery, but we can trust Him.

Q. The gospel reached Japan for the first time (so far as we definitely know) in

the 15th century. What is my attitude?

A. Righteous art Thou, O Lord.” God will judge them according to their secret

thoughts, their consciences, actions and according to His mercy.

Q. What about Christians who commit suicide?

A. God knows their hearts, their sufferings and loves them. They are not a

danger to their families. They are accepted in mercy and are in heaven.

Q. What about the unsaved who commit suicide?

A. They were a danger to themselves, but cannot be a danger to us, protected

by the blood of Jesus.

Q. What about the future of aborted babies?

A. God is a God of mercy and love. The church accepts that babies who have

died are in God’s loving care. There is no need to think that they are suffering

or will be a danger to their families.

These FAQ should cover most of the questions that a Japanese Christian

thinks about, but will probably not readily ask.

What about hibachi discussing how one can give honour to the elders

before they die and so be a witness for Christ?

McGavran, (Bong 1985:315) admitting he doesn’t know the Japanese

situation intimately suggests: a daily Christian ritual to remember and honour the

ancestors; a book telling of the good, great deeds of ancestors, reaching back in

the genealogy; a large board, with names recorded, hung in a prominent place in

the doorway; a daily reading of a section of the family history, together with family

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prayers be read with thanks for the whole family, and prayers for God’s guidance

for the family in the future. A memorial service on the anniversary of their death:

a photo with Bible verses displayed near it.

Respect to the living family could be shown to those over 70: having

comfortable chairs at the front of the church, by ceremonies on Mother’s and

Father’s Day being more personal: the children go forward and give presents to

their own parents; special efforts taught and made to honour and show love:

birthday cards, gifts, special favourite tid-bits taken to grandmother, going to read

to those who now struggle to read, parties on their birthdays, frequent visits,

systematic church visiting of the elderly, marriage enrichment seminars, familybuilding

retreats, home dedication ceremonies,

In using hibachi metaphor as the place and manner for discussing and

ultimately teaching about life after death we have attempted to reach a

contextualisation suitable to the Japanese religious and social problem of life after

death – not using western methods of teaching doctrine, using the advice of

experienced Japanese missiologists and taking seriously Japanese culture and

concerns.

5.6 Conclusion

Japanese ideas about the afterlife and Japanese funeral rites are in a state

of change, together with many other commonly held attitudes in the society. The

church needs to take heed of the popular desire for positive remembrance of the

dead, the lesser fear of death pollution, the ties that are further forged with

companies by company funerals, the individuation trend that is happening in

commercial funerals. People have found value and meaning in the commercial

funeral.

Can the Church do the same, can they do better? Should the Church start

a drive for popularising funerals, as they did weddings, not shrinking at the extra

effort and thought that will be needed to take a funeral for traditional Japanese, not

Christians? Do we run the risk of being seen as funeral Christianity, or is this the

next step in spreading Christianity among the masses - something which is not

happening now. Buddhism filled the vacuum that Shintoo had concerning death

rituals. Has Buddhism backed itself into a vacuum that Christianity can fill?

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Should fill? Is this the kairos moment for a new method of evangelism? It should

be perfectly clear that churches and missionaries would not charge anything at all

for their church funeral services. Making it clear that we separate ourselves from

any money-making intentions. Few are stepping into a wide open opportunity

where society is ready for a new way of doing funerals: emphasizing family and

the individual, who is respected, remembered and honoured in a peaceful,

meaningful way. This is perhaps the clearest insight we have had in doing this

study. Church funerals for all Japanese, Christian or non-Christian. Evangelicals

would benefit from a handbook of liturgy and practices, skilfully written that

Japanese church and mission discuss and agree on.

Is the Church giving a solid base to its members concerning their existential

problem of life after death? This study has shown that more is needed, both in

seminaries, missionary preparation and in churches.

The hypotheses that the teaching tool could be constructed from the data

studied was borne out, as well as the notion that the teaching tool would be less

systematic than western doctrinal statements, dealing more with ritual, group

action, than with beliefs.

Assumptions were held concerning speaking to spirits and necromancy,

that incense burning involves worship and that deep bowing before the ihai looks

like idol worship were….

5.6.1 Further Research

Further questions for research flowing from this study could be the theology of

those who have never heard the gospel in Japan, a theology of funerals, of the

communion of the saints, of death, the intermediate state, worship, nature, history,

karma, rites of passage, issues of Japanese identity and the church. Also a

terminological study around the use of ‘rei’ and ‘tamashii’, (the words currently

used for ‘spirit’) a study of universalism, as related to Japanese attitudes. A

theology of the gospel of John 1 – the Logos needs contextualisation and should

be valuable. A study on covenant theology and the Japanese family would seem

to be useful. More will appear.

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But it is clear that we need to take universally common human phenomena

seriously, such as human life (birth-growth-marriage-death), family relationships

(household), pain/suffering, food/eating, light/darkness, pilgrimage, basic natural

entities (water, air, storm, mountain, river) and so on. Nishioka says the problem

lies in the Japanese church, the members are obedient to the church as if to God.

The problem is not in the society, but in the church.

We examined traditional Japanese religion and rites, the beliefs and

activities of the Church in Japan and came to the conclusion that ‘family’ is the

central ideational notion. Moving from there to the family of God, a metaphor was

found in the hibachi, mapping an idea of family warmth and using this in a manner

in which the Church can, in a suitable Japanese cultural manner, include the

members in a family discussion of a serious family issue – life after death. This is

not a personal matter, but a family matter and within the family of God, the

household of God, it is a matter, shared by all, from the minister leading the rites,

to the funeral committee, organizing the practical aspects of church participation,

to the women who will cook and serve the teas and meals. Everyone is involved,

because when one mourns, we all mourn. We prepare for this around the warm

hibachi.

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APPENDIX 1

The 3 focus groups gave responses to the following questions:

(1) Who does the term “ancestor’ apply to?

(2) Where is your furusato?

古里

(original family home town)

(3) .(3) . Do you go home for New Year and Obon?

(4) Does your ie play a big role in your thinking and actions?

(5) Is it illegal not to do ancestor worship?

(6) What is the importance of a grave visit? What is the meaning?

(7) What are you grateful for?

(8) What do you do at the gravesite?

(9) Why do you burn incense, what is the meaning?

(10) When do you speak to your ancestors?

(11) What kind of things do you say?

(12) Do you have butsudan or kamidana where you live?

(13) What are your feelings when you are before the butsudan?

(14) Main feeling?

(15) Is it a feeling of worship?

(16) Is it the same feeling as when you pray at the shrine?

(17) Have you ever experienced tatari? (cursing)

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FOCUS GROUP 1

27th December 2007: A meeting was held with 5 Japanese friends from

an interpreters’ group, living in an urban area, Ichikawa, just outside Tokyo.

There has been a relationship with some of these ladies for nearly 12 years.

Ages varied, one in her early thirties and the rest over 50, into their early sixties.

They came to the house, spoke in English, as an English speaking opportunity.

Whenever any words that meant “worship” or “respect” or other salient terms

that needed clarification were used, they were asked for the Japanese word

they meant. 2 out of 5 had lived in foreign countries. We talked for two hours.

(1) Grandfather. Direct parents, everything linked to me (her parents are

very strong in ancestor practices) Agree. The blood line, individual

ancestor, 3 – 5 generations back.

Ie: everybody. Only the youngest. No. Urban: married to the

choonan,

長男

(eldest son) so no sense of ie.. Stopped that. At

weddings, funerals the ie is emphasized, then everybody is thought of.

We think of family ties then. (We are married, so we don’t feel such ie

feeling to our husband’s family.)

(2) Yokohama, Narashino in Chiba. Furusato means inaka (country) to

her. Hokkaidoo. Tokyo: so she envies someone who has a furusato

to go to. Doesn’t feel she has one. Should be the countryside.

Kanagawa.

(3) Used to. Don’t have such a home. Once a year, but not at New Year,

etc, but at easier booking time.

No. Married, so into another ie, don’t have influence in mother’s ie.

Yes, married to eldest son. Yes, I am connected to ie. I married into.

At hooji (memorial rites) times we think of the ie.

Grandfather’s funeral. People came who did not know him, it was a

strange feeling. They had to do it because of saving her brother’s face

as he was the moshu,

喪主

(chief mourner). Relationships in the

company are complicated and you had to be careful who you notified

and to notify everyone.

To some other occasion you can send money, but a funeral you must

go. (Nirvana at 49 days) 2 meanings, (1) just after death, (2)

becoming Buddha, becoming detachment.

(4) I go to do ancestor worship, sosen suuhai.

祖先崇拝

Myself: makes

me feel better, calm, comfortable. I offer osenkoo,

線香

(incense) feel

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so kimochi ga ii. (feel so good) When I start a business, or enter

school, or there is a family event, then we go. Some people leave the

graves untidy, it doesn’t look good.

(5) Would you prefer me to call the custom “ancestor veneration” No.

(emphatic) atmosphere is different in church, and temples and

cemeteries. At the grave: respect, more, this is my origin of myself,

came back attend personally. The funeral means respect for the

deceased, to express relationships.

(6) I go to do ancestor worship, sosen suuhai.

祖先崇拝

Myself: makes

me feel better, calm, comfortable. I offer osenkoo,

線香

(incense) feel

so kimochi ga ii. (feel so good) When I start a business, or enter

school, or there is a family event, then we go. Some people leave the

graves untidy, it doesn’t look good.

(7) Yes. Grateful to the dead person. It is different to sosen suuhai. Not

ancestor worship. We pray that they please go to heaven.

(8) In Hokkaidoo, we are different. At Obon we offer food, clean, put mat

out and there, have a picnic. We offer food and then eat it, and then

you will be healthy. We eat with the ancestors, share.

In Tokyo we clean the grave, the tombstone, change the water, put in

flowers, burn incense, pray. We go twice a year; I’m married to the

choonan, (eldest son) but I go alone, even if the family doesn’t go.

We pay money to the temple, to caretake the grave. Twice and for

Obon. I know of a business that does the cleaning, offers flowers,

water and takes a photo of the grave and sends the photo to the

owner.

Then there are homepages, you can click and the ihai (mortuary tablet)

as it comes up on the screen. (all laugh) You click and that click lights

the incense. Is it free?

(9) In Yawata (Ichikawa) at the Shoowa Funeral Hall there is a tatami mat

room, but maybe that is for I feel guilty if no offering of incense for

years. So homepage is useful, if the grave is at a distance, it is

expensive to go and also to buy a gravesite. .

Sooryoo, the priest. “The smoke is the only food for the deceased” the

priest told us when my gran died. Tabemono. (food) There is a

connection with the dead. It needs to burn continuously, starting right

after death. In Hokkaidoo we stay over the night at the temple and

keep the incense burning. We keep incense burning at the house.

That is Nichiren. Yet it is generally like that in Hokkaidoo, never mind

the sect people who come from far away.

Why do you burn incense? (me) Giggles. To respect. Giggle, most

people don’t know the meaning, they all agree. 70% of people don’t

know funeral procedures, they just imitate. Shintoo offers leaves.

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Joodoo-shin-shuu break the incense stick in half, lay it down. The

priest told us to do that. Why? Don’t know. You usually put the hot

water into a cup before … to make tea, well at funerals you do it

opposite, put the hot water in …

(10) (Seemed confused at the meaning of the question). Company

funerals, many attend. Are they different to family funerals? (Me)

They make much of his soul. tomorau we share sorrow. Mrs N’s

family wanted a small funeral for her 91 year old father. But the news

of his death spread and it ended up as a big funeral.

(11) When I sit in front of the butsudan I say thank you to my grandparents,

or report to them. My parents prayed before my exams at the

butsudan. They announce my healthy growth. Usually to

grandparents, not ancestors. The third generation back I don’t know

them, so don’t feel they are close.

(12) (Only l person didn’t.) Another is in a flat and hasn’t one. It is small so

neither. When they move to a larger place she talked of getting a

butsudan . Her husband, who is the choonan, said, Why?!! Those in

their 30’s and 40’s do not have a butsudan or kamidana. Friends they

visit do not have them. Friends’ parents are still alive, when they die,

they will get a butsudan.

One woman’s 3 sons, even the eldest, do not have a butsudan. They

will buy when the parents die.

(13) Meditate. I feel calm. I pray in a different place. (this person is

Ba’hai). I have a quick memory of my mother. We have photos, so

we can remember. Someone keeps a cat’s photo too. Giggles. One

younger woman tells of a room in the furusato where the butsudan is,

with photos around the walls and is reminded of black kimono at

funerals. She found it scary in childhood.

One woman said her genealogy goes back past Edo and they have

only kept the tombstones from Edo, earlier than

(14) I’m in trouble, ask him to help, protect. I decided not to do that, but

only words of appreciation, of how I spend my days without injury or

sickness. I say thank you, I love you. When I visit the grave I speak

to them. You usually pray for them at home, not speak to them.

(15) that they have broken down. Do not use “suuhai”, this sounds like

Shintoo. Sosen o agameru.

崇める

(respect the ancestors) Sosen o

omou

思う

(think of the ancestors) natsukashii

懐かしい

(nostalgic).

Kamisama ja nai. (not a god) Never look at ancestor as god in our

generation. (very emphatic). Sosen is closer than kami or Buddha.

Don’t worship to Buddha or God, but pray to ancestors, but it is

respect. We exist because they lived. “Ogame” (respect) Kimochi

toshite, agameru. (as a feeling it is respect) In electric dictionary

“worship” is given the meaning of omatsuri suru –

祭る

to deify, to

enshrine, to worship. Here I feel it is the following kanji: to respect,

祭

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る

(to present, to do, respectfully) More Shintoo maybe. Maybe that

is the origin. It has different meanings, and are slowly changing.

To revere, more than respect, not worship. Worship is not clear.

Worship is something different, too strong.

(16) Different, more close (mijika). At the butsudan: we honor, adore –

adoration as when we see a baby (the idea, the unspoken idea was:

how precious, how dear)

as chi, joobutsu: to origin of my personality, kind of ie feeling. (People

agree)

Not too much worship, feeling of closeness, close to custom or worship

or veneration. Respect: they always protect us, (so do they have

power?) (me) they have no power. They can help us, but it’s not into

that, yes, no logic to it.

Natsukashii. (nostalgic) One says not natsukashii, not power like God,

but we feel like that.

Goriyaku,

御利益

that’s Buddhist, omegumi,

恵み

(blessings) benefits.

You receive benefits from ancestors. Not religious. It’s a sense, of

belonging, family, natsukashii, it’s a mijika na feeling. (a feeling of

closeness)

I pray, that they can cross the river, kami ni chikazuku. (go close to the

gods) Moo shite iru deshoo. (are close already, hey?) Yori kami ni

chikaku.

Okyoo:

経

(sutra) prayer, same as prayer. Very few do it. At the

funeral: okyoo is for shisha no tamashii o iyasu,

癒す

( sutras are to

heal the spirit of the deceased) nagusameru,

慰める

(to comfort them)

joobutsu saseru tame (to enable them to reach nirvana), hotoke ni

suru, Detachment from this world, become Buddha.

Sanzu no kawa (river of death) a few days after death. Memorial

tame, (for a memorial) not to forget them. 50 years, ashes into soil.

49 years, joobutsu ni natta? (do they reach nirvana) Wander around,

shijuu ku ni(laughs) No. If you don’t clean the grave, then you get it. If

I have no feeling of guilt I wont get it. (I asked: what produces guilt?)

Things I should do: like to go to the shrine and temples and

cemeteries. Some people feel like that. Not related to grave visiting,

depends on the person.

(17) I tried to open an omamori: (safety charm) and my parents told me I

legends, old people used it as a warning. Buy omamori,

お守り

go

back to the same shrine, take it back and ask them to burn it.

There is a TV fortune-teller on twice a week. She says: you don’t do

ancestor customs and that is why you are in trouble, have fights with

mother-in-law. It is an effective means to encourage you to do ancestor

129

customs. Older people and I pray, that they can cross the river, kami ni

chikazuku. (go close to the gods) Moo shite iru deshoo. (are close

already, hey?) Yori kami ni chikaku.

Okyoo:

経

(sutra) prayer, same as prayer. Very few do it. At the funeral:

okyoo is for shisha no tamashii o iyasu,

癒す

( sutras are to heal the

spirit of the deceased) nagusameru,

慰める

(to comfort them) joobutsu

saseru tame (to enable them to reach nirvana), hotoke ni suru,

Detachment from this world, become Buddha.

I tried to open an omamori: (safety charm) and my parents told me I

would be cursed. It’s a bad feeling. It is something that has come from

legends, old people used it as a warning. Buy omamori,

お守り

go back

to the same shrine, take it back and ask them to burn it.

There is a TV fortune-teller on twice a week. She says: you don’t do

ancestor customs and that is why you are in trouble, have fights with

mother-in-law. It is an effective means to encourage you to do ancestor

customs. Older people and those in the countryside where there is

strong inter-connectedness, tell each other to do ancestor customs.

Old people tell me to do the old things. In the city we still talk of tatari.

People love such TV programmes, interested but not so serious about

it, it’s entertainment. In rural areas the idea is strong, ojizoosama,

conservative religious. Shinkooshin ga tsuyoi,

信仰心

強い

more

religious, more gullible idea. Shinjin bukai

信心深い

is better to say.

(deep belief)

FOCUS GROUP 2

This focus group interview was conducted in Japanese with a close-knit

group of volunteer Japanese language teachers. They were relaxed, except for

one man who spoke little, but whose attitude showed he despised religious

money makers and seemed generally skeptical and one who was pushing his

exclusively Shintoo background.

Some said they had none. The eldest son system is breaking up. Now the

bunke is making a house, so who is the ancestor? It’s more than the

grandparents, it is roots, far back. My husband is from Shikoku, we moved

the grave, don’t know how far back. 3 generations back, far back is the

ancestors. My wife’s people are very old. The war influenced our

knowledge of our ancestors. I have ancestors, 4 generations, I have looked

into it. My family 3 generations were Christians, I didn’t have 3-5-7. My

grandchildren complained that there are no photos. My elder brother has

started to go into Buddhism. I go to a western style lawn cemetery for grave

visits.

Hokkaidoo, strange, both my parents were from Hokkaidoo. Shikoku. I

married. Osaka. (word ‘roots’ is used a few times.)

130

No, we went as young children. Generally it is a custom that is slowly

stopping, those that have a furusato, have living parents or relatives there.

My parents put their hands together, went to the graves, but now, the

religious type of grave visits are stopping. Japan was originally Shintoo, n

the home was the kamisama. The kami came and went, kami of mountains,

nature. When you die you become kami. (All disagreed; this man’s family is

Shintoo.) At World War II the kami idea ….. my family is Shinto, but I don’t

believe it.

(4) Are they kami or Buddhist? Everyone talked together about amalgamation.

Japanese are mixed up, so they marry the Christian way, receive many

ideas. Not serious, even people who don’t, say they’re Buddhists, we do

things unconsciously, not as religion, but as customs that our parents did.

(5) No. Family home is in the country, I’ve just assimilated it. If people have no

child they adopt, but both the relatives, one generation after another, had no

kids, so they gave up and stopped the line. Can’t adopt everybody to

continue the name. My father refused to do it. My family too, the generation

is finished, no kids, no continuance. If you think of the ie, (household) we

will have eitai, (eternal sutras) there is a grave but … sankotsu suru. (natural

grave) We spoke of adopting a foreigner’s child, but then decided to leave it

to nature, not force it, we’re not honke. (main household). My husband’s

friend, they adopted, but he hated it and went back to his family. So they

gave up. Years ago the parents decided this. We’ve become a free country.

(6) Thinking is changing, people want it simple, even famous people. “no

funeral” is increasing, sankotsu, in the sea, at a bridge, like in the book.

Funerals cost too much, it’s just big business. The kaimyoo (posthumous

name) Shintoo is very cheap. My father believed and asked for a Christian

funeral. Most of us have parents living, but still generally you have pressure

to have a funeral. If you don’t the relatives will complain. Some organize

their own funeral. The ihai, what will happen to that? The main way is still a

funeral. They don’t clap at a Shintoo funeral, mustn’t make a sound. You

don’t understand the proceedings at a Buddhist funeral. Shintoo is very

simple and the kaimyoo is cheap. They become the protector god of the

house. My Dad is Shintoo.

(7) The bones are buried. It’s a problem of your feelings, going to clean. I

usually don’t think of the grandparents, but if the day is fixed then we think of

them, natsukashii. (nostalgic) Giri. (obligation) If we don’t go to the haka,

feel giri. I moved my haka close by and now go every week. My husband

(we don’t have the butsudan) has photos of his parents and every morning I

offer water and… Like when the kids graduated, we put the graduation

certificate in front of it. Kamidana is high up in the corner. We have house

gods. I don’t know these things, I’m not a Japanese. (said by the Japanese

lady whose Mother was a Christian, with 3 generations of Christians).

We go to show respect to the ancestors, really it’s cleaning it, yes. Heard

it’s not good to have a plant hanging over it. It’s just custom, no heart in it.

Annual custom. Like a picnic. To calm the heart. Warm feeling. Not really

doing it for the dead, but for oneself. Making report: I’m still well. Pre-war

131

ideas had it, but the young don’t have it. If the parents don’t do it, the kids

don’t. It’s just a framework, a skeleton now. Pressure. You’re the only one

here who really respects the ancestors. My husband is swanking, he wants

his own grave, goes to report, feels responsibility. Men and women are

different.

(8) I pray for family health every day. Basically Japanese are not seriously

religious. Hindus are more religious. It’s another world, another dimension,

different world, a mental thing. Hell and heaven, more than that. Our belief

is thin. We report, feel they protect. I don’t (she goes once a week). It’s a

good thing, I want to tell them. Oh, I went to the grave, reported and

cleaned, had communication, so this good thing happened and I thought the

ancestor is watching me – people believe that. (Yeah we’re kurushii toki

kamidonomi kind of people - when in trouble pray to the gods)

Not many people think like that, I don’t think like that. I feel protected. I

forgot my parents.

Tatari question: I havn’t heard of anyone, maybe very sensitive people. If

you have strong belief. My grandparents haka is far away and I never went.

When I had 3 miscarriages, thought it’s maybe because I didn’t, I should go,

never went. Religion is feeling right.

Incense: I don’t know. I give flowers, various flowers are said to be good,

the perfume. Gives nice smell, so they can enjoy it. I’ve never thought of it.

Gimu.

義務

(obligation)

Communication: I put hands together at the gravesite. The daughter of the

Christian said: sometimes I suddenly think of her, and talk to her. One man

mentions Osoreyama (sacred mountain) where he went twice to consult the

mediums there, they shouted like mad people.

I don’t speak to my husband’s ancestors, but to my mother. I’ve got this far

in good health, soon I’m kanreki. (60 years old) (Everybody laughs.) I’ve

heard it’s bad to petition. I think of her and a happy verse of a hymn.

My mother is 93, I say Why are you still living? And she can’t hear a thing.

(Everybody roars with laughter.) When people are soon to die, they talk to

one, but I havn’t experienced it. When my Dad died I was in the 3rd year of

university, after struggling with studies, I was talking about him and I heard

his voice. He died soon afterwards. After my mother died, she was next to

me and said “Don’t worry, I’ll always look after you.” Maybe it was a dream.

If you concentrate on it, you can see a dream. When you’re in trouble, I

think of my father, I need his advice. Yeah, spiritual inspiration

(11) Yes. We threw out the kamidana, while we were cleaning out. I don’t

believe it!

(12) Not so serious. It’s my husband’s family, so not. It’s different at my

mother’s. I don’t think much about it. Gishiki. (ceremony) It’s for giving

132

rhythm to your life. Nothing to do with the ancestors. I change the water,

if you don’t it smells, no kimochi. (feeling) bad. Unusual stuff, we first put

it there.

(13) Different levels. Otsutome

御勤め

(reading of the scriptures before the

Buddha) Gimu de mo

義務

even obligation I think. There’s no Buddha

there. Ancestors. Dead people are hotoke. (Buddha) Got nothing to do

with Amida Nyoorai. Incense: you give one to Amida Nyoorai and two for

hotoke. It’s very different to Christianity. He is always up there. Who’s the

most important person in Japan? It depends on the group, there are many

gods, hotoke, not like Christianity. Buddha is one. The group’s top person

is Buddha, every sect is different.

(17) Muri. (cant be done) By worshiping the ancestors the family line can

continue. It’s lineage. 49 days then joobutsu. (nirvana) It’s got nothing to

do with kuyoo. (pacification) Hell and heaven in Buddhism? For bad

people, I hear it often. I don’t know Buddhism. What about jihi?

慈悲

(mercy) It’s just stuff you believe from being born and then passes on to

you. I know of a woman who was baptized as a baby – me too – and then

when she was older she resented it. Jibun de awanai kimono o kiseta.

(wear a kimono that doesn’t fit) Yes.

FOCUS GROUP 3

These 5 ladies are an English language group, they have a longstanding

relationship and are slightly upper-middle class.

(1) Some have none. The choonan system is breaking up. The 2nd son is

making a home, so who is ‘senzo’? (ancestor) More than grandparents,

our roots. We have genealogies. My husband is from Shikoku and we

moved the grave. Senzo is 3 generations back, don’t really know.

My close ancestors, grandparents. Further I don’t think about, havn’t

met them, but I have heard many things. I lived with my grandmother, so

when I think of ancestor it is “Ikegawa”. I think far back from Shikoku,

Tokushima Ken. They are mentioned in Genji Heike, the Heian period.

Gempei no takaki de yaburete. They lived in the mountains. The Heike

are the farm’s ancestors. In Edo period they moved to Fukagawa, trading

with the Edo Bakufu in sea-food, maybe Shikoku mikan (tangerine) and

medicine. In Meiji they were goyooshoonin, (purveyor to the government)

in the middle of that they went bankrupt. My grandfather’s father died

bankrupt. There were 3 sisters and each was adopted. My grandmother’s

mother remarried, but her husband died, my grandmother started teachertraining

with support from relatives. They rebuilt the house, the name and

observed the grave. She also married a teacher and adopted the

husband. The gravestone is about 400 years old and is in Meguro, Tokyo.

I have our genealogy.

133

I was born in Hyoogo, but moved to Ichikawa; my father grew up in

Nagasaki, grandfather was in the navy. (Mrs Okazawa brought out the

genealogical papers which came from Miyagi castle. They were Fujiwara

and the end of the Heian period. In Ooshu, near Sendai. )

My family had 3 countries: China, Taiwan and Japan. My father’s father

was from Fuchou in China and moved to Taiwan, studied a medical course

at a Japanese university and got nationalized in Japan.

(2) I don’t go. I go to the graves.

(4) Sometimes; my family is not important to me, but I am getting older and so

after my parents passed away, I started to think, I should go to the tomb.

It’s the first time I’ve been asked this question.

(5) To respect the departed, for respect. It’s a custom, but April lst my family

gathered at the Ryuusooon temple for hooji, about 15 members. It was my

father’s brother and his wife, their 17th and 13th kaiki. (memorial)

She is a Christian. I have 1, 3, 7 kinenkai, the pastor goes to the grave.

She’s Anglican. We don’t it so they pass away happily to the next world.

Hatten, to continue the family body, happiness and peace. We live happily

every day because of the ancestors, we show our appreciation. To meet

my ancestor in my heart. The Christian: I remember my ancestor.

(8) I exist because of them. I have no religion. When someone passes away

it’s instant religion. (Everybody laughs) It began in the Kamakura period.

Why?

(9) We give flowers and incense, food, sake, tea, rice, their favourite things,

cigarettes. Nowadays I have no religion. I feel very quiet, relaxed, feel

strange, especially for my parents, my parents are always there. I report to

them if I have trouble or happy things. It is basic to many Japanese

people, is the Buddhist viewpoint, morality, but Christians are different.

(10) In China there was Zen and Confucianism. Especially as you get older.

It’s a feeling, and all we have is different to foreign ideas. Like the different

feeling for colour. It’s in my heart. Like in flower arranging, only 3 flowers,

a small amount shows the universe, simple architecture, shows the

seasons, that’s the Japanese heart. The world of tea. Foreigners find this

different to understand. At night we light a candle, no flowers, because a

candle becomes the flowers in the tea-room. Zen. Christian only give

flowers and pray to the ancestors.

The smell cleans, cleanses, the smell reaches the ancestors. Shows

respect and my appreciation, it kills the smell. It’s both. It’s different now.

Koo o taku. (to burn incense)

134

(11) Once a day at the butsudan. It depends on the house. I do this in my

mind or at the butsudan and the temple.

(12) I have a good thing, or trouble, and then report it. I ask for the safety of my

family, say, “Please take the tea.”

(13) Buddhists: Yes, all have. The Christian has not. There is 1 kamidana.

The Christian has not.

(14) Nothing, but after my parents passed away, you feel their existence there.

There is an ancestor in the butsudan. I see the face of my grandparents

and parents in my heart. Not your husband’s. Butsudan is husband’s

parents’, so I report and pray at the same time to my parents. Christian:

before God. Hotokesama, they return to nature. What is heaven? There is

a hell. That comes from Confucianism. They return to nature. I don’t ask

things, like winning a lottery – definitely not. For the safety of the kids.

(15) Everybody has connections. The Christian: Same as when worshiping in

church. The grave: the bones are there. I think of my existence. They go

back to the earth, go back to the ground, become water – not soon, but the

calcium dissolves. How long does it take? From the 1940 period, my

husband’s grandparents bones have dissolved. The priest says, they don’t

last forever, the bones are wet. When we moved the bones, took them on

the bullet train and put them in the tokonoma – it was all wet through.

(16) It’s different at the temple and shrine. At the shrine you only ask.

(Laughter).

We don’t believe it, but on TV, spiritualists like it to train children.

(18) Now? We wash the gravestone, behave well, observe the grave, continue

to observe the ancestors. So that we won’t have tatari and not go

bankrupt. When we went bankrupt, it was not tatari, it was the flow of

history, as the period changed. They took loans, they lived well in

Fukagawa. We took the ihai wherever we moved, but we lost the house.

The ihai is a big one, all the generations are together there.

Christian: a calm heart and ask for something. Buddhist: thanks to the

ancestors, thanks, for one’s own life. I feel tense. I respect the ancestors.

The ancestors are near to god/kami, feel they are close, not the Christian

God, maybe the universe, not Christian. I studied Christianity, but what is

inside you is different. (Two studies at missions schools and universities.)

I went into the chapel often, I went every day to services, it was voluntary.

The missionary’s talk was very interesting, but I didn’t become a Christian.

Originally it was a good thing that is written in the Bible, but afterwards

sects started and then wars.

(20) It is not a law. Ebara-san, they say if we don’t show respect, bad things will

hit our family. Long time ago they said so. I believe in tatari. (Much

laugher.) If I do bad things. But haven’t experienced it. You did bad

things? It is punishment, in money matters. Rinne,

慈悲

(endless cycle of

135

birth and death) recycle (everybody laughs). Is Buddhist, renen kaisei

(resurrection) – from childhood we are told. They use it to educate the kids

for morality. Confucian type of things. We use it.

APPENDIX 2

No 1: Questions to mission organizations:

(1) Does your organization have a memorial service for deceased family

members?

(2) Do you have services at the graves?

(3) Do your churches have it's own cemetery or grave?

(4) Is any specific teaching given to missionaries about the issue of ancestor

worship?

(5) Do you recommend a substitute for the butsudan?

(6) Do you see what happens at funerals and the butsudan as worship or

respect?

(7) Do you teach the Japanese to stop offering incense?

(8) Do your missionaries lay emphasis on the ie, the household or family

respect.

(9) Would you welcome a contextualised teaching tool on the afterlife for your

missionaries to use?

No 2. Questions to members of OMF-led & Japanese-led

churches:

(1) What do you think the term ‘ancestor’ applies to?

(2) Are the souls of the ancestors alive today?

(3) Do you think their souls are changing?

(4) Where do you think your ancestors are, close to you or far away?

(5) What do you think about the spiritual world?

(6) Do you observe your ancestors’ memorial days?

136

(7) How do you observe these days?

(8) Do you visit the graves, have a special meal with your relatives?

(9) Do you burn incense or pray?

(10) What is the content of these prayers?

(11) When you speak to the ancestors, what sort of things do you say?

(12) What do you do during the spring and fall equinox?

(13) What do you do during obon in the summer?

(14) Do you have a butsudan or a kamidana where you live?

(15) How do you take care of it?

(16) Do you offer flowers or food, do you light a candle, do you talk in front of the

butsudan or kamidana?

(17) How often do you think of your ancestors? Every day, often or sometimes?

(18) In what situations do you think of your ancestors?

(19) Do you think your ancestors can have any influence on you. That is, can

they hurt you or help you?

(20) Have you ever experienced by cursed by any of your ancestors?

(21) Do you think you have any influence on your ancestors?

(22) Do you think you can change the destination of your ancestors through

worship and dedication?

(23) Do you think it matters for your ancestors if you do not do anything of this

kind?

No. 3 Questions to Japanese Pastors in Hokkaido and OMF

missionaries

(1) Do have a memorial service for the dead?

(2) Do you include amongst those remembered the non-Christian family of

believers?

(3) Do you have a grave plot?

137

(4) Do you have an ossuary?

(5) Do you take services at the graves?

(6) Do you hold memorial services on the 49th day?

(7) Do you hold memorial services at l year after death?

(8) Do you hold special discussion or teaching meetings to teach about life

after death

No. 4. Questions to Seminaries and Bible Colleges:

(1) Do you give teaching on the ie?

(2) Do you teach a liturgy for grave visits?

(3) Do you recommend memorial services?

(4) Do you recommend a substitute for the butsudan?

(5) Do you give specific teaching on the bones? ikotsu

(6) Do you give teaching about curses? Tatari

(7) Do you give teaching about those who have never heard the gospel?

(8) Do you give teaching about stillborn and aborted babies? Mizuko

138

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