A History of Christianity in Asia shares immense amounts of research on religious pluralism of Asia and how Christianity spread long before the modern missionary movement went forth in the shelter of Western military might. An invaluable resource for historians of Asia and scholars of mission, it is stimulating for all readers interested in Christian history. Show less ==
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Jedidiah Abdul Muhib Carosaari
5.0 out of 5 stars Last night I dreamt I was a great Khan...
Reviewed in the United States on 20 July 2004
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Last night I dreamt that I was a Great Khan, deciding who the next Nestorian Archbishops would be in the four sections of the empire...
There are few non-fiction books good enough to invade my dreams. This is one of them. I was pulled into the book and found it difficult to put down. Moffett writes in a very readable, engrossing style, but full of research and incredibly accurate. Unlike other treatments of this subject, Moffett is not trying to put forth a particular ideology or accept wholesale hagiography. While he respects the traditions of some about the formations of the early church, he analyzes these traditions critically to see what might be reality and what might be more myth.
It is rare to find a book on the Nestorian Church, this, perhaps the largest church in the world in the first 1000 years of Christianity, containing at least 20% of all Christians- all East of Antioch. Because many still consider their beliefs heretical (although most scholars now agree that the differences in understanding of the nature/s of Christ were more linguistic than theological), many theologians avoid this church, or don't even know of its existence. I grew up being taught there were Protestants and some Catholics. That was it. It wasn't till much later I learned there were Orthodox, and two varieties, as well as The Church of the East, the Nestorians. But when a writer does touch this subject, it is often very a very dry, terse history, that makes one want to rather fall asleep.
Moffett takes a different approach. He spent the time to do his research, as copious endnotes and sources indicate. He spent the time to contemplate the lives which he was writing about. And that's what makes this book different. He's writing about lives. It's exciting. He writes about the missions endeavors of this early church, how they spread throughout known Asia: to the Caucuses, central Asia, Arabia, Yemen, Suqutra, India, China, SE Asia, and maybe even Japan. He writes honestly about their successes and failures- why they expanded, and why they declined. Much of their approach was laudable, in their desire to contextualize. Some tragically hurt them in the end, in their repeated attempts to get close to the state, they sacrificed not necessarily ethics but their foremost mission for the sake of temporary security. And when the state fell, as all states do, the new state did not look with favor on those that were so closely tied with the old state. And the overall goal, of being a people called out to be different, an alien people, became lost in a struggle for survival. Ironically, in the attempt to survive, they spelled their own doom- so that today they only exist in isolated pockets in India, Kurdistan, and America, where the Patriarchate is.
Two minor issues that I would recommend to improve this book. There are many helpful references to the endnotes. However, much of the endnotes are simply source sites. It would be helpful to differentiate these. Also, because much of the book refers to unfamiliar place names, it would be helpful to include more detailed maps, changing as the years change, and not placed at the beginning of the book, but rather next to whatever text it is that is referring to the map. I spent a lot of time referring back to a random town in the maps, and trying to find where it was located.
This is a definite must for anyone interested in the Eastern churches, and the Church of the East. But I think all Christians should be aware of this church that was so formative in our history, to see how Christianity was really, in the first 12 centuries, an Asian religion before it was European. Though now the majority of Christians live outside the Western world, many forget that the narrowing of Christianity to Europe was only a temporary period in history.
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Davees C. J.
5.0 out of 5 stars A must for the scholars in the field of the history of Christianity in Asia
Reviewed in India on 17 March 2026
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A great book for the professors and researchers in the field of the history of Christianity in Asia
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Juan Cahis Llugany
5.0 out of 5 stars Muy buen libro sobre el tema.
Reviewed in Spain on 27 August 2017
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Excelente libro sobre el tema. Permite descubrir un horizonte desconocido de los primeros tiempos de la Iglesia Cristiana. Es increíble que la Iglesia de Asia (principalmente de origen arameo) haya sido más numerosa en los primeros seis siglos de nuestra era, que el conjunto de la Iglesia Latina más la Iglesia Griega, y que unos pocos siglos después haya desaparecido casi completamente.
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5.0 out of 5 stars As advertised
Reviewed in Mexico on 25 August 2025
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As advertised
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Lalit Kumar Nayak
5.0 out of 5 stars Good
Reviewed in India on 2 September 2018
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Good
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Jacob Jingleheimerschmidt
5.0 out of 5 stars Buy this book if you're interested in Christianity's Asian history!!
Reviewed in the United States on 15 September 2010
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I highly recommend this book. This book was recommened to me after taking a Church History class at my church and it has been such a blessing to me and am so thankful for having purchased it. Samuel Moffett's book is so well-written, balanced in its approach, and academic yet approachable. It is HEAVILY footnoted so you'll have no problem fact-checking as well as delving deeper into the complexities of the Church's amazing journey in Asia if you want to do additional study later. I actually paused and read about half of footnotes while going through the book, which made for slower reading but was worth it. I found the conclusion chapter particulary insightful and helpful in tying things up after 500+ pages of reading. My only critique of this book is the lack of maps, as other people have mentioned. There are a handful of maps at the beginning of the book but that's it and they aren't that helpful past the first few chapters. Since most of the place names are ancient and unfamiliar I found it very difficult to get a sense of where the things described were taking place. Hopefully a revised edition is in the works with detailed maps at the beginning of each chapter. Either way, I will pick up Volume II!
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Joel y Esposa
5.0 out of 5 stars Well-Researched and Well-Written
Reviewed in the United States on 18 January 2022
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I found this book to be thoroughly-researched and informative, containing a ton of information that is largely obscure to Christians in the West. It's written from a measured, sober-minded perspective, with the author not altogether sparing you his opinions, but conscientious of presenting facts in an impartial manner. I'm thankful for the effort undertaken to compile this, nearly all of which was either entirely new to me or elaborated on things I had a vague knowledge of in much greater depth than I had previously heard or read.
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M. Edwards
5.0 out of 5 stars Great Read
Reviewed in the United States on 3 June 2014
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I read this book as a follow-up read to Philip Jenkin's The Lost History of Christianity, which, although interesting and insightful in places, I found to be somewhat dull and uninspiring overall with little connection to the human condition or people of faith. I also felt Jenkin's scholarship was biased in certain areas (see my review for more information).
Moffett's A History of Christianity in Asia: Beginnings to 1500 is a superior read in every way. I read this book slowly a few pages a day for a time period spanning over a year as a supplement to other books I was reading. Not a day passed when I felt the material boring, irrelevant, or unfair. He does a good job in making the people and places come alive. And he does not overly-simplify his conclusions.
Due to the length and complexity of the narrative, I did have difficulty at times in remembering who was who and where was where, but overall I would highly recommend this read! I plan on purchasing Volume II of this history in the very near future.
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5.0 out of 5 stars Treasure Trove of the Oft-Neglected History of Christianity in India, Persia, Mongolia, China, Arabia, and Elsewhere in the East
Reviewed in the United States on 8 September 2014
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I cannot speak highly enough of Moffett's work. The reader will forgive the appearance of a slight bias by Moffett toward the Assyriac Church of the East. His mild leaning in favor of Assyriac Christianity does not dampen a treasure trove of well-researched, well-written history of those Christians rarely mentioned in Europe and America. Moffett tells of the thriving Christianity in Persian eras and in the great Mongolian Empire. He tells us too of the suffering of those Christians at the hands of Western Christians as well as Muslims. Treat yourself to Moffett's work, and you will discover many an unsung, exciting hero of Eastern Christianity.
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BaRoLA Man
5.0 out of 5 stars Good Book
Reviewed in the United States on 24 September 2009
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I've been through three chapters, and the author does a great job of presenting the information in an enjoyable, easy-to-understand format. He uses a mostly chronological approach in this book, which usually works great for history. This massive book is over 400 pages (not counting the documentation such as a huge bibliography and the notes sections at the end of each chapter), and yet, I look forward to reading the rest of it.
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Bob Emery
5.0 out of 5 stars Good quality, got here fast. Looking forward to reading it.
Reviewed in the United States on 22 October 2022
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Good quality, got here fast. Looking forward to reading it.
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Philip James Lee
5.0 out of 5 stars This is a very interesting book. I bought it ...
Reviewed in the United States on 24 February 2015
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This is a very interesting book. I bought it for a class in seminary that my brother is taking. I am not in the class myself but I will probably read parts of this book myself.
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Amazon Customer
5.0 out of 5 stars Good Read
Reviewed in the United States on 30 December 2019
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Arrived in good condition and currently enjoying the read.
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Dr. B.
5.0 out of 5 stars Five Stars
Reviewed in the United States on 26 May 2018
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One of best history reviews on early relations be Islam and Christianity.
Great presentation by author.
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Scott in Maine
5.0 out of 5 stars Clearly Written and Well Cited
Reviewed in the United States on 9 September 2013
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Moffett structures this book in an easy to read format and includes some somewhat unique perspectives - all of which are well cited for reference.
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John
5.0 out of 5 stars Great Resource
Reviewed in the United States on 21 February 2016
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Solid presentation of historical perspective for Christianity in Asia.
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Amazon Customer
5.0 out of 5 stars Five Stars
Reviewed in the United States on 15 March 2015
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Well-written and reader-friendly. Both scholarly and accessible.
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Mark
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June 3, 2014
I read this book as a follow-up read to Philip Jenkin's The Lost History of Christianity, which, although interesting and insightful in places, I found to be somewhat dull and uninspiring overall with little connection to the human condition or people of faith. I also felt Jenkin's scholarship was biased in certain areas (see my review for more information).
Moffett's A History of Christianity in Asia: Beginnings to 1500 is a superior read in every way. I read this book slowly a few pages a day for a time period spanning over a year as a supplement to other books I was reading. Not a day passed when I felt the material boring, irrelevant, or unfair. He does a good job in making the people and places come alive. And he does not overly-simplify his conclusions.
Due to the length and complexity of the narrative, I did have difficulty at times in remembering who was who and where was where, but overall I would highly recommend this read! I plan on purchasing Volume II of this history in the very near future.
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July 5, 2014
Excellent resource on the Asian form of Christianity which did not originate with European missionaries. A more appropriate title would be "History of the Assyriac Church of the East." The author provides us a remarkable chronicle well worth the time of any reader, but especially the student of Christianity in learning how global is our faith and how fragile are our communities of faith. The author focuses primarily on the "Church of the East" which Westerners malign as "Nestorian." Heroes such as Alopen, and Timothy I are put on grand display. We learn of the high standing Christians were given in early Islam and their prominence in several centuries of the Mongolian Empire. Perhaps most importantly, we learn the greatest danger to our faith might be persecution from other Christians because we not only hurt ourselves but we also show the world a petty and divided faith it will not covet. A sobering read, and a fruitful one too.
This book took a long time to read because the topics and heroes kept sending me away from its pages to research unheard-of heroes and the writings they left for us. If the book had covered Armenia, Georgia, and Russia better, it would have lived up to its title. Likewise Oriental Orthodoxy was covered often, but almost always in similar terms as Islam or Zoroastrianism. That is to say Oriental Orthodoxy seemed to be covered almost exclusively as a backdrop for the primary topic: Assyriac Christianity. One final and minor complaint, the student of global Christianity knows Oriental Orthodoxy considers "Monophysite" to be an insulting misrepresentation of their faith. They consider themselves Miaphysite. Surely the author is aware of such a distinction, yet he referred to Oriental Orthodox as Monophysite most of the time, later adding the title "Jacobite."
These minor complaints did not keep me from giving a five-star rating. With 500+ pages devoted to the greatly neglected topic of Assyriac Christian history, this was an excellent resource and one I will almost certainly REREAD.
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Perry Pennington
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November 24, 2016
This book is indispensable for anyone who is interested in church history and anyone who is interested in the history of Asia.
Within the field of church history, the history of the church in Asia is a mere footnote. Almost any account of early and medieval church history will focus almost exclusively on the churches that eventually became the Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox churches. There are some reasons for this imbalance. For one thing, that was numerically the center of gravity of the church. For another thing, there are mountains of textual evidence for church history in Europe and Byzantium. Not so for Asian church history, which has precious little textual evidence to describe it beyond saying that it existed.
Within the field of Asian history, the history of Christianity in Asia is a brief footnote. So this book brings some balance by focusing exclusively on the history of the Church of the East, sometimes known as the Nestorian Church, or in India as the St. Thomas Christians.
The Church of the East is called the Nestorian Church because they did not accept the condemnation of Nestorius, Bishop of Constantinople, by the Council of Ephesus in 431. Nestorius bluntly rejected use of the term "Mother of God" for the Virgin Mary, because he felt it wrongly emphasized Jesus's divine nature over his human nature. Nestorius felt that the divine nature and the human nature were both equally present in Jesus and that he acted either through the divine nature, if he were doing a divine act such as forgiving sin, or by the human nature for normal human activity such as eating and drinking. Twenty years after Nestorius's condemnation and exile the Definition of Chalcedon was written which explained the two natures in Christ by saying that divine and human nature in Christ underwent a hypostatic union so that they work more or less together in him, and he remains fully God and fully man. Modern theologians recognize that Nestorius did not really differ from the orthodox view, and he maintained his orthodoxy until death. He was probably stigmatized because of the blunt tone in which he criticized use of the term "Mother of God."
The followers of Nestorius fled the Roman Empire to Persia, and met Christians there who all eventually coalesced theologically and became known as the Church of the East or Nestorian Church. They accept Nestorius's view of the divine and human natures being more or less present but separate in Christ, and have not accepted the Definition of Chalcedon. They are one of several "non-Chalcedonian Christian" groups. Other non-Chalcedonian Christians, such as the Coptic Church of Egypt and the Jacobite Church of Syria are non-Chalcedonian because they are monophysite: they believe that at the Incarnation the human nature ceased to exist in Jesus and that he has only one nature: the divine nature. The Nestorian Church does not believe this, they believe strongly in two natures, divine and human, in Jesus. In this they are in agreement with Roman Catholics, Eastern Orthodox, and Protestantism in saying Jesus is fully God and fully man.
Moffett's history of the Nestorian Church (he briefly talks about the Jacobite Church as well) is fascinating because he neatly sets forth and explains the existing textual evidence for this church, relates it to the historical events happening in Asia at the time, and produces a cohesive narrative of the beginning of the Church of the East in Syria and Persia, its missionary expansion into Central Asia, China, and India, and its eventual collapse after the dissolution of the Mongol empires.
Each chapter contains numerous revelations, but the two that stood out most to me were the Sons and Daughters of the Covenant and the growth of the church among the Mongols during the time of Genghis Khan and Kublai Khan.
The Sons and Daughters of the Covenant were a special part of the Church of the East in Persia. They were young people who renounced a normal life and lived a radical life of faith, abstinence, hospitality, service to the poor, and missional social concern. This seems to be a type of monastic movement in the Nestorian Church that existed before monasticism in the Orthodox churches. It is unique in that members remained in the world, not separate from it.
The chapters dealing with Christianity in the Mongol Empires were a complete surprise. The most amazing fact was that when Marco Polo reached the court of Kublai Khan in China he was shocked to see that a Christian church sat opposite the palace. Even more unexpected was that in the same year of Polo reaching China emissaries from Kublai Khan reached Rome. For his diplomatic mission to Rome Kublai Khan had sent two Nestorian priests, because he knew he was sending them to a Christian country. The Christian faith and political influence of the woman Sorkaktani within the family of Genghis Khan is detailed beautifully by Moffett, who shows the lines of influence from her to the Mongol empires in Russia, Persia, Central Asia, and China. It is a huge amount of information but Moffett, thankfully, knows how to summarize well while still providing sufficient details.
Christianity in Asia was widespread, but never a majority anywhere and never a state-endorsed religion. The Nestorian Church was led by a Patriarch, though the location of the patriarchate moved around due to political situations. For a long time it was located at Baghdad. Sometimes lines of communication between the patriarch and the remote regions of the church would be cut for fifty or a hundred years, but the churches continued to worship. Christians in Asia were persecuted, along with other groups, by Tamerlane and the post-Mongol rulers of Persia to the extent that most Nestorian Christians eventually left the faith in China and Central Asia. Small pockets remained in Syria and India.
I worked with many South Indian Christians during my time living in North India. I was also able to visit the Tomb of St. Thomas in Chennai in 2012. For me it was a treat to read this book which helped me connect the dots between the Roman Empire, Byzantium, the Muslim empire, the Mongol Empire, and China and India and see how Christians lived in each of those places and times.
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Sincerae Smith
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September 14, 2021
A History of Christianity in Asia Vol. 1: Beginnings to 1500 by Samuel Hugh Moffett is a well written objective history. The author tells a straightforward story focusing mainly on the history of Christianity in Mesopotamia, Persia, India and China. He also writes about two Arab Christian Kingdoms, Christianity in Arabia, Yemen and along the Gulf and Christianity's earliest encounters with Islam which in the early years was at times very positive. The famous and the infamous of Eastern church and secular history are all mentioned here.
The earlier part of this book was sort for me of a rehashing of history which I had already read in Suha Rassam's Christianity in Iraq. Moffett uses not just western sources but also nonwestern and information from Middle Eastern writers in antiquity. The book ends a little before the year 1500 mark.
Despite taking a long time to read this history, I really enjoyed it and learned a lot.
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Debs Taylor
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January 18, 2025
Thorough history of Christianity up to 1500 in Asia. Moffatt frames the book as seeking to answer the question why Christianity did not embed in the same way in Asia as it eventually did in Europe, but this is not a Euro-centric book. He carefully examines evidence and previous researcher’s work to paint a picture of the spread (and decline) of Christianity up to the end of the Mongols. I learned a lot.
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Daniel Crouch
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November 6, 2021
A fine history, though perhaps too defensive and optimistic
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Brian Kooshian
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January 1, 2017
This was one of the most gripping and fascinating volumes on church history that I've ever read! The author could have made it dry and boring, but instead it is a vibrant and colorful journey with Christianity as it moved East in the first 15 centuries after Christ.
For me it was a real journey of discovery, since it was a part of church history that I had never had any knowledge of, particularly the fact that Christianity was established in China by the 9th century!
This book and it's second volume should be read by every Christian who is interested in church history.
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Joshua Pearsall
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January 7, 2024
Amazing and fascinating history on Christsnity all the way from Thomas to today. Especially the initial lack of Bishops everywhere the Church was that Thomas (or one of his disciples tradition depending) planted, yet they all came to accept them. Truly fascinating insights into the Nestorian church, and the Mongolians interaction with Christanity was fascinating. Truly worth a read for fellow history nerds.
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Ben Chenoweth
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March 25, 2011
This is a highly readable history, with amazing details and gripping stories. It puts Christianity in Asia into a whole new light: it truly is a valid part of the cultural heritage of the region. This book should be compulsory reading for anyone working in the area.
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Alexey
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May 23, 2016
I read this when deployed in Kuwait during the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Being in the "middle east," I wanted to know how the Gospel was brought & received by Asians before the coming of Islam.
아시아 기독교사 제1권 (A History of Christianity in Asia, Vol. I) 요약 및 평론
1. 요약: 서구 중심주의를 넘어선 아시아 교회의 발자취
사무엘 휴 모펫의 <아시아 기독교사 제1권>은 기독교의 기원부터 1500년까지, 즉 근대 선교가 시작되기 이전의 방대한 아시아 기독교 역사를 다룬다. 저자는 기독교가 서구의 전유물이 아니라 본래 아시아(팔레스타인)에서 시작된 아시아의 종교였음을 강조하며, 복음이 동쪽으로 흘러가 페르시아, 인도, 중앙아시아, 중국에 이르는 광활한 지역에 어떻게 뿌리 내렸는지를 추적한다.
제1부: 초기 전파와 페르시아 교회
기독교는 예루살렘에서 안디옥을 거쳐 에데사(Edessa)로 확산되었다. 에데사는 시리아어권 기독교의 중심지가 되었으며, 이곳을 기점으로 복음은 페르시아 제국으로 흘러 들어갔다. 로마 제국이 기독교를 공인한 이후, 페르시아 내의 기독교인들은 로마의 스파이로 오인받아 가혹한 박해를 겪었으나, 이는 오히려 페르시아 교회가 로마(서방) 교회와 분리되어 독자적인 위계 구조와 신학을 발전시키는 계기가 되었다.
제2부: 네스토리우스주의와 동방 교회의 확장
431년 에베소 공의회에서 이단으로 정죄받은 네스토리우스파(경교)는 페르시아를 넘어 중앙아시아의 실크로드를 따라 동진했다. 모펫은 이들을 단순히 '이단'으로 치부하지 않고, 아시아의 척박한 환경 속에서 복음을 전파한 위대한 선교사들로 재조명한다. 이들은 당대 가장 광범위한 선교 네트워크를 구축했으며, 7세기 당나라 시대에는 중국에 상륙하여 대진사(大秦寺)를 건립하는 등 황실의 비호를 받으며 번성했다.
제3부: 인도와 중앙아시아의 기독교
인도의 도마 기독교인(St. Thomas Christians) 전승을 탐구하며, 남인도 지역에 정착한 기독교 공동체가 어떻게 힌두 사회 속에서 자신들의 정체성을 유지했는지 설명한다. 또한 몽골 제국 시대에 케레이트족, 나이만족 등 유목 민족들 사이에서 기독교가 수용되었던 역사적 사실과, 원나라 황실에서의 기독교 영향력을 상세히 기술한다.
제4부: 쇠퇴와 고립
번성하던 아시아 기독교는 14세기 이후 급격한 몰락의 길을 걷는다. 이슬람의 팽창, 몽골 제국의 붕괴와 함께 등장한 티무르의 잔혹한 탄압, 그리고 중국 명나라의 쇄국 정책과 유교적 반동은 아시아 기독교를 고립시켰다. 결국 1500년경 아시아 기독교는 인도의 해안가와 중동의 일부 지역에만 명맥을 유지하는 소수 종교로 전락하게 된다.
2. 평론: 지워진 역사의 복원과 선교적 통찰
사무엘 휴 모펫의 이 저작은 교회사 서술의 패러다임을 바꾼 기념비적 역작이다. 기존의 교회사가 로마와 유럽을 중심으로 한 '서구 승리주의'적 관점에 매몰되어 있었다면, 모펫은 시선을 동쪽으로 돌려 잊힌 아시아 기독교인들의 목소리를 복원해 냈다.
첫째, 서구 중심적 역사관에 대한 통쾌한 반격이다. 우리는 흔히 기독교가 유럽을 거쳐 근대에 이르러서야 아시아에 전래되었다고 생각하기 쉽다. 그러나 모펫은 유럽이 암흑기에 머물러 있을 때, 이미 아시아 기독교인들은 바그다드에서 북경에 이르는 광대한 영역에서 복음을 전하고 교육 기관을 세웠음을 증명한다. 이는 기독교의 '아시아적 뿌리'를 확인시켜 주는 작업이다.
둘째, 네스토리우스파(동방 교회)에 대한 공정한 역사적 평가를 내린다. 신학적 논쟁에 가려져 과소평가되었던 동방 교회의 선교 열정과 헌신을 객관적으로 서술한다. 그들이 현지 문화와 어떻게 소통했는지, 정치적 격변 속에서 신앙을 지키기 위해 어떤 선택을 했는지를 입체적으로 보여준다. 이는 오늘날 다종교 사회를 살아가는 아시아 그리스도인들에게 깊은 정체성적 자부심과 성찰을 제공한다.
셋째, 아시아 기독교 쇠퇴의 원인을 분석하며 뼈아픈 교훈을 남긴다. 모펫은 아시아 교회가 외부의 박해뿐만 아니라, 지나치게 황실의 비호에 의존하거나 현지 언어로 성경을 번역하지 못해 민중의 삶 속에 깊이 뿌리내리지 못했던 점을 지적한다. '위로부터의 복음화'가 가진 한계와 토착화의 실패는 오늘날의 선교 전략에도 시사하는 바가 크다.
결론적으로, <아시아 기독교사 제1권>은 단순한 연대기적 기록을 넘어, 거대한 제국들의 흥망성쇠 속에서 스러져간 수많은 아시아 신앙 선조들의 발자취를 찾아내는 고고학적 노고가 담긴 책이다. 모펫은 아시아 기독교가 서구의 수입품이 아니라, 본래 이 땅의 것이었음을 선언하며 우리로 하여금 더 넓고 깊은 안목으로 교회사를 바라보게 한다.
세진님, 이 요약과 평론이 원하시는 작업에 도움이 되기를 바랍니다. 혹시 특정 챕터(예를 들어 중국 경교나 인도 도마 기독교)에 대해 더 심도 있는 분석이나 추가 정보가 필요하시면 말씀해 주세요.
다음으로 이 책의 **제2권(1500년~1900년)**에 대한 요약도 진행해 드릴까요?
===
<대화 제목: 아시아 기독교사의 재구성 — 모펫의 시선과 그 한계>
1. 책 개요
A History of Christianity in Asia, Vol. I는 Samuel Hugh Moffett가 집필한 아시아 기독교사의 대표적인 연구서로, 초기 기독교부터 1500년경까지의 역사를 다룹니다. 특히 이 책은 “기독교는 서양 종교”라는 통념을 깨고, 아시아 내부에서 전개된 다양한 기독교 전통을 복원하려는 시도를 합니다.
2. 핵심 내용 요약 (약 1,000단어)
(1) 서론: “기독교는 아시아에서 시작된 종교”
모펫은 기독교가 본래 아시아 종교라는 점을 강조합니다. 예수, 사도들, 초기 교회 모두 서아시아(팔레스타인, 시리아 등)에서 시작되었으며, 유럽은 오히려 후발 지역이라는 것입니다.
이 문제의식은 책 전체를 관통합니다. 즉, 그는 “유럽 중심 교회사”를 비판하며, 아시아 자체의 기독교 역사를 복원하려 합니다.
(2) 초기 동방 교회: 시리아와 페르시아 중심
초기 기독교는 로마 제국뿐 아니라, 시리아-메소포타미아 지역에서도 활발히 발전했습니다.
중심 언어: 시리아어
중심 교회: 동방교회 (네스토리우스 계열)
특히 이 교회는 로마 교회와 달리 제국 권력과 결합하지 않은 상태에서 성장했습니다.
핵심 특징:
상업 네트워크를 통한 전파
수도원 중심 구조
비교적 단순한 신학 구조
(3) 페르시아 제국과의 긴장
동방교회는 Sasanian Empire 아래에서 발전했지만, 로마와의 정치적 갈등 때문에 종종 박해를 받았습니다.
로마 = 기독교 제국
페르시아 = 조로아스터교 국가
이 구조 속에서 기독교는 “적국의 종교”로 의심받았습니다.
그럼에도 불구하고, 동방교회는 국가 권력 없이도 확장하는 독특한 경로를 보여줍니다.
(4) 중앙아시아와 실크로드
기독교는 실크로드를 따라 동쪽으로 확산되었습니다.
소그드 상인
유목민 네트워크
이 과정에서 기독교는 문화적으로 변형됩니다.
특징:
불교, 조로아스터교, 마니교와 경쟁
현지 언어와 상징 채택
교리의 유연성
모펫은 이 시기를 “기독교의 가장 창조적인 확장기”로 평가합니다.
(5) 중국 기독교 (당나라 시기)
기독교는 7세기 당나라에 도착합니다.
Nestorian Mission to China
635년 알로펜 도착
당 태종의 관용 정책
특징:
기독교를 “경교(景教)”로 번역
불교·도교 개념을 활용한 번역
예:
하나님 → “진주(眞主)”
성경 → “경(經)”
이는 문화적 번역 전략의 대표 사례입니다.
그러나 9세기 종교 탄압으로 급격히 쇠퇴합니다.
(6) 인도 기독교
인도에는 매우 오래된 기독교 공동체가 존재합니다.
“성 토마스 기독교인” 전통
시리아 교회와 연결
이들은:
힌두 사회 구조와 공존
카스트 구조 일부 수용
즉, 기독교가 현지 사회 구조에 적응한 사례입니다.
(7) 몽골 제국과 기독교
몽골 제국 시기, 기독교는 다시 확장 기회를 맞습니다.
몽골 왕실 내 기독교 영향
서방과의 접촉 증가
하지만 결국:
이슬람 확산
정치 변화
로 인해 지속되지 못합니다.
(8) 이슬람의 부상과 기독교의 후퇴
7세기 이후 이슬람의 확산은 아시아 기독교에 큰 영향을 미칩니다.
Islam의 특징:
정치+종교 결합
강력한 제국 구조
그 결과:
중동과 중앙아시아에서 기독교 쇠퇴
일부 지역에서는 공존
모펫은 이를 단순한 “패배”가 아니라, 구조적 변화 속의 재편으로 봅니다.
(9) 1500년 이전의 결론
1500년경:
아시아 기독교는 광범위했지만 분산됨
조직적 중심 없음
정치적 보호 부족
이 상태에서 이후 유럽 선교 시대가 시작됩니다.
3. 핵심 논지 정리
모펫의 핵심 주장:
기독교는 본래 아시아 종교
동방교회는 독자적이고 창조적이었다
문화 적응력이 기독교 확산의 핵심이었다
정치 권력과 결합하지 못한 것이 약점이기도 했다
4. 비판적 평론
(1) 가장 큰 장점: “유럽 중심 서사의 해체”
이 책의 가장 중요한 기여는:
👉 기독교 역사를 “로마 → 유럽” 중심에서
👉 “아시아 다중 중심”으로 재구성했다는 점입니다.
이는 기존 교회사에 대한 근본적 수정입니다.
(2) 문화 번역에 대한 통찰
모펫은 기독교가 살아남기 위해:
불교 언어 사용 (중국)
힌두 구조 수용 (인도)
유목문화 적응 (중앙아시아)
등을 했다는 점을 강조합니다.
이것은 현대 종교 연구에서 말하는
<inculturation(문화내재화)> 개념과 일치합니다.
(3) 그러나 남아있는 선교사적 시각
모펫은 선교사 출신입니다.
이 때문에 몇 가지 한계가 보입니다.
문제점:
기독교 확장을 “긍정적 과정”으로 전제
타 종교는 종종 배경으로만 처리
실패를 “외부 요인”으로 설명
즉,
👉 기독교 중심적 서술에서 완전히 벗어나지는 못함
(4) 이슬람에 대한 단순화
이슬람 확산을 설명할 때:
정치적 성공 강조
종교적 매력은 상대적으로 약하게 설명
이는 다소 불균형입니다.
실제로는:
사회 정의
공동체 구조
신학적 단순성
등도 중요한 요소였습니다.
(5) “왜 실패했는가”에 대한 구조 분석 부족
모펫은 기독교 쇠퇴를 설명하면서:
정치 보호 부족
박해
등을 강조하지만,
보다 깊은 질문은 덜 다룹니다:
👉 왜 현지 사회에 깊게 뿌리내리지 못했는가?
👉 왜 이슬람이나 불교보다 지속성이 약했는가?
이 부분은 독자가 보완해야 합니다.
(6) 동아시아적 관점에서의 확장 가능성
이 책을 한국·일본·중국에 적용하면 중요한 질문이 나옵니다:
기독교는 언제 “외래 종교”가 되었는가?
문화 번역은 어디까지 가능한가?
국가 권력과의 관계는 필수인가?
특히 한국의 경우:
기독교는 근대화와 결합
민족주의와도 결합
→ 이는 초기 아시아 기독교와는 매우 다른 경로입니다.
5. 종합 평가
이 책은 단순한 교회사 책이 아니라,
👉 <“기독교는 무엇인가?”>
👉 <“종교는 어떻게 문화 속에서 변형되는가?”>
라는 질문을 던지는 작업입니다.
6. 한 줄 핵심 정리
<기독교는 서양 종교가 아니라, 다양한 아시아 문명 속에서 끊임없이 변형되며 살아남으려 했던 하나의 유동적 전통이다.>
7. 세진님께 드리는 확장 질문
이 책은 세진님의 관심과 직접 연결됩니다:
기억정치
종교와 권력
문화 번역
그래서 이런 질문이 자연스럽게 이어집니다:
👉 “한국 기독교는 왜 이렇게 ‘서구적 형태’로 굳어졌는가?”
👉 “아시아적 기독교는 다시 가능한가?”
1500 to 1900: 02 Hardcover – 26 May 2005 by Samuel Hugh Moffett (Author) 5.0 5.0 out of 5 stars (1)
In this long-awaited second volume of the monumental history of how Christianity took root in Asia, Moffett lays the groundwork for understanding the emergence of World Christianity in the 21st century.
==
A History of Christianity in Asia: Volume II: 1500-1900
Samuel Hugh Moffett
4.03
34 ratings3 reviews
This second volume of Samuel Moffett's acclaimed History of Christianity in Asia illustrates the advance of the modern missionary movement in the continent of its birth. Like the first volume, it makes available immense research in a readable and engaging narrative. Moffett brings into dramatic relief events that illustrate both the broad patterns and the vital details of the spread of Christianity on a continent.
==
목차
역자 서문
권두언
서문
제1부 그들은 바닥기로 왔다: 다시 돌아온 서구(1500-1800)
제1장 인도(1500-1700)
제2장 남방의 불교 왕국들(1505-1800): 포르투갈령 실론, 버마, 베트남, 시암
제3장 동남아시아의 모슬렘 왕국(1500-1800)
제4장 일본의 '기독교 세기'
제5장 한 번 더 중국으로 : 선교사들과 중국인들
제6장 한국(1593-1800) : 은자의 나라
제7장 필리핀의 스페인 사람들(1521-1800)
제8장 가톨릭의 쇠토와 부흥(1792-1850)
제9장 터기와 페르시아 지배하의 서아시아(1500-1800)
제2부 개신교인들의 아시아 진출
제10장 최초의 개신교인들 : 네덜란드의 인도네시아, 대만, 실론 진출
제11장 18세기 인도(1708-1792) : 덴마크 왕들, 독일 경건주의자들, 영국 회사 소속 목사들
제3부 위대한 세기(1784-1860)
제1편 개신교인들과 가톨릭 교인들의 경쟁
제12장 인도에서의 새로운 시작(1792-1860)
제13장 다시 열린 중국의 문(1807-1860)
제14장 한국의 가톨릭 세기(1784-1886)
제15장 버마(1813-1850) : 개신교 개척자들과 붕괴돈 가톨릭
제16장 영국 통치하의 실론(1796-1860)
제17장 동남아시아 : 태국부터 베트남까지(1800-1860)
제18장 인도네시아(1800-1860)
제19장 서방과 중동의 고대 교회들(1800-1860)
제2편 선교의 성숙과 교회 성장
제20장 중동에서의 비운(1860-1900)
제21장 인도에서의 진전(1860-1900)
제22장 제국 말기의 중국 기독교인들(1860-1900)
제23장 기독교의 일본 재출현(1859-1900)
제24장 한국의 개신교와 새로운 시작들(1865-1905)
제25장 필리핀(1860-1906)
제26장 버마와 실론(1850-1900)
제27장 샴(옛 타이), 말레이시아, 그리고 베트남(1860-1900)
제28장 인도네시아(1860-1900)
찾아보기
약어표
에필로그 : 회고와 전망
참고도서
접기
==
From other countries
Ronald L. Smith
5.0 out of 5 stars A Forgotten Part of Church HIstory
Reviewed in the United States on 10 September 2013
Format: PaperbackVerified Purchase
This books connects Christians with the story of the Church and its growth, persecution and spread in Asia. It is a storehouse of information that will humble western Christians and acquaint them with those who went East with the Gospel.
Report
Dr. B.
5.0 out of 5 stars Five Stars
Reviewed in the United States on 26 May 2018
Format: PaperbackVerified Purchase
One of best history reviews on early relations be Islam and Christianity.
Great presentation by author.
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M. Edwards
4.0 out of 5 stars Passionate Pioneers From Yesteryear
Reviewed in the United States on 14 October 2015
Format: PaperbackVerified Purchase
I read this book a few pages a day over the course of most of the year after having read the first volume last year. While not an engaging history that you will want to read in large chunks, I appreciated reading about God's continued activity in Asia. I especially appreciated the stories of those from yesteryear who passionately invested their lives in what was then a very different Asia, at times identifying with them and feeling a sense of comradery. Sadly, a few days after I started reading the second volume of this history back in January, the author passed away. The promised third volume will never appear, unless published posthumously.
Finally! I've been "reading" this book since forever. It shouldn't have taken that long, but it was an easy book to put down. This one is the second part of Dr. Moffett's historical overview of Christianity in Asia. It picks up in the year 1500, where Volume I left off, and covers four centuries (more or less) of the church's activity. Professor Moffett cycles around the continent, covering a block of time in each region (with the exception of "Western" nations like Russia and the middle east) and then repeating the process for subsequent eras. That's what made it easy to put down. A chapter on, say, Japan in the 17th Century, wouldn't necessarily lead me to jump into the next chapter covering Korea. The flow of the story was broken. Of course, if I had been really fascinated by the happenings in Japan, I could have easily skipped ahead to the next Japanese chapter and continued the tale. Maybe I'll do that the next time I read the book.
Yes, I will be keeping the book. It's a great resource, overflowing with information. I didn't enjoy Volume II as much as I did Volume I, but I don't know if that's necessarily a failing of Professor Moffett. Volume I covered times and places with which I was totally unfamiliar, hence I found the book fascinating. Volume II, in contrast, had a flavor that was less exotic. From the sixteenth century onward, the Christian churches in Asia were interacting with Europeans. The cultural and ecclesiastical conflicts were all too familiar. But don't let that prevent you from picking this up and giving it a read.
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Mark
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October 14, 2015
I read this book a few pages a day over the course of most of the year after having read the first volume last year. While not an engaging history that you will want to read in large chunks, I appreciated reading about God's continued activity in Asia. I especially appreciated the stories of those from yesteryear who passionately invested their lives in what was then a very different Asia, at times identifying with them and feeling a sense of comradery. Sadly, a few days after I started reading the second volume of this history back in January, the author passed away. The promised third volume will never appear, unless published posthumously.
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Brian Kooshian
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January 1, 2017
This volume continues the story of Christianity as it moved East, covering the Roman Catholic and modern missionary movements. It is no less exciting than the first volume, and should be read by any Christian who is serious about church history.
아시아 기독교사 제2권 (A History of Christianity in Asia, Vol. II) 요약 및 평론
1. 요약: 제국주의의 파도와 복음의 재상륙
사무엘 휴 모펫의 제2권은 1500년부터 1900년까지, 즉 서구 열강의 발흥과 함께 기독교가 아시아에 다시 유입되어 근대적 기틀을 잡는 격동의 400년을 다룬다. 1권이 실크로드를 통한 동방 교회의 확산을 다뤘다면, 2권은 바닷길을 통한 서구 가톨릭과 개신교의 유입을 중심축으로 삼는다.
제1부: 포르투갈의 ‘빠드로아두’와 가톨릭 선교
16세기 포르투갈과 스페인의 항해술 발달은 아시아 선교의 새로운 국면을 열었다. 저자는 인도의 고아(Goa), 일본, 필리핀으로 이어지는 가톨릭 선교사들의 헌신을 기술한다. 특히 프란치스코 하비에르(Francis Xavier)의 정열적인 활동과 일본에서의 초기 성공, 그리고 뒤이은 참혹한 박해의 역사를 세밀하게 복원한다. 이 시기 선교는 국왕의 선교 보호권(Padroado) 아래 제국주의적 팽창과 결탁해 있었다는 한계를 동시에 보여준다.
제2부: 적응과 갈등 – 마테오 리치와 전례 논쟁
중국 선교에 있어 예수회 선교사들이 보여준 '보유론(補儒論)'적 접근, 즉 현지 문화를 존중하는 적응 정책을 심도 있게 다룬다. 마테오 리치가 시도한 유교와 기독교의 접점 찾기는 지성인 포교에 성공했으나, 이후 도미니코회 및 프란치스코회와의 '전례 논쟁'으로 번지며 교황청의 금지령을 이끌어냈고, 결과적으로 중국 선교의 문을 닫게 만드는 비극적 결말을 초래했다.
제3부: 개신교 선교의 시작과 확장
18세기 경건주의 영향 아래 시작된 덴마크-할레 선교회의 인도 사역(지겐발크 등)부터 19세기 '위대한 선교의 세기'를 연 윌리엄 캐리, 허드슨 테일러의 활동을 조명한다. 개신교 선교는 단순한 복음 전파를 넘어 교육, 의료, 인쇄술 보급을 통해 아시아 사회의 근대화에 결정적인 기여를 했음을 강조한다. 특히 한국 기독교의 독특한 성장 배경인 '네비우스 선교 정책'과 자발적인 수용 과정도 비중 있게 다뤄진다.
제4부: 민족주의와 기독교의 긴장
19세기 후반, 서구 열강의 식민 지배가 노골화되면서 아시아 기독교는 '침략자의 종교'라는 비판에 직면한다. 저자는 이러한 긴장 속에서도 기독교가 어떻게 현지 민족주의 운동과 결합하거나, 혹은 고유한 아시아적 신앙 공동체로 탈바꿈하며 20세기를 맞이하게 되는지를 설명하며 끝을 맺는다.
2. 평론: 복잡한 얽힘 속에서 피어난 '아시아의 교회'
사무엘 휴 모펫은 제2권을 통해 기독교가 아시아에서 겪은 가장 화려하면서도 가장 고통스러웠던 시기를 서술한다. 이 저작은 단순한 선교 보고서가 아니라, 종교와 정치가 어떻게 뒤엉켰는지를 파헤친 예리한 역사적 보고서다.
첫째, 선교와 제국주의의 '불편한 동거'를 정직하게 응시한다.
모펫은 서구 선교사들의 헌신을 높게 평가하면서도, 그들이 서구 열강의 함포 외교와 식민 정책의 그늘 아래 있었다는 사실을 숨기지 않는다. 기독교가 아시아인들에게 '해방의 종교'인 동시에 '정복자의 종교'로 인식되었던 이중성을 가감 없이 서술함으로써, 아시아 기독교가 지닌 태생적 트라우마와 과제를 명확히 제시한다.
둘째, '서구화'와 '복음화' 사이의 투쟁을 포착한다.
저자는 전례 논쟁이나 인도의 카스트 제도 대응 방식을 통해, 기독교가 아시아의 문화적 토양에 얼마나 깊이 뿌리내릴 수 있었는가를 묻는다. 서구의 신학적 틀을 고집했을 때 발생한 실패와, 현지 문화를 존중하며 복음의 본질을 전하려 했던 시도들을 대조시킨다. 이는 현대의 토착화 신학 담론에 풍부한 역사적 실례를 제공한다.
셋째, 아시아인의 주체적 수용에 주목한다.
모펫의 탁월함은 선교사들의 영웅담에만 매몰되지 않는다는 데 있다. 그는 복음을 받아들인 이름 없는 아시아인 신자들, 박해 속에서도 신앙을 지킨 순교자들, 그리고 외세의 침략 속에서 기독교를 통해 근대적 자아를 발견한 지식인들의 역할을 강조한다. 이를 통해 아시아 기독교는 서구에서 '이식된' 것이 아니라, 아시아인들에 의해 '재창조된' 것임을 시사한다.
결론적으로, <아시아 기독교사 제2권>은 1500년 이후 아시아가 겪은 거대한 문명적 충돌 속에서 기독교가 어떻게 살아남아 변화했는지를 보여주는 방대한 파노라마이다. 모펫은 차가운 역사가의 시선과 뜨거운 신학자의 심장을 동시에 지닌 채, 아시아 기독교가 이제는 더 이상 '외래 종교'가 아닌 '아시아의 종교'로 자리 잡았음을 웅변한다.
세진님, 1,000단어 내외의 분량으로 핵심적인 흐름과 비평적 관점을 담아보았습니다. 혹시 한국 기독교사에 집중된 부분이나, 특정 국가(일본, 필리핀 등)의 선교 사례에 대해 더 자세한 요약이 필요하시면 언제든 말씀해 주세요.
다음으로 사무엘 휴 모펫의 생애나 그의 다른 저술에 대해 더 알아보고 싶으신가요?
==
<대화 제목: 근대 이후 아시아 기독교의 전개와 모순 — 모펫 2권 요약+평론>
Samuel Hugh Moffett의 <A History of Christianity in Asia, Vol. II>는 대체로 1500년 이후부터 20세기 말까지의 아시아 기독교사를 다룹니다. 1권이 초기 동방교회와 실크로드의 기독교를 복원하는 작업이었다면, 2권은 유럽 해양 팽창, 가톨릭 선교, 개신교 선교, 식민주의, 민족주의, 토착화, 박해, 부흥, 그리고 현대 아시아 교회의 자립 문제를 폭넓게 서술합니다. 이 책의 핵심 장점은 아시아 기독교를 단순히 “서양 선교의 결과”로만 보지 않고, 아시아 사회 내부의 저항·수용·변형의 역사로 읽으려 한다는 점입니다. 그러나 동시에 이 책은 여전히 선교사적 문제의식과 교회 중심 서술의 한계를 갖고 있기도 합니다.
우선 책의 큰 줄기는 다음과 같습니다. 16세기 이후 아시아 기독교의 역사는 유럽 세력의 진출과 떼어놓고 볼 수 없습니다. 포르투갈과 스페인이 바닷길을 열면서 가톨릭 선교가 인도, 동남아시아, 중국, 일본, 필리핀 등으로 본격 확산됩니다. 이 시기 기독교는 더 이상 초기 동방교회처럼 상인망과 지역적 문화 번역에만 의존하지 않고, 제국의 군사력·무역망·행정력과 긴밀하게 연결됩니다. 모펫은 이 점을 숨기지 않습니다. 오히려 근대 선교의 눈부신 확장과 그 구조적 취약성이 바로 여기서 함께 나왔다는 점을 강조합니다. 즉, 아시아 기독교의 성장은 유럽 제국주의의 도움을 받았지만, 바로 그 때문에 토착 사회의 의심과 반발도 함께 불러왔다는 것입니다.
가톨릭 선교 부분에서 모펫은 특히 예수회 선교를 높이 평가합니다. 인도의 로베르토 데 노빌리, 중국의 마테오 리치 같은 인물들은 현지 문명에 대한 존중, 언어 습득, 고급 문화와의 대화, 유연한 적응 전략을 보여줍니다. 중국에서 리치는 유교적 교양 세계와 대화하려 했고, 인도에서는 브라만 문화에 접근하려는 시도가 있었습니다. 일본에서도 초기에 가톨릭은 일정한 성공을 거두었습니다. 그러나 이러한 적응 전략은 내부 논쟁을 불렀습니다. 대표적인 것이 중국의 제사 논쟁입니다. 조상 제사와 공자 숭배를 시민적 의례로 볼 것인가, 종교적 우상숭배로 볼 것인가를 둘러싼 विवाद이 결국 선교 자체를 약화시켰습니다. 모펫은 여기서 로마 교황청의 경직성을 비판적으로 바라봅니다. 아시아 문명 속에 기독교를 심으려면 문화 번역이 필수였는데, 서구 교회가 그 복잡성을 충분히 감당하지 못했다는 것입니다.
필리핀은 다른 사례입니다. 필리핀은 아시아에서 가장 깊게 가톨릭화된 사회가 되었는데, 이는 스페인 식민통치와 교회 제도가 결합한 결과였습니다. 모펫은 이를 선교의 성공 사례로 보지만, 동시에 이런 성공이 식민권력과 얼마나 밀착되어 있었는지도 드러냅니다. 즉 필리핀의 기독교화는 깊었지만, 그 깊이는 자율적 토착화라기보다 식민적 제도화의 산물이기도 했습니다. 이 점은 이후 라틴아메리카와 아시아를 비교할 때도 중요한 문제의식이 됩니다.
개신교 선교는 18세기 말과 19세기에 본격화됩니다. 영국, 미국, 독일, 네덜란드 등 여러 나라의 선교회가 인도, 중국, 한국, 일본, 동남아시아에 들어갑니다. 모펫은 개신교 선교의 특징으로 성경 번역, 교육, 인쇄, 의료, 여성 교육, 근대적 학교 설립 등을 강조합니다. 특히 개신교는 평신도 교육과 문자문화 확산에 큰 역할을 했고, 많은 지역에서 기독교가 근대성과 연결되는 통로가 되었습니다. 그러나 여기서도 양면성이 분명합니다. 학교, 병원, 출판은 분명히 사회적 공헌이었지만, 동시에 서양 문명 우월주의와 결합한 문화 침투이기도 했습니다. 선교사 다수가 식민주의자였다고 단정할 수는 없지만, 그들이 제국주의 질서와 무관한 존재도 아니었습니다. 모펫은 이 긴장을 어느 정도 인정하지만, 전체적으로는 여전히 선교의 공헌에 더 우호적인 편입니다.
중국 부분은 이 책의 핵심 중 하나입니다. 중국에서 기독교는 거대한 문명권과 마주하며 반복적으로 기회를 얻고 또 좌절합니다. 청말과 민국기 동안 선교는 빠르게 성장했지만, 외세와 조약체제의 보호 아래 활동했다는 점 때문에 늘 “제국주의의 앞잡이”라는 의심을 받았습니다. 의화단 사건은 그 충돌이 폭발한 사례입니다. 모펫은 중국 기독교가 많은 순교자를 냈고 교육·의료 분야에서 중요한 योगदान을 했다고 서술하면서도, 서구 교회가 중국 민족주의의 감정을 충분히 이해하지 못했다고 봅니다. 1949년 이후 공산혁명은 중국 교회에 엄청난 타격이었지만, 동시에 외국 선교사 중심 구조를 무너뜨리고 중국인 스스로의 교회를 형성하게 만든 계기이기도 했습니다. 여기서 모펫은 역설을 봅니다. 박해는 교회를 약화시키는 동시에 자립하게 만들기도 한다는 것입니다.
일본은 또 다른 사례입니다. 일본에서는 초기 가톨릭 선교가 상당한 성공을 거두었지만 곧 혹독한 박해를 맞았습니다. 근대 개항 이후 다시 기독교가 들어왔으나, 일본에서 기독교는 대체로 소수 종교로 남았습니다. 모펫은 일본 기독교가 교육, 사상, 인권 담론에서 큰 영향력을 가졌지만 대중적 확산에는 실패했다고 봅니다. 이는 일본 사회의 종교 구조, 국가주의, 집단주의, 그리고 기독교의 외래성 때문이라고 설명됩니다. 다만 여기에는 설명의 단순화도 있습니다. 일본에서 기독교가 소수인 이유를 단지 문화적 불일치로만 볼 수는 없고, 일본 근대국가의 종교정책과 천황제 이데올로기, 그리고 서양 문명과의 복합적 관계까지 함께 봐야 합니다.
한국에 대해서 모펫은 비교적 비중 있게 다룹니다. 이는 그 자신이 한국 선교사 가문과 깊은 관련이 있었기 때문이기도 합니다. 한국 기독교는 자생적 성경 수용, 평신도 중심 확산, 교육열, 민족운동과의 결합, 대중 부흥운동 등을 통해 매우 독특한 발전을 이루었다고 평가됩니다. 특히 한국 개신교는 다른 아시아 지역보다 훨씬 빠르게 토착 지도력을 형성하고 교회 성장도 두드러졌습니다. 모펫은 이를 아시아 기독교사의 가장 인상적인 장면 중 하나로 봅니다. 그러나 여기에도 비판적 거리가 필요합니다. 한국 교회의 성장은 분명 중요하지만, 그것이 곧바로 신학적 성숙이나 사회적 건강성을 뜻하지는 않습니다. 또 민족주의와 기독교의 결합은 해방적 힘이 되기도 했지만, 동시에 배타성과 반공주의를 강화하는 계기도 되었습니다. 모펫은 이 후자의 문제를 상대적으로 약하게 다룹니다.
인도, 동남아시아, 중동에 대한 서술에서는 “소수자 기독교”의 문제가 반복됩니다. 인도에서는 기독교가 교육과 사회개혁에서 영향을 주었지만 힌두 민족주의 속에서 늘 외래 종교 의심을 받습니다. 동남아시아에서는 지역별로 전혀 다른 양상이 나타납니다. 필리핀처럼 다수 종교가 된 곳도 있지만, 인도네시아·말레이시아처럼 이슬람 다수 사회에서 소수로 살아가는 곳도 있습니다. 중동에서는 오랜 동방교회 전통이 남아 있지만, 근대 민족국가와 분쟁, 이슬람 정치의 부상 속에서 점점 더 취약한 소수가 됩니다. 모펫은 이 모든 사례를 통해 아시아 기독교의 운명이 단일하지 않음을 보여줍니다. 아시아에는 하나의 기독교가 있는 것이 아니라, 제국과 민족과 문화와 언어에 따라 매우 다른 여러 기독교가 있다는 것입니다.
이 책의 가장 큰 장점은 <아시아 기독교를 주변부가 아니라 중심 주제로 다룬다>는 점입니다. 서구 교회사에서는 흔히 아시아가 선교의 대상지로만 등장하지만, 모펫은 아시아를 자체 역사와 논리를 가진 장으로 그립니다. 또한 그는 단순한 성공담을 쓰지 않습니다. 선교의 성취를 말하면서도 실패, 오만, 문화적 무지, 식민권력과의 유착을 함께 서술합니다. 특히 <토착화에 실패한 교회는 뿌리를 내리지 못한다>는 메시지는 책 전체를 관통하는 통찰입니다.
그러나 한계도 분명합니다. 첫째, 기본 시선이 여전히 교회 중심입니다. 기독교가 아시아 사회 전체에 어떤 균열과 갈등을 만들었는지보다, 교회가 어떻게 성장하고 유지되었는지가 주된 관심입니다. 둘째, 타종교를 대등한 사상 체계라기보다 기독교가 부딪히는 환경으로만 다루는 경향이 있습니다. 셋째, 식민주의 비판이 충분히 급진적이지 않습니다. 선교와 제국의 결합이 단지 “불행한 동행”이었는지, 아니면 구조적으로 서로를 강화한 관계였는지는 더 날카롭게 따져야 합니다. 넷째, 아시아인의 목소리보다 서구 선교사와 교회 기록에 더 의존한다는 느낌이 남습니다.
종합하면, <A History of Christianity in Asia, Vol. II>는 아시아 기독교사의 방대한 지도이자, 근대 이후 기독교가 아시아에서 어떻게 제국과 민족과 근대화와 얽혔는지를 보여주는 중요한 저작입니다. 이 책은 기독교를 서양의 종교로만 보는 통념을 깨뜨리지만, 동시에 근대 아시아에서 기독교가 얼마나 자주 서양 권력의 얼굴로 나타났는지도 드러냅니다. 그래서 이 책을 읽으면 두 가지가 동시에 보입니다. 하나는 아시아 기독교인들의 끈질긴 생존과 창조성이고, 다른 하나는 그 역사가 결코 순수한 복음의 역사만은 아니었다는 사실입니다. 바로 그 양면성을 함께 보는 것이 이 책을 제대로 읽는 길입니다.
원하시면 다음 단계로 이어서 <Vol. I과 Vol. II를 함께 묶은 전체 비교 정리> 또는 <중국·일본·한국 부분만 따로 뽑아 비교 분석>도 해드리겠습니다.
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The Christians of Korea by Moffett, Samuel H 1962
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CONTENTS
1: THE FORBIDDEN LAND
2: KOREA'S UNCONQUERABLE CHRISTIANS
3: CHRISTIAN BEGINNINGS
The Catholic Century, 33 Early Protestant Effort, 34
Co-operation, 45
4: A NATION ON THE RUN TO GOD
The Great Revival, 52
Korean Organization of the Church, 54
The Nevius Plan, 59
New Relationships, 61
5: PRESSURES ON THE CHURCH
Japanese Persecution, 66 Communist Pressures, 76 Division in the South, 80
얼마 전 호주 시드니에서 목회 활동을 하고 있는 이영대 목사님으로부터 그가 출간할 책 원고를 보내고 추천사를 써 달라는 부탁을 받았습니다. 원고를 읽어보니 참신한 신앙과 신학에 관한 글 모음이었었습니다. 즐거운 마음으로 다음과 같은 추천사를 써 드렸는데, 오늘 그 책이 《신앙과 신학 사이》라는 제목으로 제게 왔습니다.
이영대 목사님은 진보 성향의 호주연합교회 신학대학에서 신학을 공부하고 1996년 이후 호주에서 목회를 계속하고 있습니다. 저는 2005년 6월 호주 유니테리언 교회 초청으로 시드니에 가서 몇 차례 강연을 했는데 그때 이영대 목사님을 만나 인연을 맺었습니다. 책에는 저의 호주 강연 일정도 자세히 기록되어 있기도 하여 저도 잊었던 일을 새삼 기억해 낼 수 있었습니다.
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나는 왜 이 책을 추천하는가?
어느 신학자에 의하면 21세기 그리스도인들의 가장 중요한 특징은 “질문하는 그리스도인”이라고 했습니다. 지금까지 그리스도교의 일반적 추세는 “묻지말고 무조건 믿으라”고 하는 것이었다고 볼 수 있습니다. 이제 과학을 비롯하여 기타 학문의 발달로 교인들의 지적 수준도 높아짐에 따라 생각하고 질문하는 일이 그만큼 일반화되었다는 뜻이라 할 수 있습니다.
이영대 목사님의 이 책은 처음부터 “나는 왜 아직도 기도를 하는가” “나는 왜 아직도 교회를 다니는가”를 시작으로 “나는 왜 아직도 하나님을 믿는가” “나는 왜 부처님 오신 날 절에 가는가”하며 ‘왜’라는 물음을 계속하고 있습니다. 책 전반부는 이처럼 신앙과 신앙 생활에 관한 기본 문제 수십 가지를 제기하고 있습니다. 심지어 “나는 왜 예수는 없다를 권하는가”하며 제가 쓴 책도 문제 제기의 일부가 되었을 정도입니다.
신앙이든 학문이든 가장 좋지 못한 자세는 “당연히 여기는 마음”입니다. 노벨상을 선정할 때도 연구 결과보다는 지금까지 당연시 여기던 세계관을 새로운 안목으로 볼 수 있게 질문하는 쪽을 선호한다고 합니다. 이영대 목사님이 이처럼 “당연하게 여기는 태도”에서 벗어나 모든 것을 새로운 안목으로 새롭게 질문하게 된 데는 그의 개인적 배경이 중요한 요인이었지 않은가 생각합니다. 신학과 목회에 발을 들여놓기 전 전자공학을 전공하고 여러 직장을 거치면서 폭넓은 경험을 한 것이 그를 폭넓은 안목을 가지고 이런 질문을 할 수 있는 목사님으로 아름답게 변신하게 한 것 아닌가 여겨집니다.
성경에도 하나님이 “오라 우리가 서로 변론하자”(이사야 1:18)고 하시며 우리를 초청하고 계십니다. 여기서 ‘우리가 서로 변론하자’를 영어 성경에 보면 “Let us reason together”라고 하여 우리의 이성(reason)을 사용하여 이유(reason)를 알아 보자라는 뜻으로 읽을 수도 있습니다. 가톨릭 주교회의 성경에 보면, “오너라, 우리가 시비를 가려보자”라고 번역하여 이 뜻을 좀 더 분명하게 하고 있습니다. 하나님께서 우리에게 이성을 주신 것은 이유가 있을 것입니다. 이성을 활용하여 사물의 이유를 따져보라는 뜻이라 할 수 있습니다.
11세기 중세의 유명한 사상가 성 안셀무스도 “나는 알기 위해서 믿는다”(Credo ut intelligam)라는 유명한 말을 했습니다. 물론 믿음을 강조하기 위한 말이라 할 수도 있지만, 무조건 믿기만 하는 것이 아니라 믿음의 목적이 결국 사리를 분별하는 앎을 얻기 위한 것이라는 말이라고도 할 수 있습니다. 그야말로 “이해를 추구하는 믿음(faith seeking understanding)입니다.
이뿐만 아닙니다. 일찍이 함석헌 선생님도 “생각하는 백성이어야 산다”고 일갈하셨고, 미국 클레아몬트 신학대학 존 캅 교수도 생각하는 기독교인이라야 산다는 책을 낸 일도 있습니다. 이제 이성을 무시하고 덮어놓고 믿으라고 하는 시대는 지났습니다.
17세기 영국의 성직자 존 던 (John Donne)이 쓴 싯구에 “누구를 위해 종은 울리나 묻지마시라. 그것은 그대를 위해 울리는 것이니”하는 내용의 글이 있지만, 이영대 목사님의 글을 보면서 “누구를 위해 ‘왜’를 발하는가, 그것은 생각하는 기독교인들을 위한 것이니”라는 말이 떠올랐습니다. 정말로 생각하는 그리스도인들에게 생각거리를 던져주고 있는 이 책은 새 시대를 맞아 기독교 신앙의 의미를 새롭게 성찰해보고 싶은 기독교인이라면 읽고 크게 눈뜸을, 마음 문의 열림을 경험하게 되리라 믿습니다. 이것이 제가 이 책을 추천하는 이유입니다.
Talmud is used interchangeably with Gemara.[a][10] The text is made up of 63 tractates, each covering one subject area. The Talmud is written in a combination of Aramaic and Hebrew.[11] Talmudic tradition emerged and was compiled between the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE and the Arab conquest in the early seventh century.[12] Traditionally, it is thought that the Talmud itself was compiled by Rav Ashi and Ravina II around 500 CE, although it is more likely that this happened in the middle of the sixth century.[13]
The word Talmud commonly refers to the Babylonian Talmud (Talmud Bavli), not the earlier Jerusalem Talmud (Talmud Yerushalmi).[14] The Babylonian Talmud is the more extensive of the two and is considered the more authoritative.[15]
Etymology
Look up Talmud in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
Talmud translates as "instruction, learning", from the Semitic rootlmd, meaning "teach, study".[16]
The two Talmuds
In antiquity, the two major centres of Jewish scholarship were the Talmudic academies in Syria Palaestina and Babylonia. A Talmud was compiled in each of these regional centres. The earlier of the two compilations took place in Galilee, either in the late fourth or early fifth century, and it came to be known as the Jerusalem Talmud (Jewish Palestinian Aramaic: תַּלְמוּד יְרוּשַׁלְמִי, romanized: Talmud Yerushalmi). Later, and likely some time in the sixth century, the Babylonian Talmud was compiled (Jewish Babylonian Aramaic: תַּלְמוּד בַּבְלִי, romanized: Talmud Bavli). The latter Talmud is usually what is meant when the word "Talmud" is used without qualification.[17] Traditions of the Jerusalem Talmud and its sages had a significant influence on the milieu out of which the Babylonian Talmud arose.[18][19]
A page of a medieval Jerusalem Talmud manuscript, from the Cairo Geniza
The Jerusalem Talmud is known by several other names, including the Palestinian Talmud (which is more accurate, given that it was not compiled in Jerusalem),[20] and the Talmud of the Land of Israel (Talmuda de-Eretz Yisrael or Talmud Eretz Yisrael).[21] The Jerusalem Talmud was a written codification of oral tradition that had been circulating for centuries,[22] representing a compilation of the Palestinian rabbis' teachings about and textual analyses of the Mishnah (especially those concerning agricultural laws) found across regional centres of the Land of Israel in the Galilee (principally those of Tiberias, Sepphoris, and Caesarea). It is written largely in Jewish Palestinian Aramaic, a Western Aramaic language that differs from Jewish Babylonian Aramaic, its Babylonian counterpart.[23][24] The compilation was likely made between the late fourth to the first half of the fifth century.[25][26]
Despite its incomplete state, the Jerusalem Talmud remains an indispensable source for the study of the development of Halakha in the Holy Land. It was also an important primary source for the study of the Babylonian Talmud by the Kairouan school of Chananel ben Chushiel and Nissim ben Jacob, with the result being that opinions ultimately based on the Jerusalem Talmud found their way into the Tosafot and the Mishneh Torah by Maimonides. Ethical maxims in the Jerusalem Talmud are scattered and interspersed throughout the legal discussions of the several treatises, many of which differ from those in the Babylonian Talmud.[27]
The Babylonian Talmud is the culmination of centuries of analysis and dialectic of the Mishnah and Hebrew Bible in the Talmudic academies in Babylonia. According to tradition, the foundations of this process of analysis were laid by Abba Arika (175–247), a disciple of Judah ha-Nasi. Tradition ascribes the compilation of the Babylonian Talmud in its present form to two Babylonian sages, Rav Ashi and Ravina II.[30] Rav Ashi was the president of the Sura Academy from 375 to 427. At this time, he began compiling the Talmud, a written project passed on and completed by Ravina II, the final Amoraic expounder of the Oral Torah. Traditionally, the latest year for the compilation of the Talmud is typically placed at 475, the year Ravina II died. However, even among those who hold traditional views, a final redaction is still thought to have been made by the Savoraim (Jewish Babylonian Aramaic: סָבוֹרָאִים, lit.'Reasoners') in the sixth century.[31][13]
Comparison
Unlike the Western Aramaic dialect of the Jerusalem Talmud, the Babylonian Talmud uses a Babylonian Aramaic dialect. The Jerusalem is also more fragmentary (and difficult to read) due to an incomplete redaction process.[32] Discussions in the Babylonian Talmud are more discursive, rambling, and rely more heavily on anecdote and argumentation by syllogism and Inductive reasoning; those in the Jerusalem Talmud are more factual and apply argumentation through logical deductive reasoning. The Babylonian Talmud is much longer, with about 2.5 million words in total. Proportionally more of the Babylonian material is non-halakhic Aggadah (אַגָּדָה, 'legend'), constituting a third of its material, compared to a sixth of the Jerusalem.[33] The Babylonian Talmud has received significantly more interest and coverage from commentators.[34]
Maimonides drew influence from both Babylonian and Jerusalem Talmuds, although he favored the latter over the former when principles between them conflicted.[35] As the Palestinian Jewish community declined in influence and the Babylonian community became the intellectual center of the Jewish diaspora, the Babylonian Talmud became the more widely accepted and popular version.[33] Whereas the Jerusalem Talmud only includes the opinions of Palestinian rabbis (the Ma'arava), the Babylonian Talmud also includes Babylonian authorities (in addition to later authorities because of its later date). As such, it is regarded as more comprehensive.[36][37]
Neither Talmud covers the entire Mishnah. For example, the Babylonian commentary only covers 37 of 63 Mishnaic tractates. In particular:
The Jerusalem Talmud covers all the tractates of Seder Zeraim, while the Babylonian Talmud covers only tractate Berakhot. This might be because the agricultural concerns discussed in Zeraim were not as important in Babylonia.[38] As the Jerusalem Talmud was produced in the Land of Israel, it consequently has a greater interest in Israelite geography.
Unlike the Babylonian Talmud, the Jerusalem Talmud does not cover the Mishnaic Kodashim, which deals with sacrificial rites (קָרְבָּנוֹת, Korbānôt) and laws about the Jerusalem Temple. A good explanation for this is not available, although there is some evidence that a now-lost commentary on this text once existed in the Jerusalem Talmud.
In both Talmuds, only one tractate of Tohorot (ritual purity laws) is examined, that of the menstrual laws (Niddah).
Structure
The structure of the Talmud follows that of the Mishnah, divided into Six Orders (known as the Shisha Sedarim, or Shas) of general subject matter are divided into 63 tractates (masekhtot; singular: masekhet) of more focused subject compilations, though not all tractates have Gemara. Each tractate is divided into chapters (perakim; singular: perek), 517 in total, that are both numbered according to the Hebrew alphabet and given names, usually using the first one or two words in the first Mishnah. A perek may continue over several (up to tens of) pages. Each perek will contain several mishnayot.[39]
The Mishnah is a compilation of legal opinions and debates. Statements in the Mishnah are typically terse, recording brief opinions of the rabbis debating a subject; or recording only an unattributed ruling, apparently representing a consensus view. The rabbis recorded in the Mishnah are known as the Tannaim (literally, "repeaters", or "teachers"). These tannaim—rabbis of the second century CE—"who produced the Mishnah and other tannaic works, must be distinguished from the rabbis of the third to fifth centuries, known as amoraim (literally, "speakers"), who produced the two Talmudim and other amoraic works".[40]
Since it sequences its laws by subject matter instead of by biblical context, the Mishnah discusses individual subjects more thoroughly than the Midrash, and it includes a much broader selection of halakhic subjects than the Midrash. The Mishnah's topical organization thus became the framework of the Talmud as a whole. But not every tractate in the Mishnah has a corresponding Gemara. Also, the order of the tractates in the Talmud differs in some cases from that in the Mishnah.
The Gemara is broadly speaking a commentary on the Mishnah. This commentary arises from a longstanding tradition of rabbis analyzing, debating, and discussing the Mishnah—shakla v'tarya—ever since it was compiled. The rabbis who participated in the process that produced this commentarial tradition are known as the Amoraim.[41] Each discussion is presented in a self-contained, edited passage known as a sugya.[42]
Much of the Gemara is legal in nature. Each analysis begins with a Mishnaic legal statement. With each sugya, the statement may be analyzed and compared with other statements. This process can be framed as an exchange between two (often anonymous, possibly metaphorical) disputants, termed the makshan (questioner) and tartzan (answerer). Gemara also commonly tries to find the correct biblical basis for a given law in the Mishnah as well as the logical process that connects the biblical to the Mishnaic tradition. This process was known as talmud, long before the "Talmud" itself became a text.[43]
In addition, the Gemara contains a wide range of narratives, homiletical or exegetical passages, sayings, and other non-legal content, termed aggadah. A story told in a sugya of the Babylonian Talmud may draw upon the Mishnah, the Jerusalem Talmud, midrash, and other sources.[44]
The traditions that the Gemara comments on are not limited to what is found in the Mishnah, but the Baraita as well (a term that broadly designates Oral Torah traditions that did not end up in the Mishnah). The baraitot cited in the Gemara are often quotations from the Tosefta (a tannaitic compendium of halakha parallel to the Mishnah) and the Midrash halakha (specifically Mekhilta, Sifra and Sifre). Some baraitot, however, are known only through traditions cited in the Gemara, and are not part of any other collection.[45]
In addition to the Six Orders, the Talmud contains a series of short treatises of a later date, usually printed at the end of Seder Nezikin. These are not divided into Mishnah and Gemara.
Language
The work is largely in Jewish Babylonian Aramaic, although quotations in the Gemara of the Mishnah, the Baraitas and Tanakh appear in Mishnaic or Biblical Hebrew.[46] Some other dialects of Aramaic occur in quotations of other older works, like the Megillat Taanit. The reason why earlier texts occur in Hebrew, and later texts in Aramaic, is because of the adoption of the latter (which was the spoken vernacular) by rabbinic circles during the period of the Amoraim (rabbis cited in the Gemara) beginning around the year 200.[47] A second Aramaic dialect is used in Nedarim, Nazir, Temurah, Keritot, and Me'ilah; the second is closer in style to the Targum.[48]
The Talmud itself (BM 86a) incorporates a statement that "Ravina and Rav Ashi were the end of instruction". Likewise, Sherira ben Hanina writes that "instruction ended" with the death of Ravina II in 811 SE (500 CE), and "the Talmud stopped with the end of instruction in the days of Rabbah Jose (fl. 476–514)".[30]Seder Olam Zutta records that "in 811 SE (500 CE) Ravina the End of Instruction died, and the Talmud was stopped", and the same text is found in Codex Gaster 83.[54] Another medieval chronicle records that "On Wednesday, 13 Kislev, 811 SE (500 CE), Ravina the End of Instruction son of Rav Huna died, and the Talmud stopped."[54]Abraham ibn Daud gives 821 SE (510 CE) for the same event, and Joseph ibn Tzaddik writes that "Mareimar and Mar bar Rav Assi et al. completed the Babylonian Talmud ... in 4265 AM (505 CE)".[54]Nachmanides dated the Talmud's compilation to "400 years after the Destruction", which is 470 CE if taken as exact.[55] According to Moses da Rieti, "Ravina and Rav Ashi compiled the Talmud but they did not complete it, and Mar bar Rav Ashi and Mareimar et al. sealed it in the days of Rabbah Jose ... he headed the academy for 38 years after succeeding Ravina, until 4274 AM (514 CE), and in his days the Babylonian Talmud was sealed, which was begun and largely redacted in the days of Rav Ashi and Ravina".[56]
The Wikkuah, a description of the 1240 Disputation of Paris, records that Yechiel of Paris claimed that "the Talmud is 1,500 years old", which would put it in the 3rd century BCE. Pietro Capelli suggests that it must have been traditional among medieval Ashkenazic Jews to date the Talmud from its beginning instead of its completion. Later manuscripts of the Wikkuah adopt the usual system of dating it to the time of Ravina II. Nicholas Donin, by contrast, claimed that the Talmud was only composed "400 years" before, i.e. around 840 CE.[55]
Modern estimates
A wide range of dates have been proposed for the Babylonian Talmud by historians.[57][58] The text was most likely completed, however, in the 6th century, or prior to the early Muslim conquests in the mid-7th century at the latest,[59] on the basis that the Talmud lacks loanwords or syntax deriving from Arabic. By comparison, Islamic-era rabbinic documents are heavily influenced by Arabic writing, convention, and loanwords, and rabbinic writings came to be exclusively written in Arabic by the 8th century.[60]
Recently,[when?] it has been extensively argued that Talmud is an expression and product of Sasanian culture,[61][62][63] as well as other Greek-Roman, Middle Persian, and Syriac sources up to the same period of time.[64] The contents of the text likely trace to this time regardless of the date of the final redaction/compilation.[65]
Additional external evidence for a latest possible date for the composition of the Babylonian Talmud are uses of it by external sources such as Letter of Baboi (c. 813)[66][67] and chronicles like the Seder Tannaim veAmoraim (9th century) and the Iggeret of Rabbi Sherira Gaon (987).[60] As for the earliest possible date of the Babylonian Talmud, it must post-date the early 5th century given its reliance on the Jerusalem Talmud.[68]
In Jewish scholarship
From the time of its completion, the Talmud became integral to Jewish scholarship. A maxim in Pirkei Avot advocates its study from the age of 15.[69]
Rabbi Adin Steinsaltz writes that "If the Bible is the cornerstone of Judaism, then the Talmud is the central pillar ... No other work has had a comparable influence on the theory and practice of Jewish life, shaping influence on the theory and practice of Jewish life" and states:[70]
The Talmud is the repository of thousands of years of Jewish wisdom, and the oral law, which is as ancient and significant as the written law (the Torah) finds expression therein. It is a conglomerate of law, legend, and philosophy, a blend of unique logic and shrewd pragmatism, of history and science, anecdotes and humor ... Although its main objective is to interpret and comment on a book of law, it is, simultaneously, a work of art that goes beyond legislation and its practical application. And although the Talmud is, to this day, the primary source of Jewish law, it cannot be cited as an authority for purposes of ruling ...
Though based on the principles of tradition and the transmission of authority from generation to generation, it is unparalleled in its eagerness to question and reexamine convention and accepted views and to root out underlying causes. The talmudic method of discussion and demonstration tries to approximate mathematical precision, but without having recourse to mathematical or logical symbols.
... the Talmud is the embodiment of the great concept of mitzvat talmud Torah – the positive religious duty of studying Torah, of acquiring learning and wisdom, study which is its own end and reward.[70]
The following subsections outline some of the major areas of Talmudic study.
Legal interpretation
One area of Talmudic scholarship developed out of the need to ascertain the Halakha (Jewish rabbinical law). Early commentators such as Isaac Alfasi (North Africa, 1013–1103) attempted to extract and determine the binding legal opinions from the vast corpus of the Talmud. Alfasi's work was highly influential, attracted several commentaries in its own right and later served as a basis for the creation of halakhic codes. Another influential medieval Halakhic work following the order of the Babylonian Talmud, and to some extent modelled on Alfasi, was "the Mordechai", a compilation by Mordechai ben Hillel (c. 1250–1298). A third such work was that of Asher ben Yechiel (d. 1327). All these works and their commentaries are printed in the Vilna and many subsequent editions of the Talmud.
A 15th-century Spanish rabbi, Jacob ibn Habib (d. 1516), compiled the Ein Yaakov, which extracts nearly all the Aggadic material from the Talmud. It was intended to familiarize the public with the ethical parts of the Talmud and to dispute many of the accusations surrounding its contents.
Geonic-era (6th-11th centuries) commentaries have largely been lost, but are known to exist from partial quotations in later medieval and early modern texts. Because of this, it is known that now-lost commentaries on the Talmud were written by Paltoi Gaon, Sherira, Hai Gaon, and Saadya (though in this case, Saadiya is not likely to be the true author).[71] Of these, the commentary of Paltoi ben Abaye (c. 840) is the earliest. His son, Zemah ben Paltoi paraphrased and explained the passages which he quoted; and he composed, as an aid to the study of the Talmud, a lexicon which Abraham Zacuto consulted in the fifteenth century. Saadia Gaon is said to have composed commentaries on the Talmud, aside from his Arabic commentaries on the Mishnah.[72]
The first surviving commentary on the entire Talmud is that of Chananel ben Chushiel. Many medieval authors also composed commentaries focusing on the content of specific tractates, including Nissim ben Jacob and Gershom ben Judah.[73] The commentary of Rashi, covering most of the Talmud, has become a classic. Sections in the commentary covering a few tractates (Pes, BB and Mak) were completed by his students, especially Judah ben Nathan, and a sections dealing with specific tractates (Ned, Naz, Hor and MQ) of the commentary that appear in some print editions of Rashi's commentary today were not composed by him. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a genre of rabbinic literature emerged surrounding Rashi's commentary, with the purpose of supplementing it and addressing internal contradictions via the technique of pilpul. This genre of commentary is known as the Tosafot and focuses on specific passages instead of a running continuous commentary across the entire Talmud.[74]
Many Talmudic passages are difficult to understand, sometimes owing to the use of Greek or Persian loanwords whose meaning had become obscure. A major area of Talmudic scholarship developed to explain these passages and words. Some early commentators such as Rabbenu Gershom of Mainz (10th century) and Rabbenu Ḥananel (early 11th century) produced running commentaries to various tractates. These commentaries could be read with the text of the Talmud and would help explain the meaning of the text. Another important work is the Sefer ha-Mafteaḥ (Book of the Key) by Nissim Gaon, which contains a preface explaining the different forms of Talmudic argumentation and then explains abbreviated passages in the Talmud by cross-referring to parallel passages where the same thought is expressed in full. Commentaries (ḥiddushim) by Joseph ibn Migash on two tractates, Bava Batra and Shevuot, based on Ḥananel and Alfasi, also survive, as does a compilation by Zechariah Aghmati called Sefer ha-Ner.[75]
The Tosafot are collected commentaries by various medieval Ashkenazic rabbis on the Talmud (known as Tosafists or Ba'alei Tosafot). One of the main goals of the Tosafot is to explain and interpret contradictory statements in the Talmud. Unlike Rashi, the Tosafot is not a running commentary, but rather comments on selected matters. Often the explanations of Tosafot differ from those of Rashi.[72] Among the founders of the Tosafist school were Rabbeinu Tam, who was a grandson of Rashi, and, Rabbenu Tam's nephew, Isaac ben Samuel. The Tosafot commentaries were collected in different editions in the various schools. The benchmark collection of Tosafot for Northern France was that of Eliezer of Touques. The standard collection for Spain was Rabbenu Asher's Tosefot haRosh. The Tosafot that are printed in the standard Vilna edition of the Talmud are an edited version compiled from the various medieval collections, predominantly that of Touques.[76][full citation needed]
Over time, the approach of the Tosafists spread to other Jewish communities, particularly those in Spain. This led to the composition of many other commentaries in similar styles. Among these are the commentaries of Nachmanides (Ramban), Solomon ben Adret (Rashba), Yom Tov of Seville (Ritva) and Nissim of Gerona (Ran); these are often titled “Chiddushei ...” (“Novellae of ...”). A comprehensive anthology consisting of extracts from all these is the Shitah Mekubezet of Bezalel Ashkenazi. Other commentaries produced in Spain and Provence were not influenced by the Tosafist style. Two of the most significant of these are the Yad Ramah by rabbi Meir Abulafia and Bet Habechirah by rabbi Menahem haMeiri, commonly referred to as "Meiri". While the Bet Habechirah is extant for all of Talmud, we only have the Yad Ramah for Tractates Sanhedrin, Baba Batra and Gittin. Like the commentaries of Ramban and the others, these are generally printed as independent works, though some Talmud editions include the Shitah Mekubezet in an abbreviated form.
In later centuries, focus partially shifted from direct Talmudic interpretation to the analysis of previously written Talmudic commentaries. Well known are "Maharshal" (Solomon Luria), "Maharam" (Meir Lublin) and "Maharsha" (Samuel Edels), which analyze Rashi and Tosafot together; other such commentaries include Ma'adanei Yom Tov by Yom-Tov Lipmann Heller, in turn a commentary on the Rosh (see below), and the glosses by Zvi Hirsch Chajes. These later commentaries are generally appended to the tractate.
Commentaries discussing the Halachik-legal content – outlined above – include "Rosh", "Rif" and "Mordechai"; these are now standard appendices to each volume. Rambam's Mishneh Torah is invariably studied alongside these three; although a code, and therefore not in the same order as the Talmud, the relevant location is identified via the Ein Mishpat, following. (A recent project, Halacha Brura, founded by Abraham Isaac Kook, presents the Talmud and a summary of the halachic codes side by side, so as to enable the collation of Talmud with resultant Halacha.[77])
Found in almost all editions of the Talmud, is the "study-aid" consisting of the marginal notes Torah Or, Ein Mishpat Ner Mitzvah and Masoret ha-Shas by the Italian rabbi Joshua Boaz, which give references respectively: to the cited Biblical passages, to the relevant halachic codes (Mishneh Torah, Tur, Shulchan Aruch, and Se'mag) and to related Talmudic passages. Most editions of the Talmud include also the brief marginal notes by Akiva Eger under the name Gilyon ha-Shas, and textual notes by Joel Sirkes and the Vilna Gaon.
Pilpul
During the 15th and 16th centuries, a new intensive form of Talmud study arose. Complicated logical arguments were used to explain minor points of contradiction within the Talmud. The term pilpul was applied to this type of study. Usage of pilpul in this sense (that of "sharp analysis") harks back to the Talmudic era and refers to the intellectual sharpness this method demanded.
Pilpul practitioners posited that the Talmud could contain no redundancy or contradiction whatsoever. New categories and distinctions (hillukim) were therefore created, resolving seeming contradictions within the Talmud by novel logical means.
In the Ashkenazi world the founders of pilpul are generally considered to be Jacob Pollak (1460–1541) and Shalom Shachna. This kind of study reached its height in the 16th and 17th centuries when expertise in pilpulistic analysis was considered an art form and became a goal in and of itself within the yeshivot of Poland and Lithuania. But the popular new method of Talmud study was not without critics; already in the 15th century, the ethical tract Orhot Zaddikim ("Paths of the Righteous" in Hebrew) criticized pilpul for an overemphasis on intellectual acuity. Many 16th- and 17th-century rabbis were also critical of pilpul. Among them are Judah Loew ben Bezalel (the Maharal of Prague), Isaiah Horowitz, and Yair Bacharach.
By the 18th century, pilpul study waned. Other styles of learning such as that of the school of Elijah b. Solomon, the Vilna Gaon, became popular. The term "pilpul" was increasingly applied derogatorily to novellae deemed casuistic and hairsplitting. Authors referred to their own commentaries as "al derekh ha-peshat" (by the simple method)[78] to contrast them with pilpul.[79][80][full citation needed]
Sephardic approaches
Among Sephardi and Italian Jews from the 15th century on, some authorities sought to apply the methods of Aristotelian logic, as reformulated by Averroes.[81] This method was first recorded, though without explicit reference to Aristotle, by Isaac Campanton (d. Spain, 1463) in his Darkhei ha-Talmud ("The Ways of the Talmud"),[82] and is also found in the works of Moses Chaim Luzzatto.[83]
According to the present-day Sephardi scholar José Faur, traditional Sephardic Talmud study could take place on any of three levels.[84]
The most basic level consists of literary analysis of the text without the help of commentaries, designed to bring out the tzurata di-shema'ta, i.e. the logical and narrative structure of the passage.
The intermediate level, iyyun (concentration), consists of study with the help of commentaries such as Rashi and the Tosafot, similar to that practiced among the Ashkenazim.[85] Historically Sephardim studied the Tosefot ha-Rosh and the commentaries of Nahmanides in preference to the printed Tosafot.[86] A method based on the study of Tosafot, and of Ashkenazi authorities such as Maharsha (Samuel Edels) and Maharshal (Solomon Luria), was introduced in late seventeenth century Tunisia by rabbis Abraham Hakohen (d. 1715) and Tsemaḥ Tsarfati (d. 1717) and perpetuated by rabbi Isaac Lumbroso[87] and is sometimes referred to as 'Iyyun Tunisa'i.[88]
The highest level, halachah (Jewish law), consists of collating the opinions set out in the Talmud with those of the halachic codes such as the Mishneh Torah and the Shulchan Aruch, so as to study the Talmud as a source of law; the equivalent Ashkenazi approach is sometimes referred to as being aliba dehilchasa.
Brisker method
In the late 19th century another trend in Talmud study arose. Hayyim Soloveitchik (1853–1918) of Brisk (Brest-Litovsk) developed and refined this style of study. Brisker method involves a reductionistic analysis of rabbinic arguments within the Talmud or among the Rishonim, explaining the differing opinions by placing them within a categorical structure. The Brisker method is highly analytical and is often criticized as being a modern-day version of pilpul. Nevertheless, the influence of the Brisker method is great. Most modern-day Yeshivot study the Talmud using the Brisker method in some form. One feature of this method is the use of Maimonides' Mishneh Torah as a guide to Talmudic interpretation, as distinct from its use as a source of practical halakha.
The text of the Talmud has been subject to some level of critical scrutiny throughout its history. Rabbinic tradition holds that the people cited in both Talmuds did not have a hand in its writings; rather, their teachings were edited into a rough form around 450 CE (Talmud Yerushalmi) and 550 CE (Talmud Bavli). The text of the Bavli especially was not firmly fixed at that time.
Gaonic responsa literature addresses this issue. Teshuvot Geonim Kadmonim, section 78, deals with mistaken biblical readings in the Talmud. This Gaonic responsum states:
But you must examine carefully in every case when you feel uncertainty [as to the credibility of the text] – what is its source? Whether a scribal error? Or the superficiality of a second rate student who was not well versed? ... after the manner of many mistakes found among those superficial second-rate students, and certainly among those rural memorizers who were not familiar with the biblical text. And since they erred in the first place ... [they compounded the error.]
— Teshuvot Geonim Kadmonim, Ed. Cassel, Berlin 1858, Photographic reprint Tel Aviv 1964, 23b.
In the early medieval era, Rashi already concluded that some statements in the extant text of the Talmud were insertions from later editors. On Shevuot 3b Rashi writes "A mistaken student wrote this in the margin of the Talmud, and copyists [subsequently] put it into the Gemara."[b]
Early modern era
The emendations of Yoel Sirkis and the Vilna Gaon are included in all standard editions of the Talmud, in the form of marginal glosses entitled Hagahot ha-Bach and Hagahot ha-Gra respectively; further emendations by Solomon Luria are set out in commentary form at the back of each tractate. The Vilna Gaon's emendations were often based on his quest for internal consistency in the text rather than on manuscript evidence;[90] nevertheless many of the Gaon's emendations were later verified by textual critics, such as Solomon Schechter, who had Cairo Genizah texts with which to compare our standard editions.[91]
Contemporary scholarship
In the 19th century, Raphael Nathan Nota Rabinovicz published a multi-volume work entitled Dikdukei Soferim, showing textual variants from the Munich and other early manuscripts of the Talmud, and further variants are recorded in the Complete Israeli Talmud and Gemara Shelemah editions (see § Critical editions, above).
Today many more manuscripts have become available, in particular from the Cairo Geniza. The Academy of the Hebrew Language has prepared a text on CD-ROM for lexicographical purposes, containing the text of each tractate according to the manuscript it considers most reliable,[92] and images of some of the older manuscripts may be found on the website of the National Library of Israel (formerly the Jewish National and University Library).[93] The NLI, the Lieberman Institute (associated with the Jewish Theological Seminary of America), the Institute for the Complete Israeli Talmud (part of Yad Harav Herzog) and the Friedberg Jewish Manuscript Society all maintain searchable websites on which the viewer can request variant manuscript readings of a given passage.[94]
Some trends within contemporary Talmud scholarship are listed below.
Orthodox Judaism maintains that the oral Torah was revealed, in some form, together with the written Torah. As such, some adherents, most notably Samson Raphael Hirsch and his followers, resisted any effort to apply historical methods that imputed specific motives to the authors of the Talmud. Other major figures in Orthodoxy, however, took issue with Hirsch on this matter, most prominently David Tzvi Hoffmann[95] and Joseph Hirsch Dünner.
Some scholars hold that there has been extensive editorial reshaping of the stories and statements within the Talmud. Lacking outside confirming texts, they hold that we cannot confirm the origin or date of most statements and laws, and that we can say little for certain about their authorship. In this view, the questions above are impossible to answer. See, for example, the works of Louis Jacobs and Shaye J. D. Cohen.
Some scholars hold that the Talmud has been extensively shaped by later editorial redaction, but that it contains sources we can identify and describe with some level of reliability. In this view, sources can be identified by tracing the history and analyzing the geographical regions of origin. See, for example, the works of Lee I. Levine and David Kraemer.
Some scholars hold that many or most of the statements and events described in the Talmud usually occurred more or less as described, and that they can be used as serious sources of historical study. In this view, historians do their best to tease out later editorial additions (itself a very difficult task) and skeptically view accounts of miracles, leaving behind a reliable historical text. See, for example, the works of Saul Lieberman, David Weiss Halivni, and Avraham Goldberg.
Modern academic study attempts to separate the different "strata" within the text, to try to interpret each level on its own, and to identify the correlations between parallel versions of the same tradition. In recent years, the works of David Weiss Halivni and Shamma Friedman have suggested a paradigm shift in the understanding of the Talmud (Encyclopaedia Judaica 2nd ed., entry "Talmud, Babylonian"). The traditional understanding was to view the Talmud as a unified homogeneous work. While other scholars had also treated the Talmud as a multi-layered work, Halivni's innovation (primarily in the second volume of his Mekorot u-Mesorot) was to differentiate between the Amoraic statements, which are generally brief Halachic decisions or inquiries, and the writings of the later "Stammaitic" (or Saboraic) authors, which are characterised by a much longer analysis that often consists of lengthy dialectic discussion. The Jerusalem Talmud is very similar to the Babylonian Talmud minus Stammaitic activity (Encyclopaedia Judaica (2nd ed.), entry "Jerusalem Talmud"). Shamma Y. Friedman's Talmud Aruch on the sixth chapter of Bava Metzia (1996) is the first example of a complete analysis of a Talmudic text using this method. S. Wald has followed with works on Pesachim ch. 3 (2000) and Shabbat ch. 7 (2006). Further commentaries in this sense are being published by Friedman's "Society for the Interpretation of the Talmud".[96]
Some scholars are indeed using outside sources to help give historical and contextual understanding of certain areas of the Babylonian Talmud. See for example the works of Yaakov Elman[97] and of his student Shai Secunda,[98] which seek to place the Talmud in its Iranian context, for example by comparing it with contemporary Zoroastrian texts.
There are six contemporary translations of the Talmud into English:
Steinsaltz
Adin Steinsaltz began his translation of the Babylonian Talmud into modern Hebrew (the original is mostly Aramaic with some Mishnaic Hebrew) in 1969 and completed it in 2010. (He also translated some tractates of the Jerusalem Talmud.) The Hebrew edition is printed in two formats: the original one in a new layout and the later one in the format of the traditional Vilna Talmud page; both are available in several sizes. The first attempt to translate the Steinsaltz edition into English was The Talmud: The Steinsaltz Edition (Random House), which contains the original Hebrew-Aramaic text with punctuation and an English translation based on Steinsaltz' complete Hebrew language translation of and commentary on the entire Talmud. This edition began to be released in 1989 but was never completed; only four tractates were printed in 21 volumes, with a matching Reference Guide translated from a separate work of Steinsaltz. Portions of the Steinsaltz Talmud have also been translated into French, Russian, and other languages.
The Noé Edition of the Koren Talmud Bavli, published by Koren Publishers Jerusalem was launched in 2012. It has a new, modern English translation and the commentary of Adin Steinsaltz, and was praised for its "beautiful page" with "clean type".[99] From the right side cover (the front side of Hebrew and Aramaic books), the Steinsaltz Talmud edition has the traditional Vilna page with vowels and punctuation in the original Aramaic text. The Rashi commentary appears in Rashi script with vowels and punctuation. From the left side cover the edition features bilingual text with side-by-side English/Aramaic translation. The margins include color maps, illustrations and notes based on Adin Steinsaltz's Hebrew language translation and commentary of the Talmud. Tzvi Hersh Weinreb serves as the Editor-in-Chief. The entire set was completed in 42 volumes.
In February 2017, the William Davidson Talmud was released to Sefaria.[100] This translation is a version of the Noé Steinsaltz edition above, which was released under a Creative Commons license.[101]
Artscroll
The Schottenstein Babylonian Talmud in a synagogue in Raanana, Israel
The Schottenstein Edition of the Talmud (Artscroll/Mesorah Publications) is 73 volumes,[102] in an English translation edition (maroon-colored) and a Hebrew translation edition (blue). In the translated editions, each English or Hebrew page faces the Aramaic/Hebrew page it translates. Each Aramaic/Hebrew page of Talmud typically requires three to six English or Hebrew pages of translation and notes. The Aramaic/Hebrew pages are printed in the traditional Vilna format, with a gray bar added that shows the section translated on the facing page. The facing pages provide an expanded paraphrase in English or Hebrew, with translation of the text shown in bold and explanations interspersed in normal type, along with extensive footnotes. Pages are numbered in the traditional way but with a superscript added, e.g. 12b4 is the fourth page translating the Vilna page 12b. Larger tractates require multiple volumes. The first volume was published in 1990, and the series was completed in 2004.
Soncino
The Soncino Talmud (34 volumes, 1935–1948, with an additional index volume published in 1952 and a two-volume translation of the Minor Tractates later),[103][full citation needed][104]Isidore Epstein, Soncino Press. An 18 volume edition was published in 1961. Notes on each page provide additional background material. This translation[103][full citation needed] is published both in English and in a parallel text edition, in which each English page faces the Aramaic/Hebrew page. It is also available on CD-ROM. Complete.
In addition, a 7×5in travel or pocket edition[105] was published in 1959. This edition opens from the left for English and the notes, and from the right for the Aramaic, which, unlike the other editions, does not use standard Vilna Talmud page; instead, another older edition is used, in which each standard Talmud page is divided in two.[106]
Other English translations
The Talmud of Babylonia. An American Translation, Jacob Neusner, Tzvee Zahavy, others. Atlanta: 1984–1995: Scholars Press for Brown Judaic Studies. Complete.
Rodkinson: Portions[107] of the Babylonian Talmud were translated by Michael L. Rodkinson (1903). It has been linked to online, for copyright reasons (initially it was the only freely available translation on the web), but this has been wholly superseded by the Soncino translation. (see below, under Full text resources).
The Babylonian Talmud: A Translation and Commentary, edited by Jacob Neusner[108] and translated by Jacob Neusner, Tzvee Zahavy, Alan Avery-Peck, B. Barry Levy, Martin S. Jaffe, and Peter Haas, Hendrickson; 22-volume set ed., 2011. It is a revision of The Talmud of Babylonia: An Academic Commentary, published by the University of South Florida Academic Commentary Series (1994–1999). Neusner gives commentary on transition in use langes from Biblical Aramaic to Biblical Hebrew. Neusner also gives references to Mishnah, Torah, and other classical works in Orthodox Judaism.
Translations into other languages
The Extractiones de Talmud, a Latin translation of some 1,922 passages from the Talmud, was made in Paris in 1244–1245. It survives in two recensions. There is a critical edition of the sequential recension:
Cecini, Ulisse; Cruz Palma, Óscar Luis de la, eds. (2018). Extractiones de Talmud per ordinem sequentialem. Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis 291. Brepols.
The Talmud was translated by Shimon Moyal into Arabic in 1909.[111] There is one translation of the Talmud into Arabic, published in 2012 in Jordan by the Center for Middle Eastern Studies. The translation was carried out by a group of 90 Muslim and Christian scholars.[112] The introduction was characterized by Raquel Ukeles, Curator of the Israel National Library's Arabic collection, as "racist", but she considers the translation itself as "not bad".[113]
In 2018, Muslim-majority Albania co-hosted an event at the United Nations with Catholic-majority Italy and Jewish-majority Israel celebrating the translation of the Talmud into Italian for the first time.[114] Albanian UN Ambassador Besiana Kadare opined: "Projects like the Babylonian Talmud Translation open a new lane in intercultural and interfaith dialogue, bringing hope and understanding among people, the right tools to counter prejudice, stereotypical thinking and discrimination. By doing so, we think that we strengthen our social traditions, peace, stability – and we also counter violent extremist tendencies."[115]
In 2012, a first volume of the Talmud Bavli was published in Spanish by Tashema. It was translated in Jerusalem under the yeshiva directed by Rav Yaakov Benaim. It includes the translation and explanation of the Mishnah and Gemara, and the commentaries by Rashi and Tosafot. As of 2023, 19 volumes have been published.[116][117]
Index
"A widely accepted and accessible index"[118] was the goal driving several such projects.:
Mafteah haTalmud (1910-1930). Breslau: D. Rotenberg. The individual work of Michael Guttmann [he]. Only four volumes were released before the remainder was lost in manuscript during The Holocaust.[119]
The first complete edition of the Babylonian Talmud was printed in Venice by Daniel Bomberg between 1520 and 1523[123][124][125][126] with the support of Pope Leo X.[127][128][129][130] In addition to the Mishnah and Gemara, Bomberg's edition contained the commentaries of Rashi and Tosafot. Almost all printings since Bomberg have followed the same pagination. Bomberg's edition was considered relatively free of censorship.[131]
Froben Talmud 1578
Ambrosius Frobenius collaborated with the scholar Israel Ben Daniel Sifroni from Italy. His most extensive work was a Talmud edition published, with great difficulty, in 1578–1581.[132]
Benveniste Talmud 1645
Following Ambrosius Frobenius's publication of most of the Talmud in installments in Basel, Immanuel Benveniste published the whole Talmud in installments in Amsterdam 1644–1648,[133] Although according to Raphael Rabbinovicz the Benveniste Talmud may have been based on the Lublin Talmud and included many of the censors' errors.[134] It is noteworthy due to the inclusion of Avodah Zarah, omitted due to Church censorship from several previous editions, and when printed, often lacking a title page.[135]
Slavita Talmud 1795 and Vilna Talmud 1835
The edition of the Talmud published by the Szapira brothers in Slavita[136] was published in 1817,[137] and it is particularly prized by many rebbes of Hasidic Judaism. In 1835, after a religious community copyright[138][139][attribution needed] was nearly over,[140] and following an acrimonious dispute with the Szapira family, a new edition of the Talmud was printed by Menachem Romm of Vilna.
Known as the Vilna Edition Shas, this edition (and later ones printed by his widow and sons, the Romm publishing house) has been used in the production of more recent editions of Talmud Bavli.
A page number in the Vilna Talmud refers to a double-sided page, known as a daf, or folio in English; each daf has two amudim labeled א and ב, sides A and B (recto and verso). The convention of referencing by daf is relatively recent and dates from the early Talmud printings of the 17th century, though the actual pagination goes back to the Bomberg edition. Earlier rabbinic literature generally refers to the tractate or chapters within a tractate (e.g. Berachot Chapter 1, ברכות פרק א׳). It sometimes also refers to the specific Mishnah in that chapter, where "Mishnah" is replaced with "Halakha", here meaning route, to "direct" the reader to the entry in the Gemara corresponding to that Mishna (e.g. Berachot Chapter 1 Halakha 1, ברכות פרק א׳ הלכה א׳, would refer to the first Mishnah of the first chapter in Tractate Berachot, and its corresponding entry in the Gemara). However, this form is nowadays more commonly (though not exclusively) used when referring to the Jerusalem Talmud. Nowadays, reference is usually made in format [Tractate daf a/b] (e.g. Berachot 23b, ברכות כג ב׳). Increasingly, the symbols "." and ":" are used to indicate Recto and Verso, respectively (thus, e.g. Berachot 23:, :ברכות כג). These references always refer to the pagination of the Vilna Talmud.
The text of the Vilna editions is considered by scholars not to be uniformly reliable, and there have been a number of attempts to collate textual variants.
In the late 19th century, Nathan Rabinowitz published a series of volumes called Dikduke Soferim showing textual variants from early manuscripts and printings.
In 1960, work started on a new edition under the name of Gemara Shelemah (complete Gemara) under the editorship of Menachem Mendel Kasher: only the volume on the first part of tractate Pesachim appeared before the project was interrupted by his death. This edition contained a comprehensive set of textual variants and a few selected commentaries.
Some thirteen volumes have been published by the Institute for the Complete Israeli Talmud (a division of Yad Harav Herzog), on lines similar to Rabinowitz, containing the text and a comprehensive set of textual variants (from manuscripts, early prints and citations in secondary literature) but no commentaries.[141]
There have been critical editions of particular tractates (e.g., Henry Malter's edition of Ta'anit), but there is no modern critical edition of the whole Talmud. Modern editions such as those of the Oz ve-Hadar Institute correct misprints and restore passages that in earlier editions were modified or excised by censorship but do not attempt a comprehensive account of textual variants. One edition, by Yosef Amar,[142] represents the Yemenite tradition, and takes the form of a photostatic reproduction of a Vilna-based print to which Yemenite vocalization and textual variants have been added by hand, together with printed introductory material. Collations of the Yemenite manuscripts of some tractates have been published by Columbia University.[143]
Editions for a wider audience
A number of editions have been aimed at bringing the Talmud to a wider audience. Aside from the Steinsaltz and Artscroll/Schottenstein sets there are:
The Metivta edition, published by the Oz ve-Hadar Institute. This contains the full text in the same format as the Vilna-based editions,[144] with a full explanation in modern Hebrew on facing pages as well as an improved version of the traditional commentaries.[145]
A previous project of the same kind, called Talmud El Am, "Talmud to the people", was published in Israel in the 1960s–1980s. It contains Hebrew text, English translation and commentary by Arnost Zvi Ehrman, with short 'realia', marginal notes, often illustrated, written by experts in the field for the whole of Tractate Berakhot, 2 chapters of Bava Mezia and the halachic section of Qiddushin, chapter 1.
Tuvia's Gemara Menukad:[144] includes vowels and punctuation (nekudot), including for Rashi and Tosafot.[144] It also includes "all the abbreviations of that amud on the side of each page."[146][full citation needed]
Incomplete sets from prior centuries
Amsterdam (1714, Proops Talmud and Marches/de Palasios Talmud): Two sets were begun in Amsterdam in 1714, a year in which "acrimonious disputes between publishers within and between cities" regarding reprint rights also began. The latter ran 1714–1717. Neither set was completed, although a third set was printed between 1752 and 1765.[138]
Other notable editions
Lazarus Goldschmidt published an edition from the "uncensored text" of the Babylonian Talmud with a German translation in 9 volumes (commenced Leipzig, 1897–1909; edition completed, following emigration to England in 1933, by 1936).[147]
Twelve volumes of the Babylonian Talmud were published by Mir Yeshiva refugees during the years 1942 thru 1946 while they were in Shanghai.[148] The major tractates, one per volume, were: "Shabbat, Eruvin, Pesachim, Gittin, Kiddushin, Nazir, Sotah, Bava Kama, Sanhedrin, Makot, Shevuot, Avodah Zara"[149] (with some volumes having, in addition, "Minor Tractates").[150]
A Survivors' Talmud was published, encouraged by President Truman's "responsibility toward these victims of persecution" statement. The U.S. Army (despite "the acute shortage of paper in Germany") agreed to print "fifty copies of the Talmud, packaged into 16-volume sets" during 1947–1950.[151] The plan was extended: 3,000 copies, in 19-volume sets.
In visual arts
In Carl Schleicher's paintings
Rabbis and Talmudists studying and debating Talmud abound in the art of Austrian painter Carl Schleicher (1825–1903); active in Vienna, especially c. 1859–1871.
Solomon's Haggadoth, bronze relief from the Knesset Menorah, Jerusalem, by Benno Elkan, 1956
Hilel's Teachings, bronze relief from the Knesset Menorah
Jewish Mysticism: Jochanan ben Sakkai, bronze relief from the Knesset Menorah
Yemenite Jews studying Torah in Sana'a
Reception outside of Judaism
Christianity
The study of Talmud is not restricted to those of the Jewish religion and has attracted interest in other cultures. Christian scholars have long shown interest in the study of the Talmud, which has helped illuminate their own scriptures. The Talmud contains biblical exegesis and commentary on the Tanakh that often clarifies elliptical and esoteric passages. The Talmud contains possible references to Jesus and his disciples, while the Christian canon mentions Talmudic figures and contains teachings that can be paralleled in the Talmud and Midrash. The Talmud provides cultural and historical context to the Gospel and the writings of the Apostles.[153]
South Korea
South Koreans reportedly hope to emulate Jews' high academic standards by studying Jewish literature. Almost every household has a translated copy of a book they call "Talmud", which parents read to their children, and the book is part of the primary-school curriculum.[154][155] The "Talmud" in this case is usually one of several possible volumes, the earliest translated into Korean from the Japanese. The original Japanese books were created through the collaboration of Japanese writer Hideaki Kase and Marvin Tokayer, an Orthodox American rabbi serving in Japan in the 1960s and 70s. The first collaborative book was 5,000 Years of Jewish Wisdom: Secrets of the Talmud Scriptures, created over a three-day period in 1968 and published in 1971. The book contains actual stories from the Talmud, proverbs, ethics, Jewish legal material, biographies of Talmudic rabbis, and personal stories about Tokayer and his family. Tokayer and Kase published a number of other books on Jewish themes together in Japanese.[156]
The first South Korean publication of 5,000 Years of Jewish Wisdom was in 1974, by Tae Zang publishing house. Many different editions followed in both Korea and China, often by black-market publishers. Between 2007 and 2009, Yong-soo Hyun of the Shema Yisrael Educational Institute published a 6-volume edition of the Korean Talmud, bringing together material from a variety of Tokayer's earlier books. He worked with Tokayer to correct errors and Tokayer is listed as the author. Tutoring centers based on this and other works called "Talmud" for both adults and children are popular in Korea and "Talmud" books (all based on Tokayer's works and not the original Talmud) are widely read and known.[156]
Scholars point out that many of these criticisms are either outright falsehoods or based on quotations that are misrepresented or taken out of context. Some critics misrepresent the meaning of the Talmud's text; it is a detailed record of discussions that preserved statements by and disagreements among a variety of sages, a record of debate from which rejected statements and opinions were never edited out.[174]
Middle Ages
At the very time that the Babyloniansavoraim put the finishing touches to the redaction of the Talmud, the emperorJustinian issued his edict against deuterosis (doubling, repetition) of the Hebrew Bible.[175] It is disputed whether, in this context, deuterosis means "Mishnah" or "Targum": in patristic literature, the word is used in both senses.
Full-scale attacks on the Talmud took place in the 13th century in France, where Talmudic study was then flourishing. In the 1230s Nicholas Donin, a Jewish convert to Christianity, pressed 35 charges against the Talmud to Pope Gregory IX by translating a series of allegedly blasphemous passages about Jesus, Mary or Christianity. There is a quoted Talmudic passage, for example, where a person named Yeshu who some people have claimed is Jesus of Nazareth is sent to Gehenna to be boiled in excrement for eternity. Donin also selected an injunction of the Talmud that permits Jews to kill non-Jews. This led to the Disputation of Paris, which took place in 1240 at the court of Louis IX of France, where four rabbis, including Yechiel of Paris and Moses ben Jacob of Coucy, defended the Talmud against the accusations of Nicholas Donin. The translation of the Talmud from Aramaic to non-Jewish languages stripped Jewish discourse from its covering, something that was resented by Jews as a profound violation.[176] The Disputation of Paris led to the condemnation and the first burning of copies of the Talmud in Paris in 1242.[177][178][c] The burning of copies of the Talmud continued.[179][full citation needed]
The Talmud was likewise the subject of the Disputation of Barcelona in 1263 between Nahmanides and Pablo Christiani, a Jewish convert to Christianity, in which they argued whether Jesus was the messiah prophesized in Judaism. This same Pablo Christiani made an attack on the Talmud that resulted in a papal bull against the Talmud and in the first censorship, which was undertaken at Barcelona by a commission of Dominicans, who ordered the cancellation of passages deemed objectionable from a Christian perspective (1264).[180][181]
At the Disputation of Tortosa in 1413, Geronimo de Santa Fé brought forward a number of accusations, including the fateful assertion that the condemnations of "pagans", "heathens", and "apostates" found in the Talmud were, in reality, veiled references to Christians. These assertions were denied by the Jewish community and its scholars, who contended that Judaic thought made a sharp distinction between those classified as heathen or pagan, being polytheistic, and those who acknowledge one true God (such as the Christians) even while worshipping the true monotheistic God incorrectly. Thus, Jews viewed Christians as misguided and in error, but not among the "heathens" or "pagans" discussed in the Talmud.[181]
Both Pablo Christiani and Geronimo de Santa Fé, in addition to criticizing the Talmud, also regarded it as a source of authentic traditions, some of which could be used as arguments in favor of Christianity. Examples of such traditions were statements that the Messiah was born around the time of the destruction of the Temple and that the Messiah sat at the right hand of God.[182]
In 1415, Antipope Benedict XIII, who had convened the Tortosa disputation, issued a papal bull (which was destined, however, to remain inoperative) forbidding the Jews to read the Talmud, and ordering the destruction of all copies of it. Far more important were the charges made in the early part of the 16th century by the convert Johannes Pfefferkorn, the agent of the Dominicans. The result of these accusations was a struggle in which the emperor and the pope acted as judges, the advocate of the Jews being Johann Reuchlin, who was opposed by the obscurantists; and this controversy, which was carried on for the most part by means of pamphlets, became in the eyes of some a precursor of the Reformation.[181][183]
Renaissance
An unexpected result of this affair was the complete printed edition of the Babylonian Talmud issued in 1520 by Daniel Bomberg at Venice, under the protection of a papal privilege.[184] Three years later, in 1523, Bomberg published the first edition of the Jerusalem Talmud. In 1553, during the heightened tensions of the Counter-Reformation and following the Bragadin-Giustiniani dispute, new attacks were made again the Talmud and the Roman Inquisition advocated the burning of the Talmud.[185] The primary reason was not that the Talmud contained alleged blasphemies but that the Inquisition saw the Talmud as an obstacle in the conversion of Jews to Christianity.[186] Thus, on the New Year, Rosh Hashanah (September 9, 1553) the copies of the Talmud confiscated by a decree of the Inquisition and burned in Campo de' Fiori in Rome.[185] Other burnings took place in other Italian cities, such as the one instigated by Joshua dei Cantori at Cremona in 1559.
Censorship of the Talmud and other Hebrew works was introduced by a papal bull issued in 1554; five years later the Talmud was included in the first Index Expurgatorius. In 1564, Pope Pius IV abolished the prohibition against the Talmud, but decreed that it would need to be censored and could not have "Talmud" written on its title page.[186] The convention of referring to the work as "Shas" (shishah sidre Mishnah) instead of "Talmud" dates from this time.[187]
The first edition of the expurgated Talmud, on which most subsequent editions were based, appeared at Basel (1578–1581) with the omission of the entire treatise of 'Abodah Zarah and of passages considered inimical to Christianity, together with modifications of certain phrases. In 1581, however, Pope Gregory XIII ordered the confiscation of all Hebrew books including the Talmud and though his successor Sixtus V renounced this policy and preparations were made for a new edition of the Talmud, the successor of Sixtus V, Clement VIII Clement VIII renewed in his bull Cum hebraeorum malitia the 1557 ban on all Hebrew books except the Bible.[186] The increasing study of the Talmud in Poland led to the issue of a complete edition (Kraków, 1602–1605), with a restoration of the original text; an edition containing, so far as known, only two treatises had previously been published at Lublin (1559–1576). After an attack on the Talmud took place in Poland (in what is now Ukrainian territory) in 1757, when Bishop Dembowski, at the instigation of the Frankists, convened a public disputation at Kamieniec Podolski, and ordered all copies of the work found in his bishopric to be confiscated and burned.[188] A "1735 edition of Moed Katan, printed in Frankfurt am Oder" is among those that survived from that era.[148] "Situated on the Oder River, three separate editions of the Talmud were printed there between 1697 and 1739."[attribution needed]
The external history of the Talmud includes also the literary attacks made upon it by some Christian theologians after the Reformation since these onslaughts on Judaism were directed primarily against that work, the leading example being Eisenmenger's Entdecktes Judenthum (Judaism Unmasked) (1700).[189][190][191] In contrast, the Talmud was a subject of rather more sympathetic study by many Christian theologians, jurists and Orientalists from the Renaissance on, including Johann Reuchlin, John Selden, Petrus Cunaeus, John Lightfoot and Johannes Buxtorf father and son.[192] The Flemish scholar Andreas Masius considered that the attack on the Talmud and Hebrew literature would result in greatest damage to Christianity and that a certain knowledge of rabbinic literature was necessary for Christian studies.[186]
19th century and after
Babylonian Talmud, published by the Shapiro brothers' printing house in Zhytomyr, tractates "Avodah Zarah" (1858) and "Sanhedrin" (1859). Collection of the Museum "Jewish Memory and Holocaust in Ukraine" (Dnipro, Ukraine)
The Vilna edition of the Talmud was subject to Russian government censorship, or self-censorship to meet government expectations, though this was less severe than some previous attempts: the title "Talmud" was retained and the tractate Avodah Zarah was included. Most modern editions are either copies of or closely based on the Vilna edition, and therefore still omit most of the disputed passages. Although they were not available for many generations, the removed sections of the Talmud, Rashi, Tosafot and Maharsha were preserved through rare printings of lists of errata, known as Chesronos Hashas ("Omissions of the Talmud").[193] Many of these censored portions were recovered from uncensored manuscripts in the Vatican Library. Some modern editions of the Talmud contain some or all of this material, either at the back of the book, in the margin, or in its original location in the text.[194]
In 1830, during a debate in the French Chamber of Peers regarding state recognition of the Jewish faith, Admiral Verhuell declared himself unable to forgive the Jews whom he had met during his travels throughout the world either for their refusal to recognize Jesus as the Messiah or for their possession of the Talmud.[195][full citation needed] In the same year the Abbé Chiarini published a voluminous work entitled Théorie du Judaïsme, in which he announced a translation of the Talmud, advocating for the first time a version that would make the work generally accessible, and thus serve for attacks on Judaism: only two out of the projected six volumes of this translation appeared.[196] In a like spirit 19th-century antisemitic agitators often urged that a translation be made; and this demand was even brought before legislative bodies, as in Vienna. The Talmud and the "Talmud Jew" thus became objects of antisemitic attacks, for example in August Rohling's Der Talmudjude (1871), although, on the other hand, they were defended by many Christian students of the Talmud, notably Hermann Strack.[197]
Historians Will and Ariel Durant noted a lack of consistency between the many authors of the Talmud, with some tractates in the wrong order, or subjects dropped and resumed without reason. According to the Durants, the Talmud "is not the product of deliberation, it is the deliberation itself."[201]
Contemporary accusations
The Internet is another source of criticism of the Talmud.[200] The Anti-Defamation League's report on this topic states that antisemitic critics of the Talmud frequently use erroneous translations or selective quotations in order to distort the meaning of the Talmud's text, and sometimes fabricate passages. In addition, the critics rarely provide the full context of the quotations and fail to provide contextual information about the culture that the Talmud was composed in, nearly 2,000 years ago.[202]
One such example concerns the line: "If a Jew be called upon to explain any part of the rabbinic books, he ought to give only a false explanation. One who transgresses this commandment will be put to death." This is alleged to be a quote from a book titled Libbre David (alternatively Livore David ). No such book exists in the Talmud or elsewhere.[203] The title is assumed to be a corruption of Dibre David, a work published in 1671.[204] Reference to the quote is found in an early Holocaust denial book, The Six Million Reconsidered by William Grimstad.[205]
In addition there have been fabricated interpretations such as the 19th-century antisemitic book "The Talmudic Jew" by German Catholic theologian August Rohling,[206][207] a popular text with the anti-Jewish newspaper Der Stürmer in the years leading up to the Holocaust and the rise of the Third Reich.[208][209] The book, which claims to lift passages from the Talmud has been utilized by antisemites like internet personality Candace Owens as justification for anti-Jewish bigotry, making ahistorical and conspiratorial claims about Jewish influence.[210]
The Mishnah is a written compendium of the Oral Torah. In this context, the terms Talmud and Gemara are essentially interchangeable.
As Yonah Fraenkel shows in his book Darko Shel Rashi be-Ferusho la-Talmud ha-Bavli, one of Rashi's major accomplishments was textual emendation. Rabbenu Tam, Rashi's grandson and one of the central figures in the Tosafist academies, polemicizes against textual emendation in his less studied work Sefer ha-Yashar. However, the Tosafists, too, emended the Talmudic text (see, e.g., Baba Kamma 83b s.v. af haka'ah ha'amurah or Gittin 32a s.v. mevutelet), as did many other medieval commentators (see, e.g., R. Shlomo ben Aderet, Hiddushei ha-Rashb"a al ha-Sha"s to Baba Kamma 83b, or Rabbenu Nissim's commentary to Alfasi on Gittin 32a).
For a Hebrew account of the Paris Disputation, see Jehiel of Paris, "The Disputation of Jehiel of Paris" (Hebrew), in Collected Polemics and Disputations, ed. J. D. Eisenstein, Hebrew Publishing Company, 1922; Translated and reprinted by Hyam Maccoby in Judaism on Trial: Jewish-Christian Disputations in the Middle Ages, 1982
Safrai, S. (1969). "The Era of the Mishnah and Talmud (70–640)". In Ben-Sasson, H.H. (ed.). A History of the Jewish People. Translated by Weidenfeld, George. Harvard University Press (published 1976). p. 379. ISBN9780674397316. The influence of the Babylonian geonim ... also weighted the scales in favour of the Talmud of their land, which they introduced and taught in all the Diaspora communities of the Middle Ages, as well as in the Land of Israel. Thus the Babylonian Talmud gained primary influence on Jewish history throughout the ages. It became the basic - and in many places almost the exclusive ~ asset of Jewish tradition, the foundation of all Jewish thought and aspirations and the guide for the daily life of the Jew. Other components of national culture were made known only in so far as they were embedded in the Talmud. In almost every period and community until the modern age, the Talmud was the main object of Jewish study and education; all the external conditions and events of life seemed to be but passing incidents, and the only true, permanent reality was that of the Talmud.
Goldberg, Abraham (1987). "The Palestinian Talmud". In Safrai, Shmuel (ed.). The Literature of the Jewish People in the Period of the Second Temple and the Talmud, Volume 3 The Literature of the Sages. Brill. pp. 303–322. doi:10.1163/9789004275133_008. ISBN9789004275133.
Cohen, Barak S. (2017). For Out of Babylonia Shall Come Torah and the Word of the Lord from Nehar Peqod: The Quest for Babylonian Tannaitic Traditions. Brill. ISBN978-90-04-34702-1.
Schiffman, Lawrence (1991). From Text to Tradition: A History of Second Temple and Rabbinic Judaism. Ktav Publishing House. p. 227. ISBN978-0-88125-372-6.
Reynold Nicholson (2011). A Literary History of the Arabs. Project Gutenberg, with Fritz Ohrenschall, Turgut Dincer, Sania Ali Mirza. Retrieved May 20, 2021.
Amsler, Monika (2023). The Babylonian Talmud and late antique book culture. Cambridge: Cambridge university press. p. 127. ISBN978-1-009-29733-2.
Joseph Telushkin (26 April 1991), Literacy: The Most Important Things to Know About the Jewish Religion, Its People and Its History, HarperCollins, ISBN0-68808-506-7
Strack, Hermann L.; Stemberger, Günter; Bockmuehl, Markus N. A.; Strack, Hermann L. (1996). Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash (2nd Fortress Press ed.). Minneapolis, Minnesota: Fortress Press. ISBN978-0-8006-2524-5.
E.g. Pirkei Avot 5.21: "five for the Torah, ten for Mishnah, thirteen for the commandments, fifteen for talmud".
Rubenstein, Jeffrey L. (1999). Talmudic stories: narrative art, composition, and culture. Baltimore, Maryland; London: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN978-0-8018-6146-8.
David Halivni, Midrash, Mishnah, and Gemara: The Jewish Predilection for Justified Law (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), 93–101. ISBN9780674038158
Sáenz-Badillos, Ángel and John Elwolde. 1996. A history of the Hebrew language. pp. 170–171: "There is general agreement that two main periods of RH (Rabbinical Hebrew) can be distinguished. The first, which lasted until the close of the Tannaitic era (around 200 CE), is characterized by RH as a spoken language gradually developing into a literary medium in which the Mishnah, Tosefta, baraitot, and Tannaitic midrashim would be composed. The second stage begins with the Amoraim, and sees RH being replaced by Aramaic as the spoken vernacular, surviving only as a literary language. Then it continued to be used in later rabbinic writings until the 10th century in, for example, the Hebrew portions of the two Talmuds and in midrashic and haggadic literature."
Strauch Schick, Shana (2021). Intention in Talmudic law: between thought and deed. The Brill Reference Library of Judaism. Leiden Boston (Mass.): Brill. p. 10. ISBN978-90-04-43303-8.
Stemberger, Günter; Cordoni, Constanza; Langer, Gerhard (2016). Let the wise listen and add to their learning (Prov. 1:5): festschrift for Günter Stemberger on the occasion of his 75th birthday. Studia Judaica. Berlin; Boston, Massachusetts: De Gruyter. pp. 606–609. ISBN978-3-11-044103-1.
Amsler, Monika (2023). The Babylonian Talmud and late antique book culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 123. ISBN978-1-009-29733-2.
Kiel, Yishai (2016). Sexuality in the Babylonian Talmud: Christian and Sasanian contexts in late antiquity. New York City: Cambridge university press. p. 9. ISBN978-1-107-15551-0.
Secunda, Shai (2014). The Iranian Talmud: reading the Bavli in its Sasanian context. Divinations: rereading late ancient religion. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN978-0-8122-4570-7.
Amsler, Monika (2023). The Babylonian Talmud and late antique book culture. Cambridge: Cambridge university press. p. 128. ISBN978-1-009-29733-2.
On the precise date of Pirkoi's letter, see Gafni, I. (2009). "How Babylonia Became Zion: Shifting Identities in Late Antiquity". In Levine, L. I.; Schwartz, D. R. (eds.). Jewish Identities in Antiquity: Studies in Memory of Menahem Stern. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. p. 333 n. 2.
Amsler, Monika (2023). The Babylonian Talmud and late antique book culture. Cambridge: Cambridge university press. pp. 127–131. ISBN978-1-009-29733-2.
As Pirkei Avot is a tractate of the Mishnah, and reached its final form centuries before the compilation of either Talmud, this refers to talmud as an activity rather than to any written compilation.
Steinsaltz, Adin (2006). "Chapter 1: What is the Talmud?". The Essential Talmud. Basic Books. pp. 3–9.
Al means 'on'. Derekh mean 'path'. PaShoot, the Hebrew root in ha-peshat, means 'simple'. The prefix ha- means 'the'. "691 Kapah". Archived from the original on 2019-10-03. Retrieved 2019-10-03. According to the plain sense (ve-al derekh ha-peshat)[full citation needed]
Ben Sasson, H. H. A History of the Jewish People. pp. 627, 717.
Kol Melechet Higgayon, the Hebrew translation of Averroes' epitome of Aristotle's logical works, was widely studied in northern Italy, particularly Padua.
Heller, Marvin J. (2021). Essays on the Making of the Early Hebrew Book. Brill. p. 513. ISBN9789004441163. However, in the Rebecca Bennet Publications (1959) Soncino edition of Shabbat and the Judaic and Socino Classics Library edition of that tractate the Ben Satda text appears in both the Hebrew and in the English translation, as well as in the Art Scroll Schottenstein edition of Shabbat.
64 volumes, including index and 'minor tractates'. The Babylonian Talmud. New York: Rebecca Bennet. 1959. Retrieved August 22, 2022.
Neusner, Jacob (2011). The Babylonian Talmud: A Translation and Commentary (22-volume set ed.). Peabody, Massachusetts: Hendrickson. ISBN9781598565263.
The source reads "he translated into Arabic part of the six Orders of the Mishnah".
Amnon Raz-Krakotzkin (2007). The Censor, the Editor, and the Text: The Catholic Church and the Shaping of the Jewish Canon in the Sixteenth Century. Trans. Jackie Feldman. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN978-0-8122-4011-5. p. 104
Battegay, Caspar; Lubrich, Naomi (2018). Jewish Switzerland: 50 Objects Tell Their Stories (in German and English). Basel: Christoph Merian. pp. 54–57. ISBN978-3-85616-847-6.
Christiane Berkvens-Stevelinck, Le Magasin De L'Univers – The Dutch Republic As the Centre of the European Book Trade. Brill's Studies in Intellectual History.
Marvin J. Heller (1999). Printing the Talmud: a history of the individual treatises. p. 239. "The Benveniste Talmud, according to Rabbinovicz, was based on the Lublin Talmud which included many of the censors' errors".
Heller, M. J. (2018). "Amsterdam: Benveniste Talmud". Printing the Talmud.
"A loan from the heart". Hamodia. February 12, 2015. Archived from the original on August 5, 2019. Retrieved June 25, 2019. ... a copy of the greatly valued Slavita Shas.
"embroiled leading rabbis in Europe .. rival editions of the Talmud"
The wording was that the sets printed could be sold. All full sets were sold, although individual volumes remained. The systems of dealers did not facilitate knowing exactly how many individual volumes were still in dealer hands.[citation needed]
The Universal Jewish Encyclopedia. Isaac Landman (1941). "His greatest work was the translation of the entire Babylonian Talmud into German, which, as it was made from the uncensored text and was the only complete translation in a European language, was of great value for students."[full citation needed]
Gittin. Rest of inside coverpage Hebrew, but bottom has (in English) Jewish Bookstore, J. Geseng, Shanghai, 1942: Eliezer, Sh.B. (October 29, 1999). "More on Holocaust Auctions on the Internet". The Jewish Press. p. 89.
The Talmud: The Steinsaltz Edition, pp. 103–104. See Heller, Marvin J. (1999). Printing the Talmud: a history of the individual treatises printed from 1700 to 1750. Basel: Brill Publishers. pp. 17, 166.
"The Talmud in Anti-Semitic Polemics"(PDF) (Press release). Anti-Defamation League. February 2003. Archived from the original(PDF) on August 5, 2010. Retrieved September 16, 2010. By selectively citing various passages from the Talmud and Midrash, polemicists have sought to demonstrate that Judaism espouses hatred for non-Jews (and specifically for Christians), and promotes obscenity, sexual perversion, and other immoral behavior. To make these passages serve their purposes, these polemicists frequently mistranslate them or cite them out of context (wholesale fabrication of passages is not unknown). ... In distorting the normative meanings of rabbinic texts, anti-Talmud writers frequently remove passages from their textual and historical contexts. Even when they present their citations accurately, they judge the passages based on contemporary moral standards, ignoring the fact that the majority of these passages were composed close to two thousand years ago by people living in cultures radically different from our own. They are thus able to ignore Judaism's long history of social progress and paint it instead as a primitive and parochial religion. Those who attack the Talmud frequently cite ancient rabbinic sources without noting subsequent developments in Jewish thought, and without making a good-faith effort to consult with contemporary Jewish authorities who can explain the role of these sources in normative Jewish thought and practice.
Levy, Richard S., Antisemitism: a historical encyclopedia of prejudice and persecution, Volume 2, ABC-CLIO, 2005. See articles: "Talmud Trials", "Entdecktes Judenthum", "The Talmud Jew", "David Duke", "August Rohling", and "Johannes Pfefferkorn".
Daniel Boyarin, Sephardi Speculation: A Study in Methods of Talmudic Interpretation (Hebrew), Machon Ben Zvi: Jerusalem, 1989
Yaakov Elman, "Order, Sequence, and Selection: The Mishnah’s Anthological Choices,” in David Stern, ed. The Anthology in Jewish Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004) 53–80
Y.N. Epstein, Mevo-ot le-Sifrut haTalmudim
Uziel Fuchs, Talmudam shel Geonim: yaḥasam shel geone Bavel lenosaḥ ha-Talmud ha-Bavli (The Geonic Talmud: the Attitude of Babylonian Geonim to the Text of the Babylonian Talmud): Jerusalem 2017
모세가 전하였다는 또 다른 율법 또는 아브라함 시대에 이미 있었을 것으로 여겨지는 구전들 중에서 율법을 담은 문서집인 미슈나(Mishnah)를 약 c.e 2-3(a.d 2-3)세기에 랍비 유다 하나시(Judah ha-Nasi)가 집대성하였고, 그것에 대하여 ‘종합’이라는 뜻의 후대 의견들인 게마라(Gemara)가 교차 편집된 것을 통칭하는 용어로서 전 6부 63편 또는 64편으로 구성되었다. 탈무드는 크게 바빌로니아 지방에서 전수된 바빌로니아 탈무드와 팔레스타인에서 편집된 예루살렘 탈무드로 분류된다.
유대인들에게 성서와 동일하게 중요시되는 탈무드는 랍비의 교시를 중심으로 한 현대 유대교의 주요 교파 다수의 기본 경전으로서 인정되고 이해되며 종교적 유대인의 생활과 신앙의 기반이다. 다만 어디까지나 히브리어, 아람어, 랍비 히브리어로 작성된 문서집만 경전으로서 인정될 뿐이며, 여타 언어 번역본은 의미를 정확하게 전달하지 못할 가능성이 농후하므로 그 자체의 해석에 대하여 유효한 것으로 간주되지 않는다. 예를 들어 탈무드를 인용하여 논증할 경우에 번역된 탈무드를 인용하는 것은 가능하나 그것이 어떠한 율법적 효력이 없다는 의미에서이다.
한국에 번역된 탈무드 이야기들은 탈무드에 들어있는 이야기(아가다)파트이며 실제 탈무드 상에서는 보다 심도 있는 성경 해석법과 통칭 거의 모든 인간 사회 전반의 철학적, 수학적, 인문학적, 역사적 질문들과 담론들을 진행한다. 때로는 후대 랍비들의 상충되는 견해를 그대로 여과없이 모두 서술한다. 그래서 탈무드는 때로는 해석 없이 볼 수 없기 때문에 이것을 공부하기 위하여 하브루타를 한다. 한국에 현재 일어나고 있는 하브루타 교수법은 이 방식을 채용한 것이지만, 근본적으로 모세 오경을 ‘고대 히브리어 문법으로’ 외우거나 읽지 않는 아이에게 탈무드 수업은 진행될 수 없는 사실을 배워온 하브루타 선생은 거의 찾아보기 어렵다. 랍비 유대교의 세상과 성경에 대한 해석이 탈무드라 볼 수 있다.
성립 과정
유대교의 전승을 보면, 신은 모세로 말미암아 기록된 토라와 다른, 구전으로써 구전할 율법을 내려주기도 했다고 한다. 이것이 구전된 율법이다. 이후 2세기 말경 당시 이스라엘 유대인 공동체장이었던 유다 하나시가 랍비들을 수차 소집하여 구전된 율법을 책으로서 체계로 작성하는 작업에 착수한 결과 완성된 문서집이 미슈나이다. 본래 구전으로써 구전된 내용이다. 일설에는 제일차 유대 전쟁을 체험하고 유대교 존폐에 위기를 느껴서 구전된 율법을 책으로 편찬하였다고 전한다. 이 미슈나에 주석이 첨부되는 과정에서 현재 판이한 내용인 두 탈무드 팔레스타인 탈무드와 바빌로니아 탈무드가 존재하게 되었다. 현대에 인정되는 탈무드는 바빌로니아 탈무드로서 6세기경에 현재 형태가 되었다. 당초 탈무드는 미슈나에 덧붙여진 방대한 주석이었지만, 이 주석부는 후에 게마라라고 불리게 되어 결국 탈무드라는 말은 미슈나와 게마라를 한데 아울러서 칭하는 용어로서 사용되었다.
유대인에게서 탈무드
"탈무드는 유대교의 경전이다."라는 설명이 지금까지 미국에서는 횡행하지만, 실제로 탈무드의 권위는 랍비의 권위이기도 해서 랍비의 권위를 인정하지 않는 처지에서 탈무드의 권위를 인정하지 않는 유대교 종파도 많이 존재한다. 그 대표 유대교인 카라이테 유대교(히브리어:יהדות קראית)에서는 모세의 토라만을 경전으로서 인정하고 랍비 문서인 탈무드의 권위를 인정하지 않는다. 또한, 유대교인 삽바티안(히브리어:שבתיאן)의 맥을 잇는 많은 유대교 종파에서는 탈무드를 오히려 부정한다.
구성
유대교에서 자고로 이어져 내려오는 습관과 율법이 기록된 탈무드는 구전되던 내용들을 3세기경에 글로써 엮은 미슈나와 이 내용을 주석한 여러 글을 모은 게마라로서 구성되었다. 특히 게마라에는 자고로 이어져 내려오는 율법과 관습을 주제로 하여 랍비들이 벌인 다양한 논쟁이 기록되어 있다. 유대 학자들은 논쟁에서 드러난 사유하는 과정을 결론만큼 중시하나 논쟁한 내용이 아주 복잡하므로 후대 학자들은 랍비들이 사용하던 언어인 아람어를 이용하여 원전을 읽고서 하는 주석에 난항을 겪어 왔다. 학계에서는 Rabbi Even Israel Adin steinsaltz스타인잘츠가 아람어를 유대인이 사용하는 언어인 히브리어로 번역한 덕에 후속하는 연구에 탄력이 더 붙으리라고 전망한다. 또 스타인잘츠는 탈무드 일부 내용을 발췌하여 불어, 러시아어, 스페인어어, 영어로도 번역하였다. 게마라는 미슈나와 기타 타나크를 다룬 주석과 논의를 500년경에 정리한 문적이다. 탈무드와 게마라는 가끔 혼용되기도 한다. 게마라는 랍비 율법의 기반이고 여타 랍비 문서에도 자주 인용된다. 이런 탈무드를 전통상 통칭하는 말인 샤스(히브리어:ש"ס)는 히브리어 시샤 세다림(shisha sedarim)의 약자로서 미슈나의 여섯 부(部)를 뜻한다.
탈무드 ( 히브리어 :תלמודTalmud, 「연구」의 의)는, 유대교 의 「구전율법」과 학자들의 논의를 적어둔 논의집이다. 6부 구성, 63편으로 이루어져 랍비의 가르침을 중심으로 한 현대 유대교 의 주요 교파의 대부분이 성전 으로 인정하고 있으며, 유대교도 의 생활·신앙의 기초가 되고 있다. 다만, 성전으로 인정되는 것은 어디까지나 히브리어 로 기술된 것뿐이며, 다른 언어로 번역된 것에 대해서는 의미를 정확하게 전하지 않을 가능성이 있다고 해서 성전으로 간주되지 않는다. 예루살렘 탈무드 ( 히브리어판 ) 와 대비하여 바빌로니아 탈무드 ( 히브리어판 ) 라고 불리는 경우가 있다.
성립 과정
유대교의 전승에 의하면, 하나님은 모세에게 쓰여진 톨러 와는 다른 구전으로 전해야 할 율법을 주셨다고 한다. 이것이 구전율법 (구전의 토러)이다.
시대가 올라 2세기 말쯤 당시 이스라엘 에서 다윗 왕의 자손을 칭하고 유대인 공동체의 장이었던 유다 하나시 ( 하나시는 칭호)가 복수의 랍비 들을 소집해 생활의 규범을 나타내는 것으로 구전율법을 서적으로 체계적으로 기술하는 작업에 착수했다. 그 결과 완성된 문서군이 「미슈나」이다. 본래 구전으로 전해야 할 구전율법이 굳이 서적으로 편찬된 이유는 일설에는 제1차 · 제2차 유대전쟁 을 경험하기에 이르러 유대교의 존속에 위기감을 갖고 있었기 때문이라고도 한다.
이 미슈나에 대해 상세한 해설이 붙게 되면 그 과정에서 예루살렘 탈무드(또는 팔레스타인 탈무트), 바빌로니아 탈무드라고 불리는 내용의 완전히 다른 2종류의 탈무드가 존재하게 된다. 현대에서 탈무드로 인식되고 있는 것은 후자의 바빌로니아 탈무드로, 5세기 말에 결집되어 6세기경에는 현재의 형태가 되었다고 생각되고 있다 [ 1 ] . 예루살렘 탈무드는 4세기 말에 결집되었다고 한다 [ 2 ] .
당초 탈무드로 불리고 있던 것은 미슈나에 덧붙여진 방대한 해설문이었지만, 이 해설 부분은 나중에 '게 마라 '라고 불리게 되었고, 이윽고 탈무드라는 말은 미슈나와 게말라를 합친 전체를 가리키는 말로 사용되게 되었다.
유대인들에게 탈무드
"탈무드는 유대교도의 성전이다."라는 해설이 지금까지 일본에서는 많이 이루어지고 있지만, 실제로 탈무드의 권위는 랍비 (교사)의 권위이기도 하다. 그 때문에, 후세에 있어서의 랍비의 권위를 인정하지 않는 입장에서는 탈무드의 권위를 인정하지 않게 되어, 탈무드의 권위를 인정하지 않는 유대교의 종파도 적지 않고 존재한다.
그 대표라고도 말할 수 있는 것이 카라이파로 , 모세의 톨러 만을 성전으로 해 랍비 문서의 권위를 인정하고 있지 않다. 또 샤브타이파 (사바타이파)의 흐름을 펌핑하는 유대교 에서는 오히려 탈무드를 부정한다는 입장을 취한다.
구성
바빌로니아 탈무드 전권
미슈너를 중앙에 배치하고 그 주위에 게머러를 기술하는 형식으로 되어 있다. 탈무드는 매우 방대하고 복잡하며, 무게는 약 75킬로, 페이지수로 환산하면 1만2000페이지에 이른다 [ 3 ] . 일본에서 출판되고 있는 탈무드에 관한 서적은 그 극히 일부를 발췌한 것으로, 완전한 번역본은 존재하지 않는다.
탈무드의 완성 후 그 내용을 연구, 해설하는 것은 유대교 학문에 필수적인 것이 되었다. 미슈너의 장 중 하나인 ' 아보트 '에 있는 격언에서는 15세부터 탈무드를 배우는 것이 제창되고 있다.
바빌로니아 탈무드에서 가장 잘 알려진 주석은 중세 프랑스 탈무드 학자였던 라시 (Rabbi Shelomo ben Isaac, 1040년~1105년)에 의해 쓰여졌다. 12~14세기에 활동한 라시 학파의 학자는, 라시의 주해에 추가 주석을 더하는 토사피스트 라고 불렸다 [ 5 ] . 라시의 해설은 이후의 탈무드 연구에 큰 영향을 미치고 있으며, 16세기의 첫 인쇄 이후 탈무드의 모든 버전에 라시의 주석이 포함되어 있다.
탈무드 학습을 위한 시설로서 예시버 라고 불리는 학원이 이스라엘이나 미국 각지에 존재한다.
세계 각지의 유대인이 동시에 탈무드의 전 2711의 폴리오(양면 페이지)를 하루 1개씩 학습해, 약 7년 반의 사이클로 모든 내용을 배우는 시도 「다프 요미」(Daf Yomi)가 1923년 이후 행해지고 있다. 다프·요미의 사이클이 완료되면, 학습의 완료를 축하하는 이벤트 「시유무하샤스」(Siyum HaShas)가 개최된다 [ 6 ] .