Showing posts with label Thoreau. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Thoreau. Show all posts

2021/02/03

What Mary Oliver’s Critics Don’t Understand | The New Yorker

Kerry O'Regan
3 etmiSSapFonnscetbirhuoatryee r2eeh01d9ru  · 
Another Mary Oliver poem l've just come across: 

Song of the builders

I sat down
on a hillside
to think about God -
a worthy pastime. 
Near me, l saw
a single cricket;
It was moving the grains of the hillside
this way and that way.
How great was its energy,
how humble its effort.
Let us hope
it will always be like this,
each of us going on
in our inexplicable ways
building the universe.


What Mary Oliver’s Critics Don’t Understand | The New Yorker
What Mary Oliver’s Critics Don’t Understand

For America’s most beloved poet, paying attention to nature is a springboard to the sacred.
By Ruth Franklin

November 20, 2017
An illustration of Mary Oliver


Oliver uses nature as a springboard to the sacred—the beating heart of her
 work.Illustration by Deanna Halsall

“Mary Oliver is saving my life,” Paul Chowder, the title character of Nicholson Baker’s novel “The Anthologist,” scrawls in the margins of Oliver’s “New and Selected Poems, Volume One.” A struggling poet, Chowder is suffering from a severe case of writer’s block. His girlfriend, with whom he’s lived for eight years, has just left him, ostensibly because he has been unable to write the long-overdue introduction to a poetry anthology that he has been putting together. For solace and inspiration, he turns to poets who have been his touchstones—Louise Bogan, Theodore Roethke, Sara Teasdale—before discovering Oliver. In her work, he finds consolation: “I immediately felt more sure of what I was doing.” Of her poems, he says, “They’re very simple. And yet each has something.”

Coming from Chowder, this statement is a surprise. Yes, he’s a fictional character, but he’s precisely the kind of person who tends to look down on Mary Oliver’s poetry. (In fact, the entire Mary Oliver motif in “The Anthologist” may well be a sly joke on Baker’s part.) By any measure, Oliver is a distinguished and important poet. She published her first collection, “No Voyage and Other Poems,” in 1963, when she was twenty-eight; “American Primitive,” her fourth full-length book, won the Pulitzer Prize, in 1984, and “New and Selected Poems” won the National Book Award, in 1992. Still, perhaps because she writes about old-fashioned subjects—nature, beauty, and, worst of all, God—she has not been taken seriously by most poetry critics. None of her books has received a full-length review in the Times. In the Times’ capsule review of “Why I Wake Early” (2004), the nicest adjective the writer, Stephen Burt, could come up with for her work was “earnest.” In a Times essay disparaging an issue of the magazine O devoted to poetry, in which Oliver was interviewed by Maria Shriver, the critic David Orr wrote of her poetry that “one can only say that no animals appear to have been harmed in the making of it.” (The joke falls flat, considering how much of Oliver’s work revolves around the violence of the natural world.) Orr also laughed at the idea of using poetry to overcome personal challenges—“if it worked as self-help, you’d see more poets driving BMWs”—and manifested a general discomfort at the collision of poetry and popular culture. “The chasm between the audience for poetry and the audience for O is vast, and not even the mighty Oprah can build a bridge from empty air,” he wrote.

If anyone could build such a bridge, it might be Oliver. A few of her books have appeared on best-seller lists; she is often called the most beloved poet in America. Gwyneth Paltrow reads her, and so does Jessye Norman. Her poems are plastered all over Pinterest and Instagram, often in the form of inspirational memes. Cheryl Strayed used the final couplet of “The Summer Day,” probably Oliver’s most famous poem, as an epigraph to her popular memoir, “Wild”: “Tell me, what is it you plan to do / with your one wild and precious life?” Krista Tippett, interviewing Oliver for her radio show, “On Being,” referred to Oliver’s poem “Wild Geese,” which offers a consoling vision of the redemption possible in ordinary life, as “a poem that has saved lives.”

Oliver’s new book, “Devotions” (Penguin Press), is unlikely to change the minds of detractors. It’s essentially a greatest-hits compilation. But for her fans—among whom I, unashamedly, count myself—it offers a welcome opportunity to consider her body of work as a whole. Part of the key to Oliver’s appeal is her accessibility: she writes blank verse in a conversational style, with no typographical gimmicks. But an equal part is that she offers her readers a spiritual release that they might not have realized they were looking for. Oliver is an ecstatic poet in the vein of her idols, who include Shelley, Keats, and Whitman. She tends to use nature as a springboard to the sacred, which is the beating heart of her work. Indeed, a number of the poems in this collection are explicitly formed as prayers, albeit unconventional ones. As she writes in “The Summer Day”:

I don’t know exactly what a prayer is.
I do know how to pay attention, how to fall down
into the grass, how to kneel down in the grass,
how to be idle and blessed, how to stroll through the fields,
which is what I have been doing all day.

The cadences are almost Biblical. “Attention is the beginning of devotion,” she urges elsewhere.

Oliver, as a Times profile a few years ago put it, likes to present herself as “the kind of old-fashioned poet who walks the woods most days, accompanied by dog and notepad.” (The occasion for the profile was the release of a book of Oliver’s poems about dogs, which, naturally, endeared her further to her loyal readers while generating a new round of guffaws from her critics.) She picked up the habit as a child in Maple Heights, Ohio, where she was born, in 1935. Walking the woods, with Whitman in her knapsack, was her escape from an unhappy home life: a sexually abusive father, a neglectful mother. “It was a very dark and broken house that I came from,” she told Tippett. “To this day, I don’t care for the enclosure of buildings.” She began writing poetry at the age of thirteen. “I made a world out of words,” she told Shriver in the interview in O. “And it was my salvation.”

It was in childhood as well that Oliver discovered both her belief in God and her skepticism about organized religion. In Sunday school, she told Tippett, “I had trouble with the Resurrection. . . . But I was still probably more interested than many of the kids who did enter into the church.” Nature, however, with its endless cycles of death and rebirth, fascinated her. Walking in the woods, she developed a method that has become the hallmark of her poetry, taking notice simply of whatever happens to present itself. Like Rumi, another of her models, Oliver seeks to combine the spiritual life with the concrete: an encounter with a deer, the kisses of a lover, even a deformed and stillborn kitten. “To pay attention, this is our endless and proper work,” she writes.

In 1953, the day after she graduated from high school, Oliver left home. On a whim, she decided to drive to Austerlitz, in upstate New York, to visit Steepletop, the estate of the late poet Edna St. Vincent Millay. She and Millay’s sister Norma became friends, and Oliver “more or less lived there for the next six or seven years,” helping organize Millay’s papers. She took classes at Ohio State University and at Vassar, though without earning a degree, and eventually moved to New York City.

On a return visit to Austerlitz, in the late fifties, Oliver met the photographer Molly Malone Cook, ten years her senior. “I took one look and fell, hook and tumble,” she would later write. “M. took one look at me, and put on her dark glasses, along with an obvious dose of reserve.” Cook lived near Oliver in the East Village, where they began to see each other “little by little.” In 1964, Oliver joined Cook in Provincetown, Massachusetts, where Cook for several years operated a photography studio and ran a bookshop. (Among her employees was the filmmaker John Waters, who later remembered Cook as “a wonderfully gruff woman who allowed her help to be rude to obnoxious tourist customers.”) The two women remained together until Cook’s death, in 2005, at the age of eighty. All Oliver’s books, to that date, are dedicated to Cook.

During Oliver’s forty-plus years in Provincetown—she now lives in Florida, where, she says, “I’m trying very hard to love the mangroves”—she seems to have been regarded as a cross between a celebrity recluse and a village oracle. “I very much wished not to be noticed, and to be left alone, and I sort of succeeded,” she has said. She tells of being greeted regularly at the hardware store by the local plumber; he would ask how her work was going, and she his: “There was no sense of éliteness or difference.” On the morning the Pulitzer was announced, she was scouring the town dump for shingles to use on her house. A friend who had heard the news noticed her there and joked, “Looking for your old manuscripts?”

VIDEO FROM THE NEW YORKER
Surviving a Lynching

Oliver’s work hews so closely to the local landmarks—Blackwater Pond, Herring Cove Beach—that a travel writer at the Times once put together a self-guided tour of Provincetown using only Oliver’s poetry. She did occasional stints of teaching elsewhere, but for the most part stayed unusually rooted to her home base. “People say to me: wouldn’t you like to see Yosemite? The Bay of Fundy? The Brooks Range?” she wrote, in her essay collection “Long Life.” “I smile and answer, ‘Oh yes—sometime,’ and go off to my woods, my ponds, my sun-filled harbor, no more than a blue comma on the map of the world but, to me, the emblem of everything.” Like Joseph Mitchell, she collects botanical names: mullein, buckthorn, everlasting. Early poems often depict her foraging for food, gathering mussels, clams, mushrooms, or berries. It’s not an affectation—she and Cook, especially when they were starting out and quite poor, were known to feed themselves this way.

But the lives of animals—giving birth, hunting for food, dying—are Oliver’s primary focus. In comparison, the human is self-conscious, cerebral, imperfect. “There is only one question; / how to love this world,” Oliver writes, in “Spring,” a poem about a black bear, which concludes, “all day I think of her— / her white teeth, / her wordlessness, / her perfect love.” The child who had trouble with the concept of Resurrection in church finds it more easily in the wild. “These are the woods you love, / where the secret name / of every death is life again,” she writes, in “Skunk Cabbage.” Rebirth, for Oliver, is not merely spiritual but often intensely physical. The speaker in the early poem “The Rabbit” describes how bad weather prevents her from acting on her desire to bury a dead rabbit she’s seen outside. Later, she discovers “a small bird’s nest lined pale / and silvery and the chicks— / are you listening, death?—warm in the rabbit’s fur.” There are shades of E. E. Cummings, Oliver’s onetime neighbor in Manhattan, in that interjection.

What Mary Olivers Critics Dont Understand
Oliver can be an enticing celebrant of pure pleasure—in one poem she imagines herself, with a touch of eroticism, as a bear foraging for blackberries—but more often there is a moral to her poems. It tends to be an answer, or an attempt at an answer, to the question that seems to drive just about all Oliver’s work: How are we to live? “Wild Geese” opens with these lines:

You do not have to be good.
You do not have to walk on your knees
for a hundred miles through the desert repenting.
You only have to let the soft animal of your body
love what it loves.
Tell me about despair, yours, and I will tell you mine.

The speaker’s consolation comes from the knowledge that the world goes on, that one’s despair is only the smallest part of it—“May I be the tiniest nail in the house of the universe, tiny but useful,” Oliver writes elsewhere—and that everything must eventually find its proper place:

Whoever you are, no matter how lonely,
the world offers itself to your imagination,
calls to you like the wild geese, harsh and exciting—
over and over announcing your place
in the family of things.

In addition to Rumi, Oliver’s spiritual model for some of these poems might be Rainer Maria Rilke’s “Archaic Torso of Apollo,” a frequent reference point. Rilke’s poem, a tightly constructed sonnet, depicts the speaker confronting a broken statue of the god and ends with the abrupt exhortation “You must change your life.” Oliver’s “Swan,” a poem composed entirely in questions, presents an encounter with a swan rather than with a work of art, but to her the bird is similarly powerful. “And have you too finally figured out what beauty is for? / And have you changed your life?” the poem concludes. Similarly, “Invitation” asks the reader to linger and watch goldfinches engaged in a “rather ridiculous performance”:

It could mean something.
It could mean everything.
It could be what Rilke meant, when he wrote,
You must change your life.

Is it, in fact, what Rilke meant? His poem treats an encounter with a work of art that is also, somehow, an encounter with a god—a headless figure that nonetheless seems to see him and challenge him. We don’t know why it calls on him to change his life; or, if he chooses to heed its call, how he will transform; or what it is about the speaker’s life that now seems inadequate in the face of art, in the face of the god. The words come like a thunderbolt at the end of the poem, without preparation or warning.

In keeping with the American impulse toward self-improvement, the transformation Oliver seeks is both simpler and more explicit. Unlike Rilke, she offers a blueprint for how to go about it. Just pay attention, she says, to the natural world around you—the goldfinches, the swan, the wild geese. They will tell you what you need to know. With a few exceptions, Oliver’s poems don’t end in thunderbolts. Theirs is a gentler form of moral direction.

The poems in “Devotions” seem to have been chosen by Oliver in an attempt to offer a definitive collection of her work. More than half of them are from books published in the past twenty or so years. Since the new book, at Oliver’s direction, is arranged in reverse chronological order, this more recent work, in which her turn to prayer becomes even more explicit, sets the tone. In keeping with the title of the collection—one meaning of “devotion” is a private act of worship—many poems here would not feel out of place in a religious service, albeit a rather unconventional one. “Lord God, mercy is in your hands, pour / me a little,” she writes, in “Six Recognitions of the Lord.” “Praying” urges the reader to “just / pay attention, then patch / a few words together and don’t try / to make them elaborate, this isn’t / a contest but the doorway / into thanks.”

Although these poems are lovely, offering a singular and often startling way of looking at God, the predominance of the spiritual and the natural in the collection ultimately flattens Oliver’s range. For one thing, her love poetry—almost always explicitly addressed to a female beloved—is largely absent. “Our World,” a collection of Cook’s photographs that Oliver put together after her death, includes a poignant prose poem, titled “The Whistler,” about Oliver’s surprise at suddenly discovering, after three decades of cohabitation, that her partner can whistle. The whistling is so unexpected that Oliver at first wonders if a stranger is in the house. Her delight turns melancholic as she reflects on the inability to completely possess the beloved:

I know her so well, I think. I thought. Elbow and ankle. Mood and desire. Anguish and frolic. Anger too. And the devotions. And for all that, do we even begin to know each other? Who is this I’ve been living with for thirty years?

This clear, dark, lovely whistler?

Also missing is Oliver’s darker work, the poems that don’t allow for consolation. “Dream Work” (1986), her fifth and possibly her best book, comprises a weird chorus of disembodied voices that might come from nightmares, in poems detailing Oliver’s fear of her father and her memories of the abuse she suffered at his hands. The dramatic tension of that book derives from the push and pull of the sinister and the sublime, the juxtaposition of a poem about suicide with another about starfish. A similar dynamic is at work in “American Primitive,” which often finds the poet out of her comfort zone—in the ruins of a whorehouse, or visiting someone she loves in the hospital. More recently, “The Fourth Sign of the Zodiac” ruminates on a diagnosis of lung cancer she received in 2012. “Do you need a prod? / Do you need a little darkness to get you going?” the poem asks. “Let me be as urgent as a knife, then.”

We do need a little darkness to get us going. That side of Oliver’s work is necessary to fully appreciate her in her usual exhortatory or petitionary mode. Nobody, not even she, can be a praise poet all the time. The revelations, if they come, should feel hard-won. When Oliver picks her way through the violence and the despair of human existence to something close to a state of grace—a state for which, if the popularity of religion is any guide, many of us feel an inexhaustible yearning—her release seems both true and universal. As she puts it, “When you write a poem, you write it for anybody and everybody.” ♦

Published in the print edition of the November 27, 2017, issue, with the headline “The Art of Paying Attention.”
Ruth Franklin is the author of “Shirley Jackson: A Rather Haunted Life,” which won the National Book Critics Circle Award for biography in 2016.
===




Mary Oliver Helped Us Stay Amazed



By Rachel SymeJanuary 19, 2019








With her sensitive, astute compositions about interior revelations, Mary Oliver made herself one of the most beloved poets of her generation.Photograph by Mariana Cook

Mary Oliver was a poet who had Greatest Hits. She knew this. It amused her, more than anything—that a sonneteer who wrote mostly about the natural world could have a back catalogue that the public thought about at all, let alone printed out and hung over their desks, or clamored for at readings, or quoted at length on social media. In a 2001 talk to the Lannan Foundation, she introduced “Wild Geese”—which, with “The Summer Day,” is her poetic equivalent of an arena-rock ballad—with a sheepish acknowledgement of its popularity. “George Eliot and her husband, George Lewes, used to refer to some of the material goods that they had by the names of books,” she said. “They would take out their new set of dishes and say, These are the ‘Silas Marner’ dishes, or the ‘Mill on the Floss’ curtains. And we have at least a few cups and saucers that are the ‘Wild Geese’ cups and saucers in our household.”

Oliver died on Thursday, at the age of eighty-three, at her home, in Hobe Sound, Florida. But she spent most of her life near a far rockier beach, in the town of Provincetown, Massachusetts, where she lived, on and off, for more than forty years, with her long-term partner, the photographer Molly Malone Cook, who died in 2005. Oliver lived a profoundly simple life: she went on long walks through the woods and along the shoreline nearly every day, foraging for both greens and poetic material. She kept her eyes peeled, always, for animals, which she thought about with great intensity and intimacy, and which often appear in her work not so much as separate species but as kindred spirits. In her poem “August,” Oliver wrote about joy from the perspective of a gregarious bear: “In the dark / creeks that run by there is / this thick paw of my life darting among / the black bells, the leaves; there is / this happy tongue.” In 2013, she published “Dog Songs,” a book of poems and short prose pieces about the passionate attachments between humans and canines. She wrote verse after verse about a little rescue mutt named Percy, about how he gazed up at her “as though I were just as wonderful / as the perfect moon.”


With her consistent, shimmering reverence for flora and fauna, Oliver made herself one of the most beloved poets of her generation. She worked in the Romantic tradition of Wordsworth or Keats, but she also infused a distinctly American loneliness into her words—the solitary reflections of Thoreau gazing over a lake, or of Whitman peering from the Brooklyn Ferry at the shuffling tides below his feet. Hers were not poems about isolation, though, but about pushing beyond your own sense of emotional quarantine, even when you feel fear. Everywhere you look, in Oliver’s verse, you find threads of connectivity. In “The Fish,” in which she reflects on eating the first fish she ever caught, perhaps when she was a child growing up in Maple Heights, Ohio, she writes, “I am the fish, the fish / glitters in me; we are / risen, tangled together, certain to fall / back to the sea.” The affinity she felt for the animal kingdom was something more than a banal idea of “oneness”; it was about the mutual acknowledgement of pain. Whatever the fish felt at his moment of death, Oliver assumed, she, too, would feel. And together they would both become part of the infinite churn.

Oliver rarely discussed it, but she escaped a dark childhood. She told Maria Shriver, who interviewed her for a special poetry issue of Oprah magazine, in 2011, that she was sexually abused as a child. “I was very little,” she said. “But I had recurring nightmares; there’s damage.” We are just now starting to have broader cultural conversations about women’s trauma, about how so many women move through the world with heavy burdens. But for more than five decades Oliver gave voice to the process of confronting one’s dark places, of peering underneath toadstools and into stagnant ponds. And, when she looked there, she found forgiveness. She found grace. She found that she was allowed to love the world. When she writes, in her poem “When Death Comes,” “I want to say all my life / I was a bride married to amazement,” she tells us that wonder has to be earned. Marriages are hard work; they take nurturing and constant vigilance. By comparing herself to a bride, she yoked herself to being amazed; she gave herself the lifelong assignment, however difficult, of looking up.


When Oliver died, the first thing that I felt, after sadness, was a kind of roiling anger at her critics, who dogged her throughout her lifetime. To her credit, Oliver did not seem much to mind. She rarely gave interviews, and they were invariably gracious and urbane and free of bitterness. As one of her former students wrote on Twitter, “she didn’t even like the phone or attention.” But the critics were there, calling her poetry simplistic, her verse plain. In the Times, in 2011, David Orr wrote, of her work, “one can only say that no animals appear to have been harmed in the making of it”; he added, referring to Oprah’s poetry issue, which prominently featured Oliver, if poetry “worked as self-help, you’d see more poets driving BMWs.” Despite her numerous accolades—the National Book Award, in 1992; the Pulitzer, in 1984—the Times did not publish a full review of any Oliver book during her lifetime.



As Ruth Franklin wrote in a New Yorker profile in 2017, on the occasion of the release of her anthology “Devotions,” Oliver wrote fundamentally accessible poems, “blank verse in a conversational style, with no typographical gimmicks.” She told NPR, in 2012, that poetry “mustn’t be fancy. I have the feeling that a lot of poets writing now, they sort of tap dance through it. I always feel that whatever isn’t necessary should not be in the poem.” Since Oliver died, I’ve seen an outpouring of messages from readers saying that they didn’t know how to love, or even like poetry, until they found her work. It was this accessibility, in the end, that made some critics bristle: they lambasted her—or, worse, ignored her—for being readable and having a throng of fervent (and mostly female) fans, several of whom started devotional blogs, such as “A Year’s Risings with Mary Oliver,” dedicated to reading her work as a daily, mindful practice. Oliver’s critics sneered, perhaps with a subconscious (or even purposeful) misogyny, at work that deals primarily with interior revelations and small, daily concerns and observances, like the sound of a lover whistling in another room, or the way kissing feels—“I know someone who kisses the way / a flower opens, but more rapidly.” They also made a category error: formally, Oliver’s sensitive, astute compositions have nothing in common with the kinds of bland “inspirational” poems that get stitched onto throw pillows or peddled as self-help. As my colleague Katy Waldman aptly put it, as we discussed our shared love of Oliver’s poetry earlier this week, “What happened with Oliver is that the market wanted lesser versions of her, and then snobs got confused.”

Of course, Oliver had no control over either her rapturous reception or her critical erasure. She did, however, want her poems to find readers. She told the radio host Krista Tippett that poetry “wishes for a community. It’s a community ritual, certainly.” And her work is so often invoked at communal gatherings—funerals, graduations—that her best lines, such as “Tell me, what is it you plan to do / with your one wild and precious life?,” from “The Summer Day,” have begun to sound like common prayer. But, as with all great poetry, there is pleasure in reading Oliver on one’s own. Her work rewards close, repeated readings, on a snowy day or after a long hike. I keep returning to her 2003 poem “Breakage,” in which her account of a morning walk by the sea becomes a metaphor for the work and pleasure of reading itself:


It’s like a schoolhouse
of little words,
thousands of words.
First you figure out what each one means by itself,
the jingle, the periwinkle, the scallop
  full of moonlight.
Then you begin, slowly, to read the whole story.








Rachel Syme is a staff writer at The New Yorker. She has covered fashion, style, and other cultural subjects since 2012.








Mary Oliver
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


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For other people with this name, see Mary Oliver (disambiguation).

Mary Jane Oliver
Born September 10, 1935
Maple Heights, Ohio, U.S.
Died January 17, 2019 (aged 83)
Hobe Sound, Florida, U.S.
Occupation Poet
Notable awards National Book Award
1992
Pulitzer Prize
1984

Partner Molly Malone Cook


Mary Jane Oliver (September 10, 1935 – January 17, 2019) was an American poet who won the National Book Award and the Pulitzer Prize

Her work is inspired by nature, rather than the human world, stemming from her lifelong passion for solitary walks in the wild. It is characterised by a sincere wonderment at the impact of natural imagery, conveyed in unadorned language. In 2007 she was declared to be the country's best-selling poet.


Contents
1Early life
2Career
3Poetic identity
4Personal life
5Death
6Critical reviews
7Selected awards and honors
8Works
8.1Poetry collections
8.2Non-fiction books and other collections
8.3Works in translation
9See also
10Notes
11References
12External links

Early life[edit]

Mary Oliver was born to Edward William and Helen M. (Vlasak) Oliver on September 10, 1935, in Maple Heights, Ohio, a semi-rural suburb of Cleveland.[1] Her father was a social studies teacher and an athletics coach in the Cleveland public schools. As a child, she spent a great deal of time outside where she enjoyed going on walks or reading. In an interview with the Christian Science Monitor in 1992, Oliver commented on growing up in Ohio, saying


"It was pastoral, it was nice, it was an extended family. I don't know why I felt such an affinity with the natural world except that it was available to me, that's the first thing. It was right there. And for whatever reasons, I felt those first important connections, those first experiences being made with the natural world rather than with the social world."[2]

In 2011, in an interview with Maria Shriver, Oliver described her family as dysfunctional, adding that though her childhood was very hard, writing helped her create her own world.[3] Oliver revealed in the interview with Shriver that she had been sexually abused as a child and had experienced recurring nightmares.[3]

Oliver began writing poetry at the age of 14. She graduated from the local high school in Maple Heights. In the summer of 1951 at the age of 15 she attended the National Music Camp at Interlochen, Michigan, now known as Interlochen Arts Camp, where she was in the percussion section of the National High School Orchestra. At 17 she visited the home of the late Pulitzer Prize-winning poet Edna St. Vincent Millay, in Austerlitz, New York,[1][4] where she then formed a friendship with the late poet's sister Norma. Oliver and Norma spent the next six to seven years at the estate organizing Edna St. Vincent Millay's papers.

Oliver studied at The Ohio State University and Vassar College in the mid-1950s, but did not receive a degree at either college.[1]

Career[edit]

She worked at ''Steepletop'', the estate of Edna St. Vincent Millay, as secretary to the poet's sister.[5] Oliver's first collection of poems, No Voyage and Other Poems, was published in 1963, when she was 28.[6] During the early 1980s, Oliver taught at Case Western Reserve University. Her fifth collection of poetry, American Primitive, won the Pulitzer Prize for Poetry in 1984.[7][1][8] She was Poet In Residence at Bucknell University (1986) and Margaret Banister Writer in Residence at Sweet Briar College (1991), then moved to Bennington, Vermont, where she held the Catharine Osgood Foster Chair for Distinguished Teaching at Bennington College until 2001.[6]

She won the Christopher Award and the L. L. Winship/PEN New England Award for her piece House of Light (1990), and New and Selected Poems (1992) won the National Book Award.[1][9] Oliver's work turns towards nature for its inspiration and describes the sense of wonder it instilled in her. "When it's over," she says, "I want to say: all my life / I was a bride married to amazement. I was the bridegroom, taking the world into my arms." ("When Death Comes" from New and Selected Poems (1992).) Her collections Winter Hours: Prose, Prose Poems, and Poems (1999), Why I Wake Early (2004), and New and Selected Poems, Volume 2 (2004) build the themes. The first and second parts of Leaf and the Cloud are featured in The Best American Poetry 1999 and 2000,[10] and her essays appear in Best American Essays 1996, 1998 and 2001.[6]

Poetic identity[edit]

Mary Oliver's poetry is grounded in memories of Ohio and her adopted home of New England, setting most of her poetry in and around Provincetown after she moved there in the 1960s.[4] Influenced by both Whitman and Thoreau, she is known for her clear and poignant observances of the natural world. In fact, according to the 1983 Chronology of American Literature, the "American Primitive," one of Oliver's collection of poems, "...presents a new kind of Romanticism that refuses to acknowledge boundaries between nature and the observing self." [11] 

Her creativity was stirred by nature, and Oliver, an avid walker, often pursued inspiration on foot. Her poems are filled with imagery from her daily walks near her home:[6] shore birds, water snakes, the phases of the moon and humpback whales. In Long life she says "[I] go off to my woods, my ponds, my sun-filled harbor, no more than a blue comma on the map of the world but, to me, the emblem of everything."[4] She commented in a rare interview "When things are going well, you know, the walk does not get rapid or get anywhere: I finally just stop, and write. That's a successful walk!" She said that she once found herself walking in the woods with no pen and later hid pencils in the trees so she would never be stuck in that place again.[4] She often carried a 3-by-5-inch hand-sewn notebook for recording impressions and phrases.[4] Maxine Kumin called Oliver "a patroller of wetlands in the same way that Thoreau was an inspector of snowstorms."[12] 

Oliver stated that her favorite poets were Walt Whitman, Rumi, Hafez, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Percy Bysshe Shelley and John Keats.[3]

Oliver has also been compared to Emily Dickinson, with whom she shared an affinity for solitude and inner monologues. Her poetry combines dark introspection with joyous release. Although she was criticized for writing poetry that assumes a dangerously close relationship between women and nature, she found that the self is only strengthened through an immersion with nature.[13] Oliver is also known for her unadorned language and accessible themes.[10] The Harvard Review describes her work as an antidote to "inattention and the baroque conventions of our social and professional lives. She is a poet of wisdom and generosity whose vision allows us to look intimately at a world not of our making."[10]

In 2007 The New York Times described her as "far and away, this country's best-selling poet."[14]

Personal life[edit]

On a visit to Austerlitz in the late 1950s, Oliver met photographer Molly Malone Cook, who would become her partner for over forty years.[4] In Our World, a book of Cook's photos and journal excerpts Oliver compiled after Cook's death, Oliver writes, "I took one look [at Cook] and fell, hook and tumble." Cook was Oliver's literary agent. They made their home largely in Provincetown, Massachusetts, where they lived until Cook's death in 2005, and where Oliver continued to live[10] until relocating to Florida.[15] Of Provincetown she recalled, "I too fell in love with the town, that marvelous convergence of land and water; Mediterranean light; fishermen who made their living by hard and difficult work from frighteningly small boats; and, both residents and sometime visitors, the many artists and writers.[...] M. and I decided to stay."[4]

Oliver valued her privacy and gave very few interviews, saying she preferred for her writing to speak for itself.[6]

Death[edit]

In 2012, Oliver was diagnosed with lung cancer, but was treated and given a "clean bill of health".[16] She ultimately died of lymphoma on January 17, 2019, at her home in Florida at the age of 83.[17][18][19]

Critical reviews[edit]

Maxine Kumin describes Mary Oliver in the Women's Review of Books as an "indefatigable guide to the natural world, particularly to its lesser-known aspects."[12] Reviewing Dream Work for The Nation, critic Alicia Ostriker numbered Oliver among America's finest poets: "visionary as Emerson [... she is] among the few American poets who can describe and transmit ecstasy, while retaining a practical awareness of the world as one of predators and prey."[1] New York Times reviewer Bruce Bennetin stated that the Pulitzer Prize–winning collection American Primitive, "insists on the primacy of the physical"[1] while Holly Prado of Los Angeles Times Book Review noted that it "touches a vitality in the familiar that invests it with a fresh intensity."[1]

Vicki Graham suggests Oliver over-simplifies the affiliation of gender and nature: "Oliver's celebration of dissolution into the natural world troubles some critics: her poems flirt dangerously with romantic assumptions about the close association of women with nature that many theorists claim put the woman writer at risk."[13] In her article "The Language of Nature in the Poetry of Mary Oliver", Diane S. Bond echoes that "few feminists have wholeheartedly appreciated Oliver's work, and though some critics have read her poems as revolutionary reconstructions of the female subject, others remain skeptical that identification with nature can empower women."[20] In The Harvard Gay & Lesbian Review, Sue Russell notes that "Mary Oliver will never be a balladeer of contemporary lesbian life in the vein of Marilyn Hacker, or an important political thinker like Adrienne Rich; but the fact that she chooses not to write from a similar political or narrative stance makes her all the more valuable to our collective culture."[21]

Selected awards and honors[edit]

1969/70 Shelley Memorial Award from the Poetry Society of America.[6]
1980 Guggenheim Foundation Fellowship[6]
1984 Pulitzer Prize for Poetry for American Primitive[8]
1991 L.L. Winship/PEN New England Award for House of Light[22]
1992 National Book Award for Poetry for New and Selected Poems[9]
1998 Lannan Literary Award for poetry[6]
1998 Honorary Doctorate from The Art Institute of Boston[6]
2003 Honorary membership into Phi Beta Kappa from Harvard University.[23]
2007 Honorary Doctorate Dartmouth College[6]
2008 Honorary Doctorate Tufts University[6]
2012 Honorary Doctorate from Marquette University[24]
2012 Goodreads Choice Award for Best Poetry for A Thousand Mornings[25]

Works[edit]

Poetry collections[edit]

1963 No Voyage, and Other Poems Dent (New York, NY), expanded edition, Houghton Mifflin (Boston, MA), 1965.
1972 The River Styx, Ohio, and Other Poems Harcourt (New York, NY) ISBN 978-0-15-177750-1
1978 The Night Traveler Bits Press
1978 Sleeping in the Forest Ohio University (a 12-page chapbook, p. 49–60 in The Ohio Review—Vol. 19, No. 1 [Winter 1978])
1979 Twelve Moons Little, Brown (Boston, MA), ISBN 0316650013
1983 American Primitive Little, Brown (Boston, MA) ISBN 978-0-316-65004-5
1986 Dream Work Atlantic Monthly Press (Boston, MA) ISBN 978-0-87113-069-3
1987 Provincetown Appletree Alley, limited edition with woodcuts by Barnard Taylor
1990 House of Light Beacon Press (Boston, MA) ISBN 978-0-8070-6810-6
1992 New and Selected Poems[volume one] Beacon Press (Boston, MA), ISBN 978-0-8070-6818-2
1994 White Pine: Poems and Prose Poems Harcourt (San Diego, CA) ISBN 978-0-15-600120-5
1995 Blue Pastures Harcourt (New York, NY) ISBN 978-0-15-600215-8
1997 West Wind: Poems and Prose Poems Houghton Mifflin (Boston, MA) ISBN 978-0-395-85085-5
1999 Winter Hours: Prose, Prose Poems, and Poems Houghton Mifflin (Boston, MA) ISBN 978-0-395-85087-9
2000 The Leaf and the CloudDa Capo (Cambridge, Massachusetts), (prose poem) ISBN 978-0-306-81073-2
2002 What Do We Know Da Capo (Cambridge, Massachusetts) ISBN 978-0-306-81206-4
2003 Owls and Other Fantasies: poems and essays Beacon (Boston, MA) ISBN 978-0-8070-6868-7
2004 Why I Wake Early: New Poems Beacon (Boston, MA) ISBN 978-0-8070-6879-3
2004 Blue Iris: Poems and Essays Beacon (Boston, MA) ISBN 978-0-8070-6882-3
2004 Wild geese: selected poems, Bloodaxe, ISBN 978-1-85224-628-0
2005 New and Selected Poems, volume two Beacon (Boston, MA) ISBN 978-0-8070-6886-1
2005 At Blackwater Pond: Mary Oliver Reads Mary Oliver (audio cd)
2006 Thirst: Poems (Boston, MA) ISBN 978-0-8070-6896-0
2007 Our World with photographs by Molly Malone Cook, Beacon (Boston, MA)
2008 The Truro Bear and Other Adventures: Poems and Essays, Beacon Press, ISBN 978-0-8070-6884-7
2008 Red Bird Beacon (Boston, MA) ISBN 978-0-8070-6892-2
2009 Evidence Beacon (Boston, MA) ISBN 978-0-8070-6898-4
2010 Swan: Poems and Prose Poems (Boston, MA) ISBN 978-0-8070-6899-1
2012 A Thousand MorningsPenguin (New York, NY) ISBN 978-1-59420-477-7
2013 Dog Songs Penguin Press (New York, NY) ISBN 978-1-59420-478-4
2014 Blue Horses Penguin Press (New York, NY) ISBN 978-1-59420-479-1
2015 Felicity Penguin Press (New York, NY) ISBN 978-1-59420-676-4
2017 Devotions The Selected Poems of Mary Oliver Penguin Press (New York, NY) ISBN 978-0-399-56324-9

Non-fiction books and other collections[edit]
1994 A Poetry HandbookHarcourt (San Diego, CA) ISBN 978-0-15-672400-5
1998 Rules for the Dance: A Handbook for Writing and Reading Metrical VerseHoughton Mifflin (Boston, MA) ISBN 978-0-395-85086-2
2004 Long Life: Essays and Other Writings Da Capo (Cambridge, Massachusetts) ISBN 978-0-306-81412-9
2016 Upstream: Selected Essays Penguin (New York, NY) ISBN 978-1-594-20670-2

Works in translation[edit]

Catalan
2018 Ocell Roig (translated by Corina Oproae) Bilingual Edition. Godall Edicions.
See also[edit]
Poppies, poem by Mary Oliver
In Blackwater Woods, poem by Mary Oliver
Notes[edit]

^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h "Poetry Foundation Oliver biography". Retrieved September 7, 2010.
^ Ratiner, Steve (December 9, 1992). "Poet Mary Oliver: a Solitary Walk". Retrieved March 6, 2018.
^ Jump up to:a b c "Maria Shriver Interviews the Famously Private Poet Mary Oliver". Oprah.com. Retrieved November 30, 2018.
^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g Duenwald, Mary. (July 5, 2009.) "The Land and Words of Mary Oliver, the Bard of Provincetown". New York Times. Retrieved September 7, 2010.
^ Stevenson, Mary Reif (1969). Contemporary Authors. USA: Fredrick G. Ruffner Jr. p. 395.
^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i j k Mary Oliver's bio at publisher Beacon Press (note that original link is dead; see version archived at https://web.archive.org/web/20090508075809/http://www.beacon.org/contributorinfo.cfm?ContribID=1299 ; retrieved October 19, 2015).
^ "Pulitzer Prize-Winning Poet Mary Oliver Dies at 83". The New York Times. Associated Press. January 17, 2019. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved January 17, 2019.
^ Jump up to:a b ""Poetry: Past winners & finalists by category". The Pulitzer Prizes. Retrieved April 8, 2012.
^ Jump up to:a b "National Book Awards–1992". National Book Foundation. Retrieved April 8, 2012.
^ Jump up to:a b c d "Oliver Biography". Academy of American Poets. Retrieved September 12, 2012.
^ "The Chronology of American Literature". 2004.
^ Jump up to:a b Kumin, Maxine. "Intimations of Mortality". Women's Review of Books 10: April 7, 1993, p. 16.
^ Jump up to:a b Graham, p. 352
^ Garner, Dwight. (February 18, 2007.) "Inside the List". New York Times. Retrieved September 7, 2010.
^ Tippett, Krista (February 5, 2015). "Mary Oliver — Listening to the World". On Being. Retrieved September 6, 2020.
^ Helgeson, Mariah (February 16, 2015). "Mary Oliver's Cancer Poem". On Being. Retrieved January 20, 2019.
^ Neary, Lynn (January 17, 2019). "Beloved Poet Mary Oliver Who Believed Poetry Mustn't Be Fancy Dies at 83". NPR. Retrieved January 20, 2019.
^ Parini, Jay (February 15, 2019). "Mary Oliver obituary". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved February 18, 2019.
^ Foundation, Poetry (May 7, 2019). "Mary Oliver". Poetry Foundation. Retrieved May 8, 2019.
^ Bond, p. 1
^ Russell, pp. 21–22.
^ "Book awards: L.L. Winship/PEN New England Award". Library Thing. Retrieved July 18, 2016.
^ http://phibetakappa.tumblr.com/post/182112569558/remembering-phi-beta-kappa-member-and-poet-mary
^ Lawder, Melanie (November 14, 2012). "Poet Mary Oliver receives honorary degree". The Marquette Tribune. Archived from the original on March 5, 2013. Retrieved December 6, 2012.
^ "Goodreads Choice Awards 2012". Goodreads. Retrieved July 18,2016.


References[edit]

Bond, Diane. "The Language of Nature in the Poetry of Mary Oliver." Womens Studies 21:1 (1992), p. 1.
Graham, Vicki. "'Into the Body of Another': Mary Oliver and the Poetics of Becoming Other." Papers on Language and Literature, 30:4 (Fall 1994), pp. 352–353, pp. 366–368.
McNew, Janet. "Mary Oliver and the Tradition of Romantic Nature Poetry". Contemporary Literature, 30:1 (Spring 1989).
"Oliver, Mary." American Environmental Leaders: From Colonial Times to the Present, Anne Becher, and Joseph Richey, Grey House Publishing, 2nd edition, 2008. Credo Reference.
Russell, Sue. "Mary Oliver: The Poet and the Persona." The Harvard Gay & Lesbian Review, 4:4 (Fall 1997), pp. 21–22.
"1992." The Chronology of American Literature, edited by Daniel S. Burt, Houghton Mifflin, 1st edition, 2004. Credo Reference.

External links[edit]

External media

Audio
Mary Oliver—Listening to the World, On Being, October 15, 2015
Video
Oliver reading at Lensic Theater in Santa Fe, New Mexico on August 4, 2001, video (45 mins)

Wikiquote has quotations related to: Mary Oliver

Official website
Mary Oliver at the Academy of American Poets
Biography and poems of Mary Oliver at the Poetry Foundation.
Interview with Krista Tippett, "On Being" radio program, broadcast 5 February 2015.

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2021/01/27

Libertarianism - Wikipedia

Libertarianism - Wikipedia

Libertarianism

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Libertarianism (from Frenchlibertaire, "libertarian"; from Latinlibertas, "freedom") is a political philosophy and movement that upholds liberty as a core principle.[1] Libertarians seek to maximize autonomy and political freedom, emphasizing free associationfreedom of choiceindividualism and voluntary association.[2] Libertarians share a skepticism of authority and state power, but some of them diverge on the scope of their opposition to existing economic and political systems. Various schools of libertarian thought offer a range of views regarding the legitimate functions of state and private power, often calling for the restriction or dissolution of coercive social institutions. Different categorizations have been used to distinguish various forms of libertarianism.[3][4] Scholars distinguish libertarian views on the nature of property and capital, usually along left–right or socialist–capitalist lines.[5]

Libertarianism originated as a form of left-wing politics such as anti-authoritarian and anti-state socialists like anarchists,[6] especially social anarchists,[7] but more generally libertarian communists/Marxists and libertarian socialists.[8][9] These libertarians seek to abolish capitalism and private ownership of the means of production, or else to restrict their purview or effects to usufruct property norms, in favor of common or cooperative ownership and management, viewing private property as a barrier to freedom and liberty.[10][11][12][13]

Left-libertarian[14][15][16][17][18] ideologies include anarchist schools of thought, alongside many other anti-paternalist and New Left schools of thought centered around economic egalitarianism as well as geolibertarianismgreen politicsmarket-oriented left-libertarianism and the Steiner–Vallentyne school.[14][17][19][20][21] In the mid-20th century, right-libertarian[15][18][22][23] proponents of anarcho-capitalism and minarchism co-opted[8][24] the term libertarian to advocate laissez-faire capitalism and strong private property rights such as in land, infrastructure and natural resources.[25] The latter is the dominant form of libertarianism in the United States,[23] where it advocates civil liberties,[26] natural law,[27] free-market capitalism[28][29] and a major reversal of the modern welfare state.[30]

Overview[edit]

Etymology[edit]

17 August 1860 edition of Le Libertaire, Journal du mouvement social, a libertarian communist publication in New York City

The first recorded use of the term libertarian was in 1789, when William Belsham wrote about libertarianism in the context of metaphysics.[31] As early as 1796, libertarian came to mean an advocate or defender of liberty, especially in the political and social spheres, when the London Packet printed on 12 February the following: "Lately marched out of the Prison at Bristol, 450 of the French Libertarians".[32] It was again used in a political sense in 1802 in a short piece critiquing a poem by "the author of Gebir" and has since been used with this meaning.[33][34][35]

The use of the term libertarian to describe a new set of political positions has been traced to the French cognate libertaire, coined in a letter French libertarian communist Joseph Déjacque wrote to mutualist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in 1857.[36][37][38] Déjacque also used the term for his anarchist publication Le Libertaire, Journal du mouvement social (Libertarian: Journal of Social Movement) which was printed from 9 June 1858 to 4 February 1861 in New York City.[39][40] Sébastien Faure, another French libertarian communist, began publishing a new Le Libertaire in the mid-1890s while France's Third Republic enacted the so-called villainous laws (lois scélérates) which banned anarchist publications in France. Libertarianism has frequently been used to refer to anarchism and libertarian socialism since this time.[41][42][43]

In the United States, libertarian was popularized by the individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker around the late 1870s and early 1880s.[44] Libertarianism as a synonym for liberalism was popularized in May 1955 by writer Dean Russell, a colleague of Leonard Read and a classical liberal himself. Russell justified the choice of the term as follows:

Many of us call ourselves "liberals." And it is true that the word "liberal" once described persons who respected the individual and feared the use of mass compulsions. But the leftists have now corrupted that once-proud term to identify themselves and their program of more government ownership of property and more controls over persons. As a result, those of us who believe in freedom must explain that when we call ourselves liberals, we mean liberals in the uncorrupted classical sense. At best, this is awkward and subject to misunderstanding. Here is a suggestion: Let those of us who love liberty trade-mark and reserve for our own use the good and honorable word "libertarian."[45][46][47]

Subsequently, a growing number of Americans with classical liberal beliefs began to describe themselves as libertarians. One person responsible for popularizing the term libertarian in this sense was Murray Rothbard, who started publishing libertarian works in the 1960s.[48] Rothbard described this modern use of the words overtly as a "capture" from his enemies, writing that "for the first time in my memory, we, 'our side,' had captured a crucial word from the enemy. 'Libertarians' had long been simply a polite word for left-wing anarchists, that is for anti-private property anarchists, either of the communist or syndicalist variety. But now we had taken it over".[24][8]

In the 1970s, Robert Nozick was responsible for popularizing this usage of the term in academic and philosophical circles outside the United States,[23][49][50] especially with the publication of Anarchy, State, and Utopia (1974), a response to social liberal John Rawls's A Theory of Justice (1971).[51] In the book, Nozick proposed a minimal state on the grounds that it was an inevitable phenomenon which could arise without violating individual rights.[52]

According to common meanings of conservative and liberallibertarianism in the United States has been described as conservative on economic issues (economic liberalism and fiscal conservatism) and liberal on personal freedom (civil libertarianism and cultural liberalism).[53] It is also often associated with a foreign policy of non-interventionism.[54][55]

Definition[edit]

Although libertarianism originated as a form of left-wing politics,[21][56] the development in the mid-20th century of modern libertarianism in the United States led several authors and political scientists to use two or more categorizations[3][4] to distinguish libertarian views on the nature of property and capital, usually along left–right or socialist–capitalist lines,[5] Unlike right-libertarians, who reject the label due to its association with conservatism and right-wing politics, calling themselves simply libertarians, proponents of free-market anti-capitalism in the United States consciously label themselves as left-libertarians and see themselves as being part of a broad libertarian left.[21][56]

While the term libertarian has been largely synonymous with anarchism as part of the left,[9][57] continuing today as part of the libertarian left in opposition to the moderate left such as social democracy or authoritarian and statist socialism, its meaning has more recently diluted with wider adoption from ideologically disparate groups,[9] including the right.[15][22] As a term, libertarian can include both the New Left Marxists (who do not associate with a vanguard party) and extreme liberals (primarily concerned with civil liberties) or civil libertarians. Additionally, some libertarians use the term libertarian socialist to avoid anarchism's negative connotations and emphasize its connections with socialism.[9][58]

The revival of free-market ideologies during the mid- to late 20th century came with disagreement over what to call the movement. While many of its adherents prefer the term libertarian, many conservative libertarians reject the term's association with the 1960s New Left and its connotations of libertine hedonism.[59] The movement is divided over the use of conservatism as an alternative.[60] Those who seek both economic and social liberty would be known as liberals, but that term developed associations opposite of the limited government, low-taxation, minimal state advocated by the movement.[61] Name variants of the free-market revival movement include classical liberalismeconomic liberalismfree-market liberalism and neoliberalism.[59] As a term, libertarian or economic libertarian has the most colloquial acceptance to describe a member of the movement, with the latter term being based on both the ideology's primacy of economics and its distinction from libertarians of the New Left.[60]

While both historical libertarianism and contemporary economic libertarianism share general antipathy towards power by government authority, the latter exempts power wielded through free-market capitalism. Historically, libertarians including Herbert Spencer and Max Stirner supported the protection of an individual's freedom from powers of government and private ownership.[62] In contrast, while condemning governmental encroachment on personal liberties, modern American libertarians support freedoms on the basis of their agreement with private property rights.[63] The abolishment of public amenities is a common theme in modern American libertarian writings.[64]

According to modern American libertarian Walter Block, left-libertarians and right-libertarians agree with certain libertarian premises, but "where [they] differ is in terms of the logical implications of these founding axioms".[65] Although several modern American libertarians reject the political spectrum, especially the left–right political spectrum,[26][66][67][68][69] several strands of libertarianism in the United States and right-libertarianism have been described as being right-wing,[70] New Right[71][72] or radical right[73][74] and reactionary.[30] While some American libertarians such as Walter Block,[65] Harry Browne,[67] Tibor Machan,[69] Justin Raimondo,[68] Leonard Read[66] and Murray Rothbard[26] deny any association with either the left or right, other American libertarians such as Kevin Carson,[21] Karl Hess,[75] Roderick T. Long[76] and Sheldon Richman[77] have written about libertarianism's left wing opposition to authoritarian rule and argued that libertarianism is fundamentally a left-wing position.[78] Rothbard himself previously made the same point.[79]

Philosophy[edit]

All libertarians begin with a conception of personal autonomy from which they argue in favor of civil liberties and a reduction or elimination of the state.[1] People described as being left-libertarian or right-libertarian generally tend to call themselves simply libertarians and refer to their philosophy as libertarianism. As a result, some political scientists and writers classify the forms of libertarianism into two or more groups[3][4] to distinguish libertarian views on the nature of property and capital.[5][13] In the United States, proponents of free-market anti-capitalism consciously label themselves as left-libertarians and see themselves as being part of a broad libertarian left.[21][56]

Left-libertarianism[15][16][18] encompasses those libertarian beliefs that claim the Earth's natural resources belong to everyone in an egalitarian manner, either unowned or owned collectively.[14][17][19][20][23] Contemporary left-libertarians such as Hillel SteinerPeter VallentynePhilippe Van ParijsMichael Otsuka and David Ellerman believe the appropriation of land must leave "enough and as good" for others or be taxed by society to compensate for the exclusionary effects of private property.[14][20] Socialist libertarians[10][11][12][13] such as social and individualist anarchistslibertarian Marxistscouncil communistsLuxemburgists and De Leonists promote usufruct and socialist economic theories, including communismcollectivismsyndicalism and mutualism.[19][21] They criticize the state for being the defender of private property and believe capitalism entails wage slavery.[10][11][12]

Right-libertarianism[15][18][22][23] developed in the United States in the mid-20th century from the works of European writers like John LockeFriedrich Hayek and Ludwig Von Mises and is the most popular conception of libertarianism in the United States today.[23][49] Commonly referred to as a continuation or radicalization of classical liberalism,[80][81] the most important of these early right-libertarian philosophers was Robert Nozick.[23][49][52] While sharing left-libertarians' advocacy for social freedom, right-libertarians value the social institutions that enforce conditions of capitalism while rejecting institutions that function in opposition to these on the grounds that such interventions represent unnecessary coercion of individuals and abrogation of their economic freedom.[82] Anarcho-capitalists[18][22] seek the elimination of the state in favor of privately funded security services while minarchists defend night-watchman states which maintain only those functions of government necessary to safeguard natural rights, understood in terms of self-ownership or autonomy.[83]

Libertarian paternalism[84] is a position advocated in the international bestseller Nudge by two American scholars, namely the economist Richard Thaler and the jurist Cass Sunstein.[85] In the book Thinking, Fast and SlowDaniel Kahneman provides the brief summary: "Thaler and Sunstein advocate a position of libertarian paternalism, in which the state and other institutions are allowed to Nudge people to make decisions that serve their own long-term interests. The designation of joining a pension plan as the default option is an example of a nudge. It is difficult to argue that anyone's freedom is diminished by being automatically enrolled in the plan, when they merely have to check a box to opt out".[86] Nudge is considered an important piece of literature in behavioral economics.[86]

Neo-libertarianism combines "the libertarian's moral commitment to negative liberty with a procedure that selects principles for restricting liberty on the basis of a unanimous agreement in which everyone's particular interests receive a fair hearing".[87] Neo-libertarianism has its roots at least as far back as 1980, when it was first described by the American philosopher James Sterba of the University of Notre Dame. Sterba observed that libertarianism advocates for a government that does no more than protection against force, fraud, theft, enforcement of contracts and other negative liberties as contrasted with positive liberties by Isaiah Berlin.[88] Sterba contrasted this with the older libertarian ideal of a night watchman state, or minarchism. Sterba held that it is "obviously impossible for everyone in society to be guaranteed complete liberty as defined by this ideal: after all, people's actual wants as well as their conceivable wants can come into serious conflict. [...] [I]t is also impossible for everyone in society to be completely free from the interference of other persons".[89] In 2013, Sterna wrote that "I shall show that moral commitment to an ideal of 'negative' liberty, which does not lead to a night-watchman state, but instead requires sufficient government to provide each person in society with the relatively high minimum of liberty that persons using Rawlsdecision procedure would select. The political program actually justified by an ideal of negative liberty I shall call Neo-Libertarianism".[90]

Typology[edit]

In the United States, libertarian is a typology used to describe a political position that advocates small government and is culturally liberal and fiscally conservative in a two-dimensional political spectrum such as the libertarian-inspired Nolan Chart, where the other major typologies are conservativeliberal and populist.[53][91][92][93] Libertarians support legalization of victimless crimes such as the use of marijuana while opposing high levels of taxation and government spending on health, welfare and education.[53] Libertarian was adopted in the United States, where liberal had become associated with a version that supports extensive government spending on social policies.[47] Libertarian may also refers to an anarchist ideology that developed in the 19th century and to a liberal version which developed in the United States that is avowedly pro-capitalist.[14][15][18]

According to polls, approximately one in four Americans self-identify as libertarian.[94][95][96][97] While this group is not typically ideologically driven, the term libertarian is commonly used to describe the form of libertarianism widely practiced in the United States and is the common meaning of the word libertarianism in the United States.[23] This form is often named liberalism elsewhere such as in Europe, where liberalism has a different common meaning than in the United States.[47] In some academic circles, this form is called right-libertarianism as a complement to left-libertarianism, with acceptance of capitalism or the private ownership of land as being the distinguishing feature.[14][15][18]

History[edit]

Liberalism[edit]

John Locke, regarded as the father of liberalism

Although elements of libertarianism can be traced as far back as the ancient Chinese philosopher Lao-Tzu and the higher-law concepts of the Greeks and the Israelites,[98][99] it was in 17th-century England that libertarian ideas began to take modern form in the writings of the Levellers and John Locke. In the middle of that century, opponents of royal power began to be called Whigs, or sometimes simply Opposition or Country, as opposed to Court writers.[100]

During the 18th century and Age of Enlightenmentliberal ideas flourished in Europe and North America.[101][102] Libertarians of various schools were influenced by liberal ideas.[103] For philosopher Roderick T. Long, libertarians "share a common—or at least an overlapping—intellectual ancestry. [Libertarians] [...] claim the seventeenth century English Levellers and the eighteenth century French encyclopedists among their ideological forebears; and [...] usually share an admiration for Thomas Jefferson[104][105][106] and Thomas Paine".[107]

Thomas Paine, whose theory of property showed a libertarian concern with the redistribution of resources

John Locke greatly influenced both libertarianism and the modern world in his writings published before and after the English Revolution of 1688, especially A Letter Concerning Toleration (1667), Two Treatises of Government (1689) and An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1690). In the text of 1689, he established the basis of liberal political theory, i.e. that people's rights existed before government; that the purpose of government is to protect personal and property rights; that people may dissolve governments that do not do so; and that representative government is the best form to protect rights.[108]

The United States Declaration of Independence was inspired by Locke in its statement: "[T]o secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it".[109] Nevertheless, scholar Ellen Meiksins Wood says that "there are doctrines of individualism that are opposed to Lockean individualism [...] and non-Lockean individualism may encompass socialism".[110]

According to Murray Rothbard, the libertarian creed emerged from the liberal challenges to an "absolute central State and a king ruling by divine right on top of an older, restrictive web of feudal land monopolies and urban guild controls and restrictions" as well as the mercantilism of a bureaucratic warfaring state allied with privileged merchants. The object of liberals was individual liberty in the economy, in personal freedoms and civil liberty, separation of state and religion and peace as an alternative to imperial aggrandizement. He cites Locke's contemporaries, the Levellers, who held similar views. Also influential were the English Cato's Letters during the early 1700s, reprinted eagerly by American colonists who already were free of European aristocracy and feudal land monopolies.[109]

In January 1776, only two years after coming to America from England, Thomas Paine published his pamphlet Common Sense calling for independence for the colonies.[111] Paine promoted liberal ideas in clear and concise language that allowed the general public to understand the debates among the political elites.[112] Common Sense was immensely popular in disseminating these ideas,[113] selling hundreds of thousands of copies.[114] Paine would later write the Rights of Man and The Age of Reason and participate in the French Revolution.[111] Paine's theory of property showed a "libertarian concern" with the redistribution of resources.[115]

In 1793, William Godwin wrote a libertarian philosophical treatise titled Enquiry Concerning Political Justice and its Influence on Morals and Happiness which criticized ideas of human rights and of society by contract based on vague promises. He took liberalism to its logical anarchic conclusion by rejecting all political institutions, law, government and apparatus of coercion as well as all political protest and insurrection. Instead of institutionalized justice, Godwin proposed that people influence one another to moral goodness through informal reasoned persuasion, including in the associations they joined as this would facilitate happiness.[116][117]

Anarchism[edit]

Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, the first to proclaim himself as an anarchist

Modern anarchism sprang from the secular or religious thought of the Enlightenment, particularly Jean-Jacques Rousseau's arguments for the moral centrality of freedom.[118]

As part of the political turmoil of the 1790s in the wake of the French Revolution, William Godwin developed the first expression of modern anarchist thought.[119][120] According to Peter Kropotkin, Godwin was "the first to formulate the political and economical conceptions of anarchism, even though he did not give that name to the ideas developed in his work"[121] while Godwin attached his anarchist ideas to an early Edmund Burke.[122]

Godwin is generally regarded as the founder of the school of thought known as philosophical anarchism. He argued in Political Justice (1793)[120][123] that government has an inherently malevolent influence on society and that it perpetuates dependency and ignorance. He thought that the spread of the use of reason to the masses would eventually cause government to wither away as an unnecessary force. Although he did not accord the state with moral legitimacy, he was against the use of revolutionary tactics for removing the government from power. Rather, Godwin advocated for its replacement through a process of peaceful evolution.[120][124]

His aversion to the imposition of a rules-based society led him to denounce, as a manifestation of the people's "mental enslavement", the foundations of law, property rights and even the institution of marriage. Godwin considered the basic foundations of society as constraining the natural development of individuals to use their powers of reasoning to arrive at a mutually beneficial method of social organization. In each case, government and its institutions are shown to constrain the development of our capacity to live wholly in accordance with the full and free exercise of private judgment.[120]

In France, various anarchist currents were present during the Revolutionary period, with some revolutionaries using the term anarchiste in a positive light as early as September 1793.[125] The enragés opposed revolutionary government as a contradiction in terms. Denouncing the Jacobin dictatorship, Jean Varlet wrote in 1794 that "government and revolution are incompatible, unless the people wishes to set its constituted authorities in permanent insurrection against itself".[126] In his "Manifesto of the Equals", Sylvain Maréchal looked forward to the disappearance, once and for all, of "the revolting distinction between rich and poor, of great and small, of masters and valets, of governors and governed".[126]

Libertarian socialism[edit]

Libertarian communismlibertarian Marxism and libertarian socialism are all terms which activists with a variety of perspectives have applied to their views.[127] Anarchist communist philosopher Joseph Déjacque was the first person to describe himself as a libertarian.[128] Unlike mutualist anarchist philosopher Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, he argued that "it is not the product of his or her labor that the worker has a right to, but to the satisfaction of his or her needs, whatever may be their nature".[129][130] According to anarchist historian Max Nettlau, the first use of the term libertarian communism was in November 1880, when a French anarchist congress employed it to more clearly identify its doctrines.[131] The French anarchist journalist Sébastien Faure started the weekly paper Le Libertaire (The Libertarian) in 1895.[132]

Individualist anarchism represents several traditions of thought within the anarchist movement that emphasize the individual and their will over any kinds of external determinants such as groups, society, traditions, and ideological systems.[133][134] An influential form of individualist anarchism called egoism[135] or egoist anarchism was expounded by one of the earliest and best-known proponents of individualist anarchism, the German Max Stirner.[136] Stirner's The Ego and Its Own, published in 1844, is a founding text of the philosophy.[136] According to Stirner, the only limitation on the rights of the individual is their power to obtain what they desire,[137] without regard for God, state or morality.[138] Stirner advocated self-assertion and foresaw unions of egoists, non-systematic associations continually renewed by all parties' support through an act of will,[139] which Stirner proposed as a form of organisation in place of the state.[140] Egoist anarchists argue that egoism will foster genuine and spontaneous union between individuals.[141] Egoism has inspired many interpretations of Stirner's philosophy. Stirner's philosophy was re-discovered and promoted by German philosophical anarchist and LGBT activist John Henry Mackay. Josiah Warren is widely regarded as the first American anarchist,[142] and the four-page weekly paper he edited during 1833, The Peaceful Revolutionist, was the first anarchist periodical published.[143] For American anarchist historian Eunice Minette Schuster, "[i]t is apparent [...] that Proudhonian Anarchism was to be found in the United States at least as early as 1848 and that it was not conscious of its affinity to the Individualist Anarchism of Josiah Warren and Stephen Pearl Andrews. [...] William B. Greene presented this Proudhonian Mutualism in its purest and most systematic form".[144]

Later, Benjamin Tucker fused Stirner's egoism with the economics of Warren and Proudhon in his eclectic influential publication Liberty. From these early influences, individualist anarchism in different countries attracted a small yet diverse following of bohemian artists and intellectuals,[145] free love and birth control advocates (anarchism and issues related to love and sex),[146][147] individualist naturists nudists (anarcho-naturism),[148][149][150] free thought and anti-clerical activists[151][152] as well as young anarchist outlaws in what became known as illegalism and individual reclamation[153][154] (European individualist anarchism and individualist anarchism in France). These authors and activists included Émile ArmandHan RynerHenri ZislyRenzo NovatoreMiguel Gimenez IgualadaAdolf Brand and Lev Chernyi.

Sébastien Faure, prominent French theorist of libertarian communism as well as atheist and freethought militant

In 1873, the follower and translator of Proudhon, the Catalan Francesc Pi i Margall, became President of Spain with a program which wanted "to establish a decentralized, or "cantonalist," political system on Proudhonian lines",[155] who according to Rudolf Rocker had "political ideas, [...] much in common with those of Richard PriceJoseph Priestly [sic], Thomas Paine, Jefferson, and other representatives of the Anglo-American liberalism of the first period. He wanted to limit the power of the state to a minimum and gradually replace it by a Socialist economic order".[156] On the other hand, Fermín Salvochea was a mayor of the city of Cádiz and a president of the province of Cádiz. He was one of the main propagators of anarchist thought in that area in the late 19th century and is considered to be "perhaps the most beloved figure in the Spanish Anarchist movement of the 19th century".[157][158] Ideologically, he was influenced by BradlaughOwen and Paine, whose works he had studied during his stay in England and Kropotkin, whom he read later.[157]

The revolutionary wave of 1917–1923 saw the active participation of anarchists in Russia and Europe. Russian anarchists participated alongside the Bolsheviks in both the February and October 1917 revolutions. However, Bolsheviks in central Russia quickly began to imprison or drive underground the libertarian anarchists. Many fled to the Ukraine,[159] where they fought to defend the Free Territory in the Russian Civil War against the White movement, monarchists and other opponents of revolution and then against Bolsheviks as part of the Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of Ukraine led by Nestor Makhno, who established an anarchist society in the region for a number of months. Expelled American anarchists Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman protested Bolshevik policy before they left Russia.[160] The victory of the Bolsheviks damaged anarchist movements internationally as workers and activists joined Communist parties. In France and the United States, for example, members of the major syndicalist movements of the CGT and IWW joined the Communist International.[161] In Paris, the Dielo Truda group of Russian anarchist exiles which included Nestor Makhno issued a 1926 manifesto, the Organizational Platform of the General Union of Anarchists (Draft), calling for new anarchist organizing structures.[162][163]

In Germany, the Bavarian Soviet Republic of 1918–1919 had libertarian socialist characteristics.[164][165] In Italy, the anarcho-syndicalist trade union Unione Sindacale Italiana grew to 800,000 members from 1918 to 1921 during the so-called Biennio Rosso.[166] With the rise of fascism in Europe between the 1920s and the 1930s, anarchists began to fight fascists in Italy,[167] in France during the February 1934 riots[168] and in Spain where the CNT (Confederación Nacional del Trabajo) boycott of elections led to a right-wing victory and its later participation in voting in 1936 helped bring the popular front back to power. This led to a ruling class attempted coup and the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939).[169] Gruppo Comunista Anarchico di Firenze held that the during early twentieth century, the terms libertarian communism and anarchist communism became synonymous within the international anarchist movement as a result of the close connection they had in Spain (anarchism in Spain), with libertarian communism becoming the prevalent term.[170]

Murray Bookchin wrote that the Spanish libertarian movement of the mid-1930s was unique because its workers' control and collectives—which came out of a three-generation "massive libertarian movement"—divided the republican camp and challenged the Marxists. "Urban anarchists" created libertarian communist forms of organization which evolved into the CNT, a syndicalist union providing the infrastructure for a libertarian society. Also formed were local bodies to administer social and economic life on a decentralized libertarian basis. Much of the infrastructure was destroyed during the 1930s Spanish Civil War against authoritarian and fascist forces.[171]

The Iberian Federation of Libertarian Youth[172] (FIJL, Spanish: Federación Ibérica de Juventudes Libertarias), sometimes abbreviated as Libertarian Youth (Juventudes Libertarias), was a libertarian socialist[173] organization created in 1932 in Madrid.[174] At its second congress in February 1937, the FIJL organized a plenum of regional organizations. In October 1938, from the 16th through the 30th in Barcelona the FIJL participated in a national plenum of the libertarian movement, also attended by members of the CNT and the Iberian Anarchist Federation (FAI).[175] The FIJL exists until today. When the republican forces lost the Spanish Civil War, the city of Madrid was turned over to the Francoist forces in 1939 by the last non-Francoist mayor of the city, the anarchist Melchor Rodríguez García.[176] During autumn of 1931, the "Manifesto of the 30" was published by militants of the anarchist trade union CNT and among those who signed it there was the CNT General Secretary (1922–1923) Joan Peiro, Angel Pestaña CNT (General Secretary in 1929) and Juan Lopez Sanchez. They were called treintismo and they were calling for libertarian possibilism which advocated achieving libertarian socialist ends with participation inside structures of contemporary parliamentary democracy.[177] In 1932, they establish the Syndicalist Party which participates in the 1936 Spanish general elections and proceed to be a part of the leftist coalition of parties known as the Popular Front obtaining two congressmen (Pestaña and Benito Pabon). In 1938, Horacio Prieto, general secretary of the CNT, proposes that the Iberian Anarchist Federation transforms itself into the Libertarian Socialist Party and that it participates in the national elections.[178]

Murray Bookchin, American libertarian socialist theorist and proponent of libertarian municipalism

The Manifesto of Libertarian Communism was written in 1953 by Georges Fontenis for the Federation Communiste Libertaire of France. It is one of the key texts of the anarchist-communist current known as platformism.[179] In 1968, the International of Anarchist Federations was founded during an international anarchist conference in Carrara, Italy to advance libertarian solidarity. It wanted to form "a strong and organized workers movement, agreeing with the libertarian ideas".[180][181] In the United States, the Libertarian League was founded in New York City in 1954 as a left-libertarian political organization building on the Libertarian Book Club.[182][183] Members included Sam Dolgoff,[184] Russell Blackwell, Dave Van RonkEnrico Arrigoni[185] and Murray Bookchin.

In Australia, the Sydney Push was a predominantly left-wing intellectual subculture in Sydney from the late 1940s to the early 1970s which became associated with the label Sydney libertarianism. Well known associates of the Push include Jim BakerJohn FlausHarry HootonMargaret Fink, Sasha Soldatow,[186] Lex BanningEva CoxRichard AppletonPaddy McGuinnessDavid MakinsonGermaine GreerClive JamesRobert HughesFrank Moorhouse and Lillian Roxon. Amongst the key intellectual figures in Push debates were philosophers David J. Ivison, George Molnar, Roelof Smilde, Darcy Waters and Jim Baker, as recorded in Baker's memoir Sydney Libertarians and the Push, published in the libertarian Broadsheet in 1975.[187] An understanding of libertarian values and social theory can be obtained from their publications, a few of which are available online.[188][189]

In 1969, French platformist anarcho-communist Daniel Guérin published an essay in 1969 called "Libertarian Marxism?" in which he dealt with the debate between Karl Marx and Mikhail Bakunin at the First International and afterwards suggested that "libertarian Marxism rejects determinism and fatalism, giving the greater place to individual will, intuition, imagination, reflex speeds, and to the deep instincts of the masses, which are more far-seeing in hours of crisis than the reasonings of the 'elites'; libertarian Marxism thinks of the effects of surprise, provocation and boldness, refuses to be cluttered and paralyzed by a heavy 'scientific' apparatus, doesn't equivocate or bluff, and guards itself from adventurism as much as from fear of the unknown".[190]

Libertarian Marxist currents often draw from Marx and Engels' later works, specifically the Grundrisse and The Civil War in France.[191] They emphasize the Marxist belief in the ability of the working class to forge its own destiny without the need for a revolutionary party or state.[192] Libertarian Marxism includes currents such an autonomismcouncil communismleft communismLettrismNew LeftSituationismSocialisme ou Barbarie and operaismo, among others.[193]

In the United States, there existed from 1970 to 1981 the publication Root & Branch[194] which had as a subtitle A Libertarian Marxist Journal.[195] In 1974, the Libertarian Communism journal was started in the United Kingdom by a group inside the Socialist Party of Great Britain.[196] In 1986, the anarcho-syndicalist Sam Dolgoff started and led the publication Libertarian Labor Review in the United States[197] which decided to rename itself as Anarcho-Syndicalist Review in order to avoid confusion with right-libertarian views.[198]

Individualist anarchism in the United States[edit]

Josiah Warren, regarded by some as the first American anarchist

The indigenous anarchist tradition in the United States was largely individualist.[199] In 1825, Josiah Warren became aware of the social system of utopian socialist Robert Owen and began to talk with others in Cincinnati about founding a communist colony.[200] When this group failed to come to an agreement about the form and goals of their proposed community, Warren "sold his factory after only two years of operation, packed up his young family, and took his place as one of 900 or so Owenites who had decided to become part of the founding population of New Harmony, Indiana".[201] Warren termed the phrase "cost the limit of price"[202] and "proposed a system to pay people with certificates indicating how many hours of work they did. They could exchange the notes at local time stores for goods that took the same amount of time to produce".[203] He put his theories to the test by establishing an experimental labor-for-labor store called the Cincinnati Time Store where trade was facilitated by labor notes. The store proved successful and operated for three years, after which it was closed so that Warren could pursue establishing colonies based on mutualism, including Utopia and Modern Times. After New Harmony failed, Warren shifted his "ideological loyalties" from socialism to anarchism "which was no great leap, given that Owen's socialism had been predicated on Godwin's anarchism".[204] Warren is widely regarded as the first American anarchist[203] and the four-page weekly paper The Peaceful Revolutionist he edited during 1833 was the first anarchist periodical published,[143] an enterprise for which he built his own printing press, cast his own type and made his own printing plates.[143]

Catalan historian Xavier Diez reports that the intentional communal experiments pioneered by Warren were influential in European individualist anarchists of the late 19th and early 20th centuries such as Émile Armand and the intentional communities started by them.[205] Warren said that Stephen Pearl Andrews, individualist anarchist and close associate, wrote the most lucid and complete exposition of Warren's own theories in The Science of Society, published in 1852.[206] Andrews was formerly associated with the Fourierist movement, but converted to radical individualism after becoming acquainted with the work of Warren. Like Warren, he held the principle of "individual sovereignty" as being of paramount importance. Contemporary American anarchist Hakim Bey reports:

Steven Pearl Andrews [...] was not a Fourierist, but he lived through the brief craze for phalansteries in America and adopted a lot of Fourierist principles and practices [...], a maker of worlds out of words. He syncretized abolitionism in the United States, free love, spiritual universalism, Warren, and Fourier into a grand utopian scheme he called the Universal Pantarchy. [...] He was instrumental in founding several 'intentional communities,' including the 'Brownstone Utopia' on 14th St. in New York, and 'Modern Times' in Brentwood, Long Island. The latter became as famous as the best-known Fourierist communes (Brook Farm in Massachusetts & the North American Phalanx in New Jersey)—in fact, Modern Times became downright notorious (for 'Free Love') and finally foundered under a wave of scandalous publicity. Andrews (and Victoria Woodhull) were members of the infamous Section 12 of the 1st International, expelled by Marx for its anarchist, feminist, and spiritualist tendencies.[207]

For American anarchist historian Eunice Minette Schuster, "[i]t is apparent that Proudhonian Anarchism was to be found in the United States at least as early as 1848 and that it was not conscious of its affinity to the Individualist Anarchism of Josiah Warren and Stephen Pearl Andrews. William B. Greene presented this Proudhonian Mutualism in its purest and most systematic form".[208] William Batchelder Greene was a 19th-century mutualist individualist anarchist, Unitarian minister, soldier and promoter of free banking in the United States. Greene is best known for the works Mutual Banking, which proposed an interest-free banking system; and Transcendentalism, a critique of the New England philosophical school. After 1850, he became active in labor reform.[208] He was elected vice president of the New England Labor Reform League, "the majority of the members holding to Proudhon's scheme of mutual banking, and in 1869 president of the Massachusetts Labor Union".[208] Greene then published Socialistic, Mutualistic, and Financial Fragments (1875).[208] He saw mutualism as the synthesis of "liberty and order".[208] His "associationism [...] is checked by individualism. [...] 'Mind your own business,' 'Judge not that ye be not judged.' Over matters which are purely personal, as for example, moral conduct, the individual is sovereign, as well as over that which he himself produces. For this reason he demands 'mutuality' in marriage—the equal right of a woman to her own personal freedom and property".[208]

Poet, naturalist and transcendentalist Henry David Thoreau was an important early influence in individualist anarchist thought in the United States and Europe. He is best known for his book Walden, a reflection upon simple living in natural surroundings; and his essay Civil Disobedience (Resistance to Civil Government), an argument for individual resistance to civil government in moral opposition to an unjust state. In Walden, Thoreau advocates simple living and self-sufficiency among natural surroundings in resistance to the advancement of industrial civilization.[209] Civil Disobedience, first published in 1849, argues that people should not permit governments to overrule or atrophy their consciences and that people have a duty to avoid allowing such acquiescence to enable the government to make them the agents of injustice. These works influenced green anarchismanarcho-primitivism and anarcho-pacifism[210] as well as figures including Mohandas GandhiMartin Luther King Jr.Martin Buber and Leo Tolstoy.[210] For George Woodcock, this attitude can be also motivated by certain idea of resistance to progress and of rejection of the growing materialism which is the nature of American society in the mid-19th century".[209] Zerzan included Thoreau's "Excursions" in his edited compilation of anti-civilization writings, Against Civilization: Readings and Reflections.[211] Individualist anarchists such as Thoreau[212][213] do not speak of economics, but simply the right of disunion from the state and foresee the gradual elimination of the state through social evolution. Agorist author J. Neil Schulman cites Thoreau as a primary inspiration.[214]

Many economists since Adam Smith have argued that—unlike other taxes—a land value tax would not cause economic inefficiency.[215] It would be a progressive tax,[216] i.e. a tax paid primarily by the wealthy, that increases wages, reduces economic inequality, removes incentives to misuse real estate and reduces the vulnerability that economies face from credit and property bubbles.[217][218] Early proponents of this view include Thomas Paine, Herbert Spencer and Hugo Grotius,[219] but the concept was widely popularized by the economist and social reformer Henry George.[220] George believed that people ought to own the fruits of their labor and the value of the improvements they make and therefore he was opposed to income taxes, sales taxes, taxes on improvements and all other taxes on production, labor, trade or commerce. George was among the staunchest defenders of free markets and his book Protection or Free Trade was read into the Congressional Record.[221] Nonetheless, he did support direct management of natural monopolies such as right-of-way monopolies necessary for railroads as a last resort and advocated for elimination of intellectual property arrangements in favor of government sponsored prizes for inventors. In Progress and Poverty, George argued: "Our boasted freedom necessarily involves slavery, so long as we recognize private property in land. Until that is abolished, Declarations of Independence and Acts of Emancipation are in vain. So long as one man can claim the exclusive ownership of the land from which other men must live, slavery will exist, and as material progress goes on, must grow and deepen!"[222] Early followers of George's philosophy called themselves single taxers because they believed that the only legitimate, broad-based tax was land rent. The term Georgism was coined later, though some modern proponents prefer the term geoism instead,[223] leaving the meaning of geo (Earth in Greek) deliberately ambiguous. The terms Earth Sharing,[224] geonomics[225] and geolibertarianism[226] are used by some Georgists to represent a difference of emphasis, or real differences about how land rent should be spent, but all agree that land rent should be recovered from its private owners.

Benjamin Tucker, individualist anarchist and publisher of the periodical Liberty

Individualist anarchism found in the United States an important space for discussion and development within the group known as the Boston anarchists.[227] Even among the 19th-century American individualists there was no monolithic doctrine and they disagreed amongst each other on various issues including intellectual property rights and possession versus property in land.[228][229][230] Some Boston anarchists, including Benjamin Tucker, identified as socialists, which in the 19th century was often used in the sense of a commitment to improving conditions of the working class (i.e. "the labor problem").[231] Lysander Spooner, besides his individualist anarchist activism, was also an anti-slavery activist and member of the First International.[232] Tucker argued that the elimination of what he called "the four monopolies"—the land monopoly, the money and banking monopoly, the monopoly powers conferred by patents and the quasi-monopolistic effects of tariffs—would undermine the power of the wealthy and big business, making possible widespread property ownership and higher incomes for ordinary people, while minimizing the power of would-be bosses and achieving socialist goals without state action. Tucker's anarchist periodical, Liberty, was published from August 1881 to April 1908.

The publication Liberty, emblazoned with Proudhon's quote that liberty is "Not the Daughter But the Mother of Order" was instrumental in developing and formalizing the individualist anarchist philosophy through publishing essays and serving as a forum for debate. Contributors included Benjamin Tucker, Lysander Spooner, Auberon HerbertDyer LumJoshua K. Ingalls, John Henry Mackay, Victor YarrosWordsworth DonisthorpeJames L. WalkerJ. William LloydFlorence Finch Kelly, Voltairine de Cleyre, Steven T. ByingtonJohn Beverley RobinsonJo LabadieLillian Harman and Henry Appleton.[233] Later, Tucker and others abandoned their traditional support of natural rights and converted to an egoism modeled upon the philosophy of Max Stirner.[229] A number of natural rights proponents stopped contributing in protest. Several periodicals were undoubtedly influenced by Liberty's presentation of egoism, including I published by Clarence Lee Swartz and edited by William Walstein Gordak and J. William Lloyd (all associates of Liberty); and The Ego and The Egoist, both of which were edited by Edward H. Fulton. Among the egoist papers that Tucker followed were the German Der Eigene, edited by Adolf Brand; and The Eagle and The Serpent, issued from London. The latter, the most prominent English language egoist journal, was published from 1898 to 1900 with the subtitle A Journal of Egoistic Philosophy and Sociology.[234][235]

Georgism and geolibertarianism[edit]

Henry George, influential among left-libertarians, advocated that the value derived from land should belong to all members of a society

Henry George was an American political economist and journalist who advocated that all economic value derived from land, including natural resources, should belong equally to all members of society. Strongly opposed to feudalism and the privatisation of land, George created the philosophy of Georgism, or geoism, influential among many left-libertarians, including geolibertarians and geoanarchists. Much like the English Digger movementwho held all material possessions in common, George claimed that land and its financial properties belong to everyone, and that to hold land as private property would lead to immense inequalities, including authority from the private owners of such ground.

Prior to states assigning property owners slices of either once populated or uninhabited land, the world's earth was held in common. When all resources that derive from land are put to achieving a higher quality of life, not just for employers or landlords, but to serve the general interests and comforts of a wider community, Geolibertarians claim vastly higher qualities of life can be reached, especially with ever advancing technology and industrialised agriculture.

The Diggers, early libertarian communists, held all things in common, including land which was often violently seized by the European aristocracy

The Levellers, also known as the Diggers, were a 17th-century anti-authoritarian movement that stood in resistance to the English government and the feudalism it was pushing through the forced privatisation of land known as the enclosure around the time of the First English Civil War. Devout ProtestantsGerrard Winstanley was a prominent member of the community and with a very progressive interpretation of his religion sought to end buying and selling, instead for all inhabitants of a society to share their material possessions and to hold all things in common, without money or payment. With the complete abolition of private property, including that of private land, the English Levellers created a pool of property where all properties belonged in equal measure to everyone. Often seen as some of the first practising anarchists, the Digger movement is considered Christian communist and extremely early libertarian communism.

Modern libertarianism in the United States[edit]

By around the start of the 20th century, the heyday of individualist anarchism had passed.[236] H. L. Mencken and Albert Jay Nock were the first prominent figures in the United States to describe themselves as libertarian as synonym for liberal. They believed that Franklin D. Roosevelt had co-opted the word liberal for his New Deal policies which they opposed and used libertarian to signify their allegiance to classical liberalismindividualism and limited government.[237] In 1914, Nock joined the staff of The Nation magazine which at the time was supportive of liberal capitalism. A lifelong admirer of Henry George, Nock went on to become co-editor of The Freeman from 1920 to 1924, a publication initially conceived as a vehicle for the single tax movement, financed by the wealthy wife of the magazine's other editor Francis Neilson.[238] Critic H. L. Mencken wrote that "[h]is editorials during the three brief years of the Freeman set a mark that no other man of his trade has ever quite managed to reach. They were well-informed and sometimes even learned, but there was never the slightest trace of pedantry in them".[239]

Executive Vice President of the Cato Institute David Boaz wrote: "In 1943, at one of the lowest points for liberty and humanity in history, three remarkable women published books that could be said to have given birth to the modern libertarian movement".[240] Isabel Paterson's The God of the MachineRose Wilder Lane's The Discovery of Freedom and Ayn Rand's The Fountainhead each promoted individualism and capitalism. None of the three used the term libertarianism to describe their beliefs and Rand specifically rejected the label, criticizing the burgeoning American libertarian movement as the "hippies of the right".[241] Rand's own philosophy of Objectivism is notedly similar to libertarianism and she accused libertarians of plagiarizing her ideas.[241] Rand stated:

All kinds of people today call themselves "libertarians," especially something calling itself the New Right, which consists of hippies who are anarchists instead of leftist collectivists; but anarchists are collectivists. Capitalism is the one system that requires absolute objective law, yet libertarians combine capitalism and anarchism. That's worse than anything the New Left has proposed. It's a mockery of philosophy and ideology. They sling slogans and try to ride on two bandwagons. They want to be hippies, but don't want to preach collectivism because those jobs are already taken. But anarchism is a logical outgrowth of the anti-intellectual side of collectivism. I could deal with a Marxist with a greater chance of reaching some kind of understanding, and with much greater respect. Anarchists are the scum of the intellectual world of the Left, which has given them up. So the Right picks up another leftist discard. That's the libertarian movement.[242]

In 1946, Leonard E. Read founded the Foundation for Economic Education (FEE), an American nonprofit educational organization which promotes the principles of laissez-faire economics, private property and limited government.[243] According to Gary North, former FEE director of seminars and a current Mises Institute scholar, the FEE is the "granddaddy of all libertarian organizations".[244] The initial officers of the FEE were Leonard E. Read as president, Austrian School economist Henry Hazlitt as vice president and David Goodrich of B. F. Goodrich as chairman. Other trustees on the FEE board have included wealthy industrialist Jasper Crane of DuPont, H. W. Luhnow of William Volker & Co. and Robert W. Welch Jr., founder of the John Birch Society.[245][246][247]

Austrian School economist Murray Rothbard was initially an enthusiastic partisan of the Old Right, particularly because of its general opposition to war and imperialism,[248] but long embraced a reading of American history that emphasized the role of elite privilege in shaping legal and political institutions. He was part of Ayn Rand's circle for a brief period, but later harshly criticized Objectivism.[249] He praised Rand's Atlas Shrugged and wrote that she "introduced me to the whole field of natural rights and natural law philosophy", prompting him to learn "the glorious natural rights tradition".[250] He soon broke with Rand over various differences, including his defense of anarchism, calling his philosophy anarcho-capitalism. Rothbard was influenced by the work of the 19th-century American individualist anarchists[251] and sought to meld their advocacy of free markets and private defense with the principles of Austrian economics.[252]

Karl Hess, a speechwriter for Barry Goldwater and primary author of the Republican Party's 1960 and 1964 platforms, became disillusioned with traditional politics following the 1964 presidential campaign in which Goldwater lost to Lyndon B. Johnson. He parted with the Republicans altogether after being rejected for employment with the party, and began work as a heavy-duty welder. Hess began reading American anarchists largely due to the recommendations of his friend Murray Rothbard and said that upon reading the works of communist anarchist Emma Goldman, he discovered that anarchists believed everything he had hoped the Republican Party would represent. For Hess, Goldman was the source for the best and most essential theories of Ayn Rand without any of the "crazy solipsism that Rand was so fond of".[253] Hess and Rothbard founded the journal Left and Right: A Journal of Libertarian Thought, which was published from 1965 to 1968, with George Resch and Leonard P. Liggio. In 1969, they edited The Libertarian Forum which Hess left in 1971. Hess eventually put his focus on the small scale, stating that society is "people together making culture". He deemed two of his cardinal social principles to be "opposition to central political authority" and "concern for people as individuals". His rejection of standard American party politics was reflected in a lecture he gave during which he said: "The Democrats or liberals think that everybody is stupid and therefore they need somebody [...] to tell them how to behave themselves. The Republicans think everybody is lazy".[254]

The Nolan Chart, created by American libertarian David Nolan, expands the left–right line into a two-dimensional chart classifying the political spectrum by degrees of personal and economic freedom

The Vietnam War split the uneasy alliance between growing numbers of American libertarians and conservatives who believed in limiting liberty to uphold moral virtues. Libertarians opposed to the war joined the draft resistance and peace movements as well as organizations such as Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). In 1969 and 1970, Hess joined with others, including Murray Rothbard, Robert LeFevreDana RohrabacherSamuel Edward Konkin III and former SDS leader Carl Oglesby to speak at two conferences which brought together activists from both the New Left and the Old Right in what was emerging as a nascent libertarian movement.[255] As part of his effort to unite the left and right wings of libertarianism, Hess would join both the SDS and the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), of which he explained: "We used to have a labor movement in this country, until I.W.W. leaders were killed or imprisoned. You could tell labor unions had become captive when business and government began to praise them. They're destroying the militant black leaders the same way now. If the slaughter continues, before long liberals will be asking, 'What happened to the blacks? Why aren't they militant anymore?'"[256] Rothbard ultimately broke with the left, allying himself with the burgeoning paleoconservative movement.[257][258] He criticized the tendency of these libertarians to appeal to "'free spirits,' to people who don't want to push other people around, and who don't want to be pushed around themselves" in contrast to "the bulk of Americans" who "might well be tight-assed conformists, who want to stamp out drugs in their vicinity, kick out people with strange dress habits, etc." Rothbard emphasized that this was relevant as a matter of strategy as the failure to pitch the libertarian message to Middle America might result in the loss of "the tight-assed majority".[259][260] This left-libertarian tradition[261] has been carried to the present day by Konkin III's agorists,[262] contemporary mutualists such as Kevin Carson,[263] Roderick T. Long[264] and others such as Gary Chartier[265] Charles W. Johnson[266][267] Sheldon Richman,[78] Chris Matthew Sciabarra[268] and Brad Spangler.[269]

Former Congressman Ron Paul, a self-described libertarian, whose presidential campaigns in 2008 and 2012 garnered significant support from youth and libertarian Republicans

In 1971, a small group of Americans led by David Nolan formed the Libertarian Party,[270] which has run a presidential candidate every election year since 1972. Other libertarian organizations, such as the Center for Libertarian Studies and the Cato Institute, were also formed in the 1970s.[271] Philosopher John Hospers, a one-time member of Rand's inner circle, proposed a non-initiation of force principle to unite both groups, but this statement later became a required "pledge" for candidates of the Libertarian Party and Hospers became its first presidential candidate in 1972.[272] In the 1980s, Hess joined the Libertarian Party and served as editor of its newspaper from 1986 to 1990. According to Maureen Tkacik, Hess moved to the radical left[273] and was the ideological grandfather of the anti-1% and pro-99% movement, the direct antecedent of thinkers like Ron Paul and both the Tea Party movement and the Occupy movement.[274]

Modern libertarianism gained significant recognition in academia with the publication of Harvard University professor Robert Nozick's Anarchy, State, and Utopia in 1974, for which he received a National Book Award in 1975.[275] In response to John Rawls's A Theory of Justice, Nozick's book supported a minimal state (also called a nightwatchman state by Nozick) on the grounds that the ultraminimal state arises without violating individual rights[276] and the transition from an ultraminimal state to a minimal state is morally obligated to occur. Specifically, Nozick wrote: "We argue that the first transition from a system of private protective agencies to an ultraminimal state, will occur by an invisible-hand process in a morally permissible way that violates no one's rights. Secondly, we argue that the transition from an ultraminimal state to a minimal state morally must occur. It would be morally impermissible for persons to maintain the monopoly in the ultraminimal state without providing protective services for all, even if this requires specific 'redistribution.' The operators of the ultraminimal state are morally obligated to produce the minimal state".[277]

In the early 1970s, Rothbard wrote: "One gratifying aspect of our rise to some prominence is that, for the first time in my memory, we, 'our side,' had captured a crucial word from the enemy. 'Libertarians' had long been simply a polite word for left-wing anarchists, that is for anti-private property anarchists, either of the communist or syndicalist variety. But now we had taken it over".[278] The project of spreading libertarian ideals in the United States has been so successful that some Americans who do not identify as libertarian seem to hold libertarian views.[279] Since the resurgence of neoliberalism in the 1970s, this modern American libertarianism has spread beyond North America via think tanks and political parties.[280][281]

Contemporary libertarianism[edit]

Contemporary libertarian socialism[edit]

Members of the Spanish anarcho-syndicalist trade union Confederación Nacional del Trabajo marching in Madrid in 2010

A surge of popular interest in libertarian socialism occurred in Western nations during the 1960s and 1970s.[282] Anarchism was influential in the counterculture of the 1960s[283][284][285] and anarchists actively participated in the protests of 1968 which included students and workers' revolts.[286] In 1968, the International of Anarchist Federations was founded in Carrara, Italy during an international anarchist conference held there in 1968 by the three existing European federations of France, the Italian and the Iberian Anarchist Federation as well as the Bulgarian Anarchist Federation in French exile.[181][287] The uprisings of May 1968 also led to a small resurgence of interest in left communist ideas. Various small left communist groups emerged around the world, predominantly in the leading capitalist countries. A series of conferences of the communist left began in 1976, with the aim of promoting international and cross-tendency discussion, but these petered out in the 1980s without having increased the profile of the movement or its unity of ideas.[288] Left communist groups existing today include the International Communist Party, International Communist Current and the Internationalist Communist Tendency. The housing and employment crisis in most of Western Europe led to the formation of communes and squatter movements like that of Barcelona in Spain. In Denmark, squatters occupied a disused military base and declared the Freetown Christiania, an autonomous haven in central Copenhagen.

Around the turn of the 21st century, libertarian socialism grew in popularity and influence as part of the anti-war, anti-capitalist and anti-globalisation movements.[289] Anarchists became known for their involvement in protests against the meetings of the World Trade Organization (WTO), Group of Eight and the World Economic Forum. Some anarchist factions at these protests engaged in rioting, property destruction and violent confrontations with police. These actions were precipitated by ad hoc, leaderless, anonymous cadres known as black blocs and other organizational tactics pioneered in this time include security cultureaffinity groups and the use of decentralized technologies such as the Internet.[289] A significant event of this period was the confrontations at WTO conference in Seattle in 1999.[289] For English anarchist scholar Simon Critchley, "contemporary anarchism can be seen as a powerful critique of the pseudo-libertarianism of contemporary neo-liberalism. One might say that contemporary anarchism is about responsibility, whether sexual, ecological or socio-economic; it flows from an experience of conscience about the manifold ways in which the West ravages the rest; it is an ethical outrage at the yawning inequality, impoverishment and disenfranchisment that is so palpable locally and globally".[290] This might also have been motivated by "the collapse of 'really existing socialism' and the capitulation to neo-liberalism of Western social democracy".[291]

Libertarian socialists in the early 21st century have been involved in the alter-globalization movement, squatter movement; social centersinfoshops; anti-poverty groups such as Ontario Coalition Against Poverty and Food Not Bombstenants' unions; housing cooperativesintentional communities generally and egalitarian communities; anti-sexist organizing; grassroots media initiatives; digital media and computer activism; experiments in participatory economicsanti-racist and anti-fascist groups like Anti-Racist Action and Anti-Fascist Action; activist groups protecting the rights of immigrants and promoting the free movement of people such as the No Border networkworker co-operativescountercultural and artist groups; and the peace movement.

Contemporary libertarianism in the United States[edit]

In the United States, polls (circa 2006) find that the views and voting habits of between 10% and 20%, or more, of voting age Americans may be classified as "fiscally conservative and socially liberal, or libertarian".[53][91] This is based on pollsters and researchers defining libertarian views as fiscally conservative and socially liberal (based on the common United States meanings of the terms) and against government intervention in economic affairs and for expansion of personal freedoms.[53] In a 2015 Gallup poll this figure had risen to 27%.[97] A 2015 Reuters poll found that 23% of American voters self-identify as libertarians, including 32% in the 18–29 age group.[96] Through twenty polls on this topic spanning thirteen years, Gallup found that voters who are libertarian on the political spectrum ranged from 17–23% of the United States electorate.[94] However, a 2014 Pew Poll found that 23% of Americans who identify as libertarians have no idea what the word means.[95]

Tea Party movement protest in Washington, D.C., September 2009

2009 saw the rise of the Tea Party movement, an American political movement known for advocating a reduction in the United States national debt and federal budget deficit by reducing government spending and taxes, which had a significant libertarian component[292] despite having contrasts with libertarian values and views in some areas such as free tradeimmigrationnationalism and social issues.[293] A 2011 Reason-Rupe poll found that among those who self-identified as Tea Party supporters, 41 percent leaned libertarian and 59 percent socially conservative.[294] Named after the Boston Tea Party, it also contains conservative[295][296][297] and populist elements[298][299][300] and has sponsored multiple protests and supported various political candidates since 2009. Tea Party activities have declined since 2010 with the number of chapters across the country slipping from about 1,000 to 600.[301][302] Mostly, Tea Party organizations are said to have shifted away from national demonstrations to local issues.[301] Following the selection of Paul Ryan as Mitt Romney's 2012 vice presidential running mate, The New York Times declared that Tea Party lawmakers are no longer a fringe of the conservative coalition, but now "indisputably at the core of the modern Republican Party".[303]

In 2012, anti-war and pro-drug liberalization presidential candidates such as Libertarian Republican Ron Paul and Libertarian Party candidate Gary Johnson raised millions of dollars and garnered millions of votes despite opposition to their obtaining ballot access by both Democrats and Republicans.[304] The 2012 Libertarian National Convention saw Johnson and Jim Gray being nominated as the 2012 presidential ticket for the Libertarian Party, resulting in the most successful result for a third-party presidential candidacy since 2000 and the best in the Libertarian Party's history by vote number. Johnson received 1% of the popular vote, amounting to more than 1.2 million votes.[305][306] Johnson has expressed a desire to win at least 5 percent of the vote so that the Libertarian Party candidates could get equal ballot access and federal funding, thus subsequently ending the two-party system.[307][308][309] The 2016 Libertarian National Convention saw Johnson and Bill Weld nominated as the 2016 presidential ticket and resulted in the most successful result for a third-party presidential candidacy since 1996 and the best in the Libertarian Party's history by vote number. Johnson received 3% of the popular vote, amounting to more than 4.3 million votes.[310]

Contemporary libertarian organizations[edit]

Current international anarchist federations which identify themselves as libertarian include the International of Anarchist Federations, the International Workers' Association and International Libertarian Solidarity. The largest organized anarchist movement today is in Spain, in the form of the Confederación General del Trabajo (CGT) and the CNT. CGT membership was estimated to be around 100,000 for 2003.[311] Other active syndicalist movements include the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden and the Swedish Anarcho-syndicalist Youth Federation in Sweden; the Unione Sindacale Italiana in Italy; Workers Solidarity Alliance in the United States; and Solidarity Federation in the United Kingdom. The revolutionary industrial unionist Industrial Workers of the World claiming 2,000 paying members as well as the International Workers' Association, remain active. In the United States, there exists the Common Struggle – Libertarian Communist Federation.

Since the 1950s, many American libertarian organizations have adopted a free-market stance as well as supporting civil liberties and non-interventionist foreign policies. These include the Ludwig von Mises InstituteFrancisco Marroquín University, the Foundation for Economic EducationCenter for Libertarian Studies, the Cato Institute and Liberty International. The activist Free State Project, formed in 2001, works to bring 20,000 libertarians to New Hampshire to influence state policy.[312] Active student organizations include Students for Liberty and Young Americans for Liberty. A number of countries have libertarian parties that run candidates for political office. In the United States, the Libertarian Party was formed in 1972 and is the third largest[313][314] American political party, with 511,277 voters (0.46% of total electorate) registered as Libertarian in the 31 states that report Libertarian registration statistics and Washington, D.C.[315]

Criticism[edit]

Criticism of libertarianism includes ethical, economic, environmental, pragmatic and philosophical concerns, especially in relation to right-libertarianism,[316][317][318][319][320][321] including the view that it has no explicit theory of liberty.[49] It has been argued that laissez-faire capitalism does not necessarily produce the best or most efficient outcome,[322][323] nor does its philosophy of individualism and policies of deregulation prevent the abuse of natural resources.[324] Critics such as Corey Robin describe this type of libertarianism as fundamentally a reactionary conservative ideology united with more traditionalist conservative thought and goals by a desire to enforce hierarchical power and social relations.[70]

Similarly, Nancy MacLean has argued that libertarianism is a radical right ideology that has stood against democracy. According to MacLean, libertarian-leaning Charles and David Koch have used anonymous, dark money campaign contributions, a network of libertarian institutes and lobbying for the appointment of libertarian, pro-business judges to United States federal and state courts to oppose taxes, public education, employee protection laws, environmental protection laws and the New Deal Social Security program.[325]

Moral and pragmatic criticism of libertarianism also includes allegations of utopianism,[326] tacit authoritarianism[327][328] and vandalism towards feats of civilisation.[329]

Allegation of utopianism[edit]

Libertarian philosophies such as anarchism are evaluated as unfeasible or utopian by their critics, often in general and formal debate. European history professor Carl Landauer argued that anarchy is unrealistic and that government is a "lesser evil" than a society without "repressive force". He also argued that "ill intentions will cease if repressive force disappears" is an "absurdity".[326] In response, An Anarchist FAQ states the following: "Anarchy is not a utopia, [and] anarchists make no such claims about human perfection. [...] Remaining disputes would be solved by reasonable methods, for example, the use of juries, mutual third parties, or community and workplace assemblies". It also states that "some sort of 'court' system would still be necessary to deal with the remaining crimes and to adjudicate disputes between citizens".[330]

Government decentralization[edit]

John Donahue argues that if political power were radically shifted to local authorities, parochial local interests would predominate at the expense of the whole and that this would exacerbate current problems with collective action.[331]

Before Donahue, Friedrich Engels claimed in his essay On Authority that radical decentralization would destroy modern industrial civilization, citing an example of railways:[329]

Here too the co-operation of an infinite number of individuals is absolutely necessary, and this co-operation must be practised during precisely fixed hours so that no accidents may happen. Here, too, the first condition of the job is a dominant will that settles all subordinate questions, whether this will is represented by a single delegate or a committee charged with the execution of the resolutions of the majority of persona interested. In either case there is a very pronounced authority. Moreover, what would happen to the first train dispatched if the authority of the railway employees over the Hon. passengers were abolished?

In the end, it is argued that authority in any form is a natural occurrence which should not be abolished.[332]

Lack of real-world examples[edit]

Michael Lind has observed that of the 195 countries in the world today, none have fully actualized a society as advocated by American libertarians:

If libertarianism was a good idea, wouldn't at least one country have tried it? Wouldn't there be at least one country, out of nearly two hundred, with minimal government, free trade, open borders, decriminalized drugs, no welfare state and no public education system?[333]

Furthermore, Lind has criticized libertarianism in the United States as being incompatible with democracy and apologetic towards autocracy.[334] In response, American libertarian Warren Redlich argues that the United States "was extremely libertarian from the founding until 1860, and still very libertarian until roughly 1930".[335]

A recent real-world example is the Free Town Project, based in Grafton, New Hampshire. As part of the Free State Project, the Free Town Project promoted libertarians moving to Grafton and becoming involved in local politics. They successfully changed a number of the laws and regulations in the small community, reducing taxation and corresponding services. The effect on the community was mixed and has been analyzed in books[336] and articles.[337]

Tacit authoritarianism[edit]

The libertarian tendency within anarchism known as platformism has been criticized by other libertarians of preserving tacitly authoritarian, bureaucratic or statist tendencies.[327][328]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. Jump up to:a b Boaz, David (30 January 2009). "Libertarianism"Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 21 February 2017[L]ibertarianism, political philosophy that takes individual liberty to be the primary political value.
  2. ^ Woodcock, George (2004) [1962]. Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements. Peterborough: Broadview Press. p. 16. ISBN 9781551116297[F]or the very nature of the libertarian attitude—its rejection of dogma, its deliberate avoidance of rigidly systematic theory, and, above all, its stress on extreme freedom of choice and on the primacy of the individual judgement [sic].
  3. Jump up to:a b c Long, Joseph. W (1996). "Toward a Libertarian Theory of Class". Social Philosophy and Policy15 (2): 310. "When I speak of 'libertarianism' [...] I mean all three of these very different movements. It might be protested that LibCap [libertarian capitalism], LibSoc [libertarian socialism] and LibPop [libertarian populism] are too different from one another to be treated as aspects of a single point of view. But they do share a common—or at least an overlapping—intellectual ancestry."
  4. Jump up to:a b c Carlson, Jennifer D. (2012). "Libertarianism". In Miller, Wilburn R., ed. The Social History of Crime and Punishment in America. London: Sage Publications. p. 1006ISBN 1412988764. "There exist three major camps in libertarian thought: right-libertarianism, socialist libertarianism, and left-libertarianism; the extent to which these represent distinct ideologies as opposed to variations on a theme is contested by scholars."
  5. Jump up to:a b c Francis, Mark (December 1983). "Human Rights and Libertarians". Australian Journal of Politics & History29 (3): 462–472. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8497.1983.tb00212.xISSN 0004-9522.
  6. ^ Long, Roderick T. (2012). "The Rise of Social Anarchism". In Gaus, Gerald F.; D'Agostino, Fred, eds. The Routledge Companion to Social and Political Philosophyp. 223. "In the meantime, anarchist theories of a more communist or collectivist character had been developing as well. One important pioneer is French anarcho-communist Joseph Déjacque (1821–1864), who [...] appears to have been the first thinker to adopt the term 'libertarian' for this position; hence 'libertarianism' initially denoted a communist rather than a free-market ideology."
  7. ^ Long, Roderick T. (2012). "Anarchism". In Gaus, Gerald F.; D'Agostino, Fred, eds. The Routledge Companion to Social and Political Philosophyp. 227. "In its oldest sense, it is a synonym either for anarchism in general or social anarchism in particular."
  8. Jump up to:a b c Rothbard, Murray (2009) [2007]. The Betrayal of the American Right (PDF). Mises Institute. p. 83. ISBN 978-1610165013One gratifying aspect of our rise to some prominence is that, for the first time in my memory, we, 'our side,' had captured a crucial word from the enemy. 'Libertarians' had long been simply a polite word for left-wing anarchists, that is for anti-private property anarchists, either of the communist or syndicalist variety. But now we had taken it over.
  9. Jump up to:a b c d Marshall, Peter (2009). Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchismp. 641. "For a long time, libertarian was interchangeable in France with anarchism but in recent years, its meaning has become more ambivalent. Some anarchists like Daniel Guérin will call themselves 'libertarian socialists', partly to avoid the negative overtones still associated with anarchism, and partly to stress the place of anarchism within the socialist tradition. Even Marxists of the New Left like E. P. Thompson call themselves 'libertarian' to distinguish themselves from those authoritarian socialists and communists who believe in revolutionary dictatorship and vanguard parties."
  10. Jump up to:a b c Kropotkin, Peter (1927). Anarchism: A Collection of Revolutionary Writings. Courier Dover Publications. p. 150. ISBN 9780486119861It attacks not only capital, but also the main sources of the power of capitalism: law, authority, and the State.
  11. Jump up to:a b c Otero, Carlos Peregrin (2003). "Introduction to Chomsky's Social Theory". In Otero, Carlos Peregrin (ed.). Radical Priorities. Chomsky, Noam Chomsky (3rd ed.). Oakland, California: AK Press. p. 26. ISBN 1-902593-69-3.
  12. Jump up to:a b c Chomsky, Noam (2003). Carlos Peregrin Otero (ed.). Radical Priorities (3rd ed.). Oakland, California: AK Press. pp. 227–228. ISBN 1-902593-69-3.
  13. Jump up to:a b c Carlson, Jennifer D. (2012). "Libertarianism". In Miller, Wilbur R. The Social History of Crime and Punishment in America: An Encyclopedia. SAGE Publications. p. 1006. "[S]ocialist libertarians view any concentration of power into the hands of a few (whether politically or economically) as antithetical to freedom and thus advocate for the simultaneous abolition of both government and capitalism".
  14. Jump up to:a b c d e f Kymlicka, Will (2005). "libertarianism, left-". In Honderich, TedThe Oxford Companion to Philosophy. New York City: Oxford University Press. p. 516. ISBN 978-0199264797. "'Left-libertarianism' is a new term for an old conception of justice, dating back to Grotius. It combines the libertarian assumption that each person possesses a natural right of self-ownership over his person with the egalitarian premiss that natural resources should be shared equally. Right-wing libertarians argue that the right of self-ownership entails the right to appropriate unequal parts of the external world, such as unequal amounts of land. According to left-libertarians, however, the world's natural resources were initially unowned, or belonged equally to all, and it is illegitimate for anyone to claim exclusive private ownership of these resources to the detriment of others. Such private appropriation is legitimate only if everyone can appropriate an equal amount, or if those who appropriate more are taxed to compensate those who are thereby excluded from what was once common property. Historic proponents of this view include Thomas Paine, Herbert Spencer, and Henry George. Recent exponents include Philippe Van Parijs and Hillel Steiner."
  15. Jump up to:a b c d e f g Goodway, David (2006). Anarchist Seeds Beneath the Snow: Left-Libertarian Thought and British Writers from William Morris to Colin Ward. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press. p. 4ISBN 1846310253ISBN 978-1846310256. "'Libertarian' and 'libertarianism' are frequently employed by anarchists as synonyms for 'anarchist' and 'anarchism', largely as an attempt to distance themselves from the negative connotations of 'anarchy' and its derivatives. The situation has been vastly complicated in recent decades with the rise of anarcho-capitalism, 'minimal statism' and an extreme right-wing laissez-faire philosophy advocated by such theorists as Murray Rothbard and Robert Nozick and their adoption of the words 'libertarian' and 'libertarianism'. It has therefore now become necessary to distinguish between their right libertarianism and the left libertarianism of the anarchist tradition".
  16. Jump up to:a b Marshall, Peter (2008). Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism. London: Harper Perennial. p. 641. "Left libertarianism can therefore range from the decentralist who wishes to limit and devolve State power, to the syndicalist who wants to abolish it altogether. It can even encompass the Fabians and the social democrats who wish to socialize the economy but who still see a limited role for the State".
  17. Jump up to:a b c Spitz, Jean-Fabien (March 2006). "Left-wing libertarianism: equality based on self-ownership"Cairn-int.info. Retrieved 11 March2018.
  18. Jump up to:a b c d e f g Newman, Saul (2010). The Politics of Postanarchism, Edinburgh University Press. p. 43ISBN 0748634959ISBN 978-0748634958. "It is important to distinguish between anarchism and certain strands of right-wing libertarianism which at times go by the same name (for example, Murray Rothbard's anarcho-capitalism). There is a complex debate within this tradition between those like Robert Nozick, who advocate a 'minimal state', and those like Rothbard who want to do away with the state altogether and allow all transactions to be governed by the market alone. From an anarchist perspective, however, both positions—the minimal state (minarchist) and the no-state ('anarchist') positions—neglect the problem of economic domination; in other words, they neglect the hierarchies, oppressions, and forms of exploitation that would inevitably arise in a laissez-faire 'free' market. [...] Anarchism, therefore, has no truck with this right-wing libertarianism, not only because it neglects economic inequality and domination, but also because in practice (and theory) it is highly inconsistent and contradictory. The individual freedom invoked by right-wing libertarians is only a narrow economic freedom within the constraints of a capitalist market, which, as anarchists show, is no freedom at all".
  19. Jump up to:a b c "Anarchism". In Gaus, Gerald F.; D'Agostino, Fred, eds. (2012). The Routledge Companion to Social and Political Philosophy. p. 227. "The term 'left-libertarianism' has at least three meanings. In its oldest sense, it is a synonym either for anarchism in general or social anarchism in particular. Later it became a term for the left or Konkinite wing of the free-market libertarian movement, and has since come to cover a range of pro-market but anti-capitalist positions, mostly individualist anarchist, including agorism and mutualism, often with an implication of sympathies (such as for radical feminism or the labor movement) not usually shared by anarcho-capitalists. In a third sense it has recently come to be applied to a position combining individual self-ownership with an egalitarian approach to natural resources; most proponents of this position are not anarchists."
  20. Jump up to:a b c Vallentyne, Peter (March 2009). "Libertarianism". In Zalta, Edward N. (ed.). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Spring 2009 ed.). Stanford, California: Stanford University. Retrieved 5 March2010Libertarianism is committed to full self-ownership. A distinction can be made, however, between right-libertarianism and left-libertarianism, depending on the stance taken on how natural resources can be owned.
  21. Jump up to:a b c d e f Carson, Kevin (15 June 2014). "What is Left-Libertarianism?". Center for a Stateless Society. Retrieved 28 November 2019.
  22. Jump up to:a b c d Marshall, Peter (2008). Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism. London: Harper Perennial. p. 565. "The problem with the term 'libertarian' is that it is now also used by the Right. [...] In its moderate form, right libertarianism embraces laissez-faire liberals like Robert Nozick who call for a minimal State, and in its extreme form, anarcho-capitalists like Murray Rothbard and David Friedman who entirely repudiate the role of the State and look to the market as a means of ensuring social order".
  23. Jump up to:a b c d e f g h Carlson, Jennifer D. (2012). "Libertarianism". In Miller, Wilburn R., ed. The Social History of Crime and Punishment in America. London: Sage Publications. p. 1006ISBN 1412988764.
  24. Jump up to:a b Fernandez, Frank (2001). Cuban Anarchism. The History of a Movement. Sharp Press. p. 9. "Thus, in the United States, the once exceedingly useful term 'libertarian' has been hijacked by egotists who are in fact enemies of liberty in the full sense of the word."
  25. ^ Hussain, Syed B. (2004). Encyclopedia of Capitalism, Volume 2. New York: Facts on File Inc. p. 492. ISBN 0816052247In the modern world, political ideologies are largely defined by their attitude towards capitalism. Marxists want to overthrow it, liberals to curtail it extensively, conservatives to curtail it moderately. Those who maintain that capitalism is an excellent economic system, unfairly maligned, with little or no need for corrective government policy, are generally known as libertarians.
  26. Jump up to:a b c Rothbard, Murray (1 March 1971). "The Left and Right Within Libertarianism"WIN: Peace and Freedom Through Nonviolent Action7 (4): 6–10. Retrieved 14 January 2020.
  27. ^ Miller, Fred (15 August 2008). "Natural Law"The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism. Retrieved 31 July 2019.
  28. ^ Boaz, David (12 April 2019). "Key Concepts of Libertarianism". Cato Institute. Retrieved 20 December 2019.
  29. ^ "What Is Libertarian". Institute for Humane Studies. Retrieved 20 December 2019.
  30. Jump up to:a b Baradat, Leon P. (2015). Political Ideologies. Routledge. p. 31. ISBN 978-1317345558.
  31. ^ William Belsham (1789). Essays. C. Dilly. p. 11Original from the University of Michigan, digitized 21 May 2007
  32. ^ OED November 2010 edition
  33. ^ The British Critic. p. 432. "The author's Latin verses, which are rather more intelligible than his English, mark him for a furious Libertarian (if we may coin such a term) and a zealous admirer of France, and her liberty, under Bonaparte; such liberty!"
  34. ^ Seeley, John Robert (1878). Life and Times of Stein: Or Germany and Prussia in the Napoleonic Age. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 3: 355.
  35. ^ Maitland, Frederick William (July 1901). "William Stubbs, Bishop of Oxford". English Historical Review. 16[.3]: 419.
  36. ^ Déjacque, Joseph (1857). "De l'être-humain mâle et femelle–Lettre à P.J. Proudhon" (in French).
  37. ^ Marshall, Peter (2009). Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism. p. 641. "The word 'libertarian' has long been associated with anarchism, and has been used repeatedly throughout this work. The term originally denoted a person who upheld the doctrine of the freedom of the will; in this sense, Godwin was not a 'libertarian', but a 'necessitarian'. It came however to be applied to anyone who approved of liberty in general. In anarchist circles, it was first used by Joseph Déjacque as the title of his anarchist journal Le Libertaire, Journal du Mouvement Social published in New York in 1858. At the end of the last century, the anarchist Sebastien Faure took up the word, to stress the difference between anarchists and authoritarian socialists".
  38. ^ Robert Graham, ed. (2005). Anarchism: A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas. Volume One: From Anarchy to Anarchism (300 CE–1939). Montreal: Black Rose Books. §17.
  39. ^ Woodcock, George (1962). Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements. Meridian Books. p. 280. "He called himself a "social poet," and published two volumes of heavily didactic verse—Lazaréennes and Les Pyrénées Nivelées. In New York, from 1858 to 1861, he edited an anarchist paper entitled Le Libertaire, Journal du Mouvement Social, in whose pages he printed as a serial his vision of the anarchist Utopia, entitled L'Humanisphére."
  40. ^ Mouton, Jean Claude. "Le Libertaire, Journal du mouvement social".
  41. ^ Nettlau, Max (1996). A Short History of Anarchism. London: Freedom Press. p. 162. ISBN 978-0-900384-89-9OCLC 37529250.
  42. ^ Ward, Colin (2004). Anarchism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 62. "For a century, anarchists have used the word 'libertarian' as a synonym for 'anarchist', both as a noun and an adjective. The celebrated anarchist journal Le Libertaire was founded in 1896. However, much more recently the word has been appropriated by various American free-market philosophers [...]."
  43. ^ Chomsky, Noam (23 February 2002). "The Week Online Interviews Chomsky"Z MagazineZ Communications. Archived from the original on 13 January 2013. Retrieved 21 November 2011The term libertarian as used in the US means something quite different from what it meant historically and still means in the rest of the world. Historically, the libertarian movement has been the anti-statist wing of the socialist movement. Socialist anarchism was libertarian socialism.
  44. ^ Comegna, Anthony; Gomez, Camillo (3 October 2018). "Libertarianism, Then and Now"Libertarianism. Cato Institute. "[...] Benjamin Tucker was the first American to really start using the term 'libertarian' as a self-identifier somewhere in the late 1870s or early 1880s." Retrieved 3 August 2020.
  45. ^ Russell, Dean (May 1955). "Who Is A Libertarian?"The Freeman. Foundation for Economic Education. 5 (5). Archived from the originalon 26 June 2010. Retrieved 6 March 2010.
  46. ^ Russel Dean (May 1955). "Who Is A Libertarian". Foundation for Economic Education. Retrieved 28 November 2019.
  47. Jump up to:a b c Tucker, Jeffrey (15 September 2016). "Where Does the Term "Libertarian" Come From Anyway?". Foundation for Economic Education. Retrieved 28 November 2019.
  48. ^ Paul CantorThe Invisible Hand in Popular Culture: Liberty Vs. Authority in American Film and TV, University Press of Kentucky, 2012, p. 353, n. 2.
  49. Jump up to:a b c d Lester, J. C. (22 October 2017). "New-Paradigm Libertarianism: a Very Brief Explanation". PhilPapers. Retrieved 26 June 2019.
  50. ^ Teles, Steven; Kenney, Daniel A. (2008). "Spreading the Word: The diffusion of American Conservatism in Europe and beyond". In Steinmo, Sven. Growing Apart?: America and Europe in the Twenty-first CenturyCambridge University Press. pp. 136–169.
  51. ^ "National Book Award: 1975 – Philosophy and Religion" (1975). National Book Foundation. Retrieved 9 September 2011. Archived 9 September 2011 at the Wayback Machine.
  52. Jump up to:a b Schaefer, David Lewis (30 April 2008). "Robert Nozick and the Coast of Utopia"The New York Sun. Retrieved 26 June 2019.
  53. Jump up to:a b c d e Boaz, David; Kirby, David (18 October 2006). "The Libertarian Vote". Cato Institute. Retrieved 10 February 2020.
  54. ^ Carpenter, Ted Galen; Innocent, Malen (2008). "Foreign Policy". In Hamowy, Ronald (ed.). The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGECato Institute. pp. 177–180. doi:10.4135/9781412965811.n109ISBN 978-1-4129-6580-4LCCN 2008009151OCLC 750831024.
  55. ^ Edward A. Olsen (2002). US National Defense for the Twenty-First Century: The Grand Exit StrategyTaylor & Francisp. 182ISBN 0714681407ISBN 9780714681405.
  56. Jump up to:a b c "Anarchism". In Gaus, Gerald F.; D'Agostino, Fred, eds. (2012). The Routledge Companion to Social and Political Philosophy. p. 227.
  57. ^ Cohn, Jesse (20 April 2009). "Anarchism". In Ness, Immanuel (ed.). The International Encyclopedia of Revolution and Protest. Oxford: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. p. 6doi:10.1002/9781405198073.wbierp0039ISBN 978-1-4051-9807-3'[L]ibertarianism' [...] a term that, until the mid-twentieth century, was synonymous with "anarchism" per se.
  58. ^ Guérin, Daniel (1970). Anarchism: From Theory to Practice. New York City: Monthly Review Press. p. 12. "[A]narchism is really a synonym for socialism. The anarchist is primarily a socialist whose aim is to abolish the exploitation of man by man. Anarchism is only one of the streams of socialist thought, that stream whose main components are concern for liberty and haste to abolish the State." ISBN 978-0853451754.
  59. Jump up to:a b Gamble, Andrew (August 2013). Freeden, Michael; Stears, Marc (eds.). "Economic Libertarianism". The Oxford Handbook of Political Ideologies. Oxford University Press: 405. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199585977.013.0008.
  60. Jump up to:a b Gamble, Andrew (August 2013). Freeden, Michael; Stears, Marc (eds.). "Economic Libertarianism". The Oxford Handbook of Political Ideologies. Oxford University Press: 406. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199585977.013.0008.
  61. ^ Gamble, Andrew (August 2013). Freeden, Michael; Stears, Marc (eds.). "Economic Libertarianism". The Oxford Handbook of Political Ideologies. Oxford University Press: 405–406. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199585977.013.0008.
  62. ^ Francis, Mark (December 1983). "Human Rights and Libertarians". Australian Journal of Politics & History29 (3): 462. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8497.1983.tb00212.xISSN 0004-9522.
  63. ^ Francis, Mark (December 1983). "Human Rights and Libertarians". Australian Journal of Politics & History29 (3): 462–463. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8497.1983.tb00212.xISSN 0004-9522.
  64. ^ Francis, Mark (December 1983). "Human Rights and Libertarians". Australian Journal of Politics & History29 (3): 463. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8497.1983.tb00212.xISSN 0004-9522.
  65. Jump up to:a b Block, Walter (2010). "Libertarianism Is Unique and Belongs Neither to the Right Nor the Left: A Critique of the Views of Long, Holcombe, and Baden on the Left, Hoppe, Feser, and Paul on the Right"Journal of Libertarian Studies22. pp. 127–170.
  66. Jump up to:a b Read, Leonard E. (January 1956). "Neither Left Nor Right"The Freeman48 (2): 71–73.
  67. Jump up to:a b Browne, Harry (21 December 1998). "The Libertarian Stand on Abortion". HarryBrowne.org. Retrieved 14 January 2020.
  68. Jump up to:a b Raimondo, Justin (2000). An Enemy of the State. Chapter 4: "Beyond left and right". Prometheus Books. p. 159.
  69. Jump up to:a b Machan, Tibor R. (2004). "Neither Left Nor Right: Selected Columns"522Hoover Institution PressISBN 0817939822ISBN 9780817939823.
  70. Jump up to:a b Robin, Corey (2011). The Reactionary Mind: Conservatism from Edmund Burke to Sarah Palin. Oxford University Press. pp. 15–16ISBN 978-0199793747.
  71. ^ Harmel, Robert; Gibson, Rachel K. (June 1995). "Right‐Libertarian Parties and the "New Values": A Re‐examination". Scandinavian Political Studies18 (July 1993): 97–118. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1995.tb00157.x.
  72. ^ Robinson, Emily; et al. (2017). "Telling stories about post-war Britain: popular individualism and the 'crisis' of the 1970s"Twentieth Century British History28 (2): 268–304.
  73. ^ Kitschelt, Herbert; McGann, Anthony J. (1997) [1995]. The Radical Right in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis. University of Michigan Press. p. 27ISBN 9780472084418.
  74. ^ Mudde, Cas (11 October 2016). The Populist Radical Right: A Reader (1st ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-1138673861.
  75. ^ Hess, Karl (18 February 2015). "Anarchism Without Hyphens & The Left/Right Spectrum". Center for a Stateless Society. Tulsa Alliance of the Libertarian Left. Retrieved 17 March 2020. "The far left, as far as you can get away from the right, would logically represent the opposite tendency and, in fact, has done just that throughout history. The left has been the side of politics and economics that opposes the concentration of power and wealth and, instead, advocates and works toward the distribution of power into the maximum number of hands."
  76. ^ Long, Roderick T. (8 April 2006). "Rothbard's 'Left and Right': Forty Years Later". Mises Institute. Rothbard Memorial Lecture, Austrian Scholars Conference 2006. Retrieved 17 March 2020.
  77. ^ Richman, Sheldon (1 June 2007). "Libertarianism: Left or Right?". The Future of Freedom Foundation. Retrieved 15 March 2020. "In fact, libertarianism is planted squarely on the Left, as I will try to demonstrate here."
  78. Jump up to:a b Richman, Sheldon (3 February 2011). "Libertarian Left: Free-market anti-capitalism, the unknown ideal"The American ConservativeArchived 10 June 2019 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved 5 March 2012.
  79. ^ Rothbard, Murray (Spring 1965). "Left and Right: The Prospects for Liberty". Left and Right: A Journal of Libertarian Thought1 (1): 4–22.
  80. ^ Boaz, David (1998). Libertarianism: A Primer. Free Press. pp. 22–26.
  81. ^ Conway, David (2008). "Freedom of Speech". In Hamowy, Ronald(ed.). Liberalism, ClassicalThe Encyclopedia of Libertarianism. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGECato Institute. pp. 295–298. doi:10.4135/9781412965811.n112ISBN 978-1-4129-6580-4LCCN 2008009151OCLC 750831024Depending on the context, libertarianism can be seen as either the contemporary name for classical liberalism, adopted to avoid confusion in those countries where liberalism is widely understood to denote advocacy of expansive government powers, or as a more radical version of classical liberalism.
  82. ^ "About the Libertarian Party". Libertarian Party. "Libertarians strongly oppose any government interference into their personal, family, and business decisions. Essentially, we believe all Americans should be free to live their lives and pursue their interests as they see fit as long as they do no harm to another". Retrieved 2 May 2020.
  83. ^ Nozick, Robert (1974). Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Basic Books.
  84. ^ Thaler, Richard; Sunstein, Cass (2003). "Libertarian Paternalism". The American Economic Review. 93: 175–179.
  85. ^ Thaler, Richard H. (2008). Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health, Wealth, and Happiness. Sunstein, Cass R. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300122237OCLC 181517463.
  86. Jump up to:a b Kahneman, Daniel (25 October 2011). Thinking, Fast and Slow(1st ed.). New York City, NY. ISBN 9780374275631OCLC 706020998.
  87. ^ Sterba, James (2013). The Pursuit of Justice. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield. p. 66. ISBN 9781442221796.
  88. ^ Carter, Ian (2 August 2016). "Positive and Negative Liberty"Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Retrieved 21 September 2020.
  89. ^ Sterba, James (1980). Justice: Alternative Political Perspectives. Boston: Wadsworth Publishing Company. p. 175. ISBN 9780534007621.
  90. ^ Sterba, James (2013). The Pursuit of Justice. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield. p. 52. ISBN 9781442221796.
  91. Jump up to:a b Arbor, Ann. The ANES Guide to Public Opinion and Electoral Behavior, 1948–2004. American National Election Studies.
  92. ^ "Q8. What is the Nolan Chart?". Nolan Chart. Retrieved 10 February 2020.
  93. ^ "About the Quiz". Advocates for Self-Government. Retrieved 8 February 2020.
  94. Jump up to:a b "Gallup Database: 2006 Survey Results". Gallup. Retrieved 23 December 2019.
  95. Jump up to:a b Kiley, Jocelyn (25 August 2014). "In Search of Libertarians". Pew Research Center. "14% say the term libertarian describes them well; 77% of those know the definition (11% of total), while 23% do not (3% of total)."
  96. Jump up to:a b Becker, Amanda (30 April 2015). "Americans don't like big government - but like many programs: poll". Retrieved 31 October 2019.
  97. Jump up to:a b Boaz, David (10 February 2016). "Gallup Finds More Libertarians in the Electorate". Retrieved 31 October 2019.
  98. ^ Kropotkin, Peter. "Anarchism"Encyclopædia BritannicaIn a society developed on these lines, the voluntary associations which already now begin to cover all the fields of human activity would take a still greater extension so as to substitute themselves for the state in all its functions.
  99. ^ Boaz, David (21 November 1998). "Preface for the Japanese Edition of Libertarianism: A Primer"Cato Institute. Retrieved 10 December 2019.
  100. ^ Boaz, David (7 March 2007). "A Note on Labels: Why 'Libertarian'?"Libertarianism.orgCato Institute. Retrieved 4 July 2013. Archived 16 July 2012 at the Wayback Machine
  101. ^ Garbooshian, Adrina Michelle (2006). The Concept of Human Dignity in the French and American Enlightenments: Religion, Virtue, Liberty. ProQuest. p. 472ISBN 0542851601ISBN 9780542851605. "Influenced by Locke and Smith, certain segments of society affirmed classical liberalism, with a libertarian bent."
  102. ^ Cantor, Paul A. (2012). The Invisible Hand in Popular Culture: Liberty Vs. Authority in American Film and TVUniversity Press of Kentuckyp. xiiiISBN 081314082XISBN 9780813140827. "[T]he roots of libertarianism lie in [...] the classical liberal tradition".
  103. ^ Otero, Carlos Peregrin, ed. (1994). Noam Chomsky: Critical Assessments, Volumes 2–3. Taylor & Francis. p. 617ISBN 0-415-10694-XISBN 9780415106948.
  104. ^ Rocker, Rudolf (1949). Pioneers of American Freedom: Origin of Liberal and Radical Thought in America. New York: J. J. Little & Ives Company. p. 13. "It was the great service of liberal thinkers like Jefferson and Paine that they recognized the natural limitations of every form of government. That is why they did not want to see the state become a terrestrial Providence which in its infallibility would make on its own every decision, thereby not only blocking the road to higher forms of social development, but also crippling the natural sense of responsibility of the people which is the essential condition for every prosperous society".
  105. ^ Tucker, Benjamin (1926) [1976]. Individual Liberty. New York: Vanguard Press. p. 13. "The Anarchists are simply unterrified Jeffersonian Democrats. They believe that 'the best government is that which governs least,' and that that which governs least is no government at all".
  106. ^ Scott, James C. (2012). Two Cheers for Anarchism: Six Easy Pieces on Autonomy, Dignity, and Meaningful Work and Play. Princeton University Press. pp. 79–80. "At one end of an institutional continuum one can place the total institutions that routinely destroy the autonomy and initiative of their subjects. At the other end of this continuum lies, perhaps, some ideal version of Jeffersonian democracy composed of independent, self-reliant, self-respecting, landowning farmers, managers of their own small enterprises, answerable to themselves, free of debt, and more generally with no institutional reason for servility or deference. Such free-standing farmers, Jefferson thought, were the basis of a vigorous and independent public sphere where citizens could speak their mind without fear or favor. Somewhere in between these two poles lies the contemporary situation of most citizens of Western democracies: a relatively open public sphere but a quotidian institutional experience that is largely at cross purposes with the implicit assumptions behind this public sphere and encouraging and often rewarding caution, deference, servility, and conformity".
  107. ^ Long, Roderick T. (1998). "Toward a Libertarian Theory of Class". Social Philosophy and Policy15 (2): 310. doi:10.1017/s0265052500002028.
  108. ^ Boaz, David (2010). The Libertarian Reader: Classic and Contemporary Writings from Lao Tzu to Milton FriedmanSimon & Schusterp. 123ISBN 1439118337ISBN 9781439118337.
  109. Jump up to:a b Rothbard, Murray (1973) [2006]. "The Libertarian Heritage: The American Revolution and Classical Liberalism". In For a New Liberty: The Libertarian ManifestoLewRockwell.com. Retrieved 10 December 2019.
  110. ^ Wood, Ellen Meiksins (1972). Mind and Politics: An Approach to the Meaning of Liberal and Socialist IndividualismUniversity of California Press. p. 7. ISBN 0-520-02029-4.
  111. Jump up to:a b Sprading, Charles T. (1913) [1995]. Liberty and the Great LibertariansMises Institutep. 74ISBN 1610161076ISBN 9781610161077.
  112. ^ Hoffman, David C. (Fall 2006). "Paine and Prejudice: Rhetorical Leadership through Perceptual Framing in Common Sense". Rhetoric and Public Affairs9 (3): 373–410.
  113. ^ Maier, Pauline (1997). American Scripture: Making the Declaration of Independence. New York City: Knopf. pp. 90–91.
  114. ^ Hitchens, Christopher (2006). Thomas Paine's Rights of Man. Grove Press. p. 37. ISBN 0-8021-4383-0.
  115. ^ Lamb, Robert (2010). "Liberty, Equality, and the Boundaries of Ownership: Thomas Paine's Theory of Property Rights"Review of Politics72 (3): 483–511. doi:10.1017/s0034670510000331S2CID 55413082.
  116. ^ Ousby, Ian (1993). The Cambridge Guide to Literature in EnglishCambridge University Pressp. 305ISBN 0521440866ISBN 9780521440868.
  117. ^ Godwin, William (1793). Enquiry Concerning Political Justice and its Influence on Modern Morals and Happiness. G. G. and J. Robinson. OCLC 2340417.
  118. ^ "Anarchism", Encarta Online Encyclopedia 2006 (UK version).
  119. ^ Everhart, Robert B. The Public School Monopoly: A Critical Analysis of Education and the State in American Society. Pacific Institute for Public Policy Research, 1982. p. 115.
  120. Jump up to:a b c d Philip, Mark (20 May 2006). "William Godwin". In Zalta, Edward N. (ed.). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
  121. ^ Peter Kropotkin, "Anarchism"Encyclopædia Britannica 1910.
  122. ^ Godwin himself attributed the first anarchist writing to Edmund Burke's A Vindication of Natural Society. "Most of the above arguments may be found much more at large in Burke's Vindication of Natural Society; a treatise in which the evils of the existing political institutions are displayed with incomparable force of reasoning and lustre of eloquence..." – footnote, Ch. 2 Political Justice by William Godwin.
  123. ^ Adams, Ian. Political Ideology Today. Manchester University Press, 2001. p. 116.
  124. ^ Godwin, William (1796) [1793]. Enquiry Concerning Political Justice and its Influence on Modern Morals and Manners. G. G. and J. Robinson. OCLC 2340417.
  125. ^ Sheehan, Sean. Anarchism, London: Reaktion Books Ltd., 2004. p. 85.
  126. Jump up to:a b Graham, Robert (2005). "Preface"Anarchism: a Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas: from Anarchy to Anarchism. Montréal: Black Rose Books. pp. xi–xiv. ISBN 1-55164-250-6. Retrieved 11 August 2010.
  127. ^ "What is Communist Anarchism?" Alexander Berkman, in Now and After.
  128. ^ Joseph Déjacque. De l'être-humain mâle et femelle – Lettre à P.J. Proudhon par Joseph Déjacque (in French).
  129. ^ Robert Graham, Anarchism: A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas – Volume One: From Anarchy to Anarchism (300 CE to 1939), Black Rose Books, 2005
  130. ^ "l'Echange", article in Le Libertaire no 6, 21 September 1858, New York.
  131. ^ Nettlau, Max (1996). A Short History of Anarchism. Freedom Press. p. 145. ISBN 0-900384-89-1.
  132. ^ Nettlau, Max (1996). A Short History of Anarchism. Freedom Press. p. 162. ISBN 0-900384-89-1.
  133. ^ "What do I mean by individualism? I mean by individualism the moral doctrine which, relying on no dogma, no tradition, no external determination, appeals only to the individual conscience."Mini-Manual of Individualism by Han Ryner
  134. ^ "I do not admit anything except the existence of the individual, as a condition of his sovereignty. To say that the sovereignty of the individual is conditioned by Liberty is simply another way of saying that it is conditioned by itself.""Anarchism and the State" in Individual Liberty
  135. ^ Goodway, David. Anarchist Seeds Beneath the Snow. Liverpool University Press, 2006, p. 99.
  136. Jump up to:a b Leopold, David (4 August 2006). "Max Stirner". In Zalta, Edward N. (ed.). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
  137. ^ The Encyclopedia Americana: A Library of Universal Knowledge. Encyclopedia Corporation. p. 176.
  138. ^ Miller, David. "Anarchism". 1987. The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Political Thought. Blackwell Publishing. p. 11.
  139. ^ Nyberg, Svein Olav. "The union of egoists" (PDF)Non Serviam. Oslo, Norway: Svein Olav Nyberg. 1: 13–14. OCLC 47758413. Archived from the original (PDF) on 7 December 2010. Retrieved 1 September 2012.
  140. ^ Thomas, Paul (1985). Karl Marx and the Anarchists. London: Routledge/Kegan Paul. p. 142ISBN 0-7102-0685-2.
  141. ^ Carlson, Andrew (1972). "Philosophical Egoism: German Antecedents"Anarchism in Germany. Metuchen: Scarecrow Press. ISBN 0-8108-0484-0. Archived from the original on 15 February 2005. Retrieved 4 December 2008.
  142. ^ Palmer, Brian (29 December 2010). What do anarchists want from us?Slate.com.
  143. Jump up to:a b c Bailie, William (1906). "Josiah Warren: The First American Anarchist – A Sociological Study" (PDF). Small, Maynard & Co. p. 20. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 February 2012. Retrieved 17 June 2013.
  144. ^ Native American Anarchism: A Study of Left-Wing American Individualism by Eunice Minette Schuster Archived 13 February 2016 at the Wayback Machine
  145. ^ "2. Individualist Anarchism and Reaction".
  146. ^ "The Free Love Movement and Radical Individualism, By Wendy McElroy".
  147. ^ "La insumisión voluntaria: El anarquismo individualista español durante la Dictadura y la Segunda República (1923–1938)" by Xavier DíezArchived 23 July 2011 at the Wayback Machine
  148. ^ "Los anarco-individualistas, G.I.A ... Una escisión de la FAI producida en el IX Congreso (Carrara, 1965) se produjo cuando un sector de anarquistas de tendencia humanista rechazan la interpretación que ellos juzgan disciplinaria del pacto asociativoclásico, y crean los GIA (Gruppi di Iniziativa Anarchica). Esta pequeña federación de grupos, hoy nutrida sobre todo de veteranos anarco-individualistas de orientación pacifista, naturista, etcétera defiende la autonomía personal y rechaza a rajatabla toda forma de intervención en los procesos del sistema, como sería por ejemplo el sindicalismo. Su portavoz es L'Internazionale con sede en Ancona. La escisión de los GIA prefiguraba, en sentido contrario, el gran debate que pronto había de comenzar en el seno del movimiento""El movimiento libertario en Italia" by Bicicleta. REVISTA DE COMUNICACIONES LIBERTARIAS Year 1 No. Noviembre, 1 1977.
  149. ^ "Proliferarán así diversos grupos que practicarán el excursionismo, el naturismo, el nudismo, la emancipación sexual o el esperantismo, alrededor de asociaciones informales vinculadas de una manera o de otra al anarquismo. Precisamente las limitaciones a las asociaciones obreras impuestas desde la legislación especial de la Dictadura potenciarán indirectamente esta especie de asociacionismo informal en que confluirá el movimiento anarquista con esta heterogeneidad de prácticas y tendencias. Uno de los grupos más destacados, que será el impulsor de la revista individualista Ética será el Ateneo Naturista Ecléctico, con sede en Barcelona, con sus diferentes secciones la más destacada de las cuales será el grupo excursionista Sol y Vida.""La insumisión voluntaria: El anarquismo individualista español durante la Dictadura y la Segunda República (1923–1938)" by Xavier Díez Archived 23 July 2011 at the Wayback Machine
  150. ^ "Les anarchistes individualistes du début du siècle l'avaient bien compris, et intégraient le naturisme dans leurs préoccupations. Il est vraiment dommage que ce discours se soit peu à peu effacé, d'antan plus que nous assistons, en ce moment, à un retour en force du puritanisme (conservateur par essence).""Anarchisme et naturisme, aujourd'hui." by Cathy Ytak Archived 25 February 2009 at the Wayback Machine
  151. ^ anne (30 July 2014). "Culture of Individualist Anarchism in Late 19th Century America" (PDF).
  152. ^ individualista.pdf Xavier Diez. El anarquismo individualista en España (1923–1939). Virus Editorial. 2007. p. 143.[permanent dead link]
  153. ^ The "Illegalists".Archived 8 September 2015 at the Wayback Machine. Doug Imrie (published by Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed).
  154. ^ Parry, Richard. The Bonnot Gang. Rebel Press, 1987. p. 15.
  155. ^ "Anarchism" at the Encyclopedia Britannica online.
  156. ^ Anarchosyndicalism: Theory and Practice – RevoltLib.
  157. Jump up to:a b Bookchin, Murray (1998). The Spanish Anarchists. pp. 111–114.
  158. ^ FERMÍN SALVOCHEA ÁLVAREZ, CGT. BIOGRAFÍAS (English translation). Accessed April 2009
  159. ^ Avrich, Paul (2006). The Russian Anarchists. Stirling: AK Press. pp. 195, 204. ISBN 1-904859-48-8.
  160. ^ "There Is No Communism in Russia" by Emma Goldman. Quote: "Soviet Russia, it must now be obvious, is an absolute despotism politically and the crassest form of state capitalism economically."
  161. ^ Nomad, Max (1966). "The Anarchist Tradition". In Drachkovitch, Milorad M. (ed.). The Revolutionary Internationals, 1864-1943. Stanford University Press. p. 88. ISBN 0-8047-0293-4.[verification needed]
  162. ^ Dielo Truda (2006) [1926]. Organizational Platform of the General Union of Anarchists (Draft). Italy: FdCA. Retrieved 24 October 2006.
  163. ^ "The Organizational Platform of the Libertarian Communists".
  164. ^ Hakim Bey"T.A.Z.: The Temporary Autonomous Zone, Ontological Anarchy, Poetic Terrorism".
  165. ^ "Die bayerische Revolution 1918/19. Die erste Räterepublik der Literaten".[dead link]
  166. ^ "1918–1921: The Italian factory occupations – Biennio Rosso"Archived 5 November 2011 at the Wayback Machine. Libcom.org.
  167. ^ Holbrow, Marnie, "Daring but Divided" (Socialist Review, November 2002).
  168. ^ Berry, David. "Fascism or Revolution." Le Libertaire. August 1936.
  169. ^ Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936–1939, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2006, p. 46, ISBN 978-0-297-84832-5.
  170. ^ Gruppo Comunista Anarchico di Firenze (October 1979). "Anarchist Communism & Libertarian Communism"L'informatore di parte4.
  171. ^ Murray Bookchin, To Remember Spain: The Anarchist and Syndicalist Revolution of 1936, AK Press, 1994, pp. 2–39ISBN 9781873176870.
  172. ^ "inter alia: *George Richard Esenwein, The Spanish Civil War: a Modern Tragedy, 2005, p. 269. *Alexandre Skirda, Facing the Enemy: a History of Anarchist Organization from Proudhon to May 1968: 2002, p. 158. *Peter Marshall, Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism, 2010, p. 466. *Graham Kelsey". Anarchosyndicalism, Libertarian Communism, and the State: The CNT in Zaragoza and Aragon, 1930–19371991: 250.
  173. ^ José Peirats & Chris EalhamThe CNT in the Spanish Revolution, Volume 2: 2001, p. 76. "The anarchist youth movement had been founded soon after the birth of the Second Republic. ... Later, they spread throughout the whole of Spain until they came to represent the third branch of the great libertarian family. ... The FIJL had agreed upon the following statement of principles: '...This Association shall strive to invest young people with a libertarian conviction, as to equip them individually to struggle against authority in all its forms, whether in trade union matters or in ideological ones, so as to attain a libertarian social arrangement'".
  174. ^ Esenwein, George Richard. The Spanish Civil War: A Modern Tragedy, Routledge, 2005. p. 269.
  175. ^ Gómez Casas, p. 237.
  176. ^ "Sí se ha aprobado por unanimidad, también a propuesta de Ciudadanos, dedicar una calle al anarquista Melchor Rodríguez García, el último alcalde de Madrid republicano, ante "el gran consenso social y político" al respecto y por "su gran relevancia para la reconciliación y la concordia tras la Guerra Civil". El País"Madrid sustituirá las calles franquistas por víctimas del terrorismo".
  177. ^ Jesus Ruiz. Posibilismo libertario. Felix Morga, Alcalde de Najera (1891-1936). El Najerilla-Najera. 2003.
  178. ^ Renof, Israël Renof (May 1968). Possibilisme libertaire (PDF). Noir et Rouge41: 16–23.
  179. ^ "Manifesto of Libertarian Communism – Georges Fontenis".
  180. ^ London Federation of Anarchists involvement in Carrara conference, 1968 International Institute of Social History. Retrieved 19 January 2010.
  181. Jump up to:a b Short history of the IAF-IFA A-infos news project, Accessed 19 January 2010.
  182. ^ "The Left-Libertarians – the last of an ancient breed – The Villager Newspaper"The Villager. 25 January 2012.
  183. ^ Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America by Paul Avrich. AK Press. 2005. pp. 471–472.
  184. ^ Avrich, Paul. Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America, AK Press, p. 419.
  185. ^ Anarchist Voices: An Oral History Of Anarchism In America by Paul Avrich. AK Press. 2005.
  186. ^ A 1970s associate, subject of David Marr's A spirit gone to another place The Sydney Morning Herald obituary, 9 September 2006.
  187. ^ Baker, A. J. (2 February 1998). "Sydney Libertarianism and the Push". Takver's Initiatives. Archived 16 October 2019 at the Wayback MachineArchived from the original 3 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine. Neale Morison memorial site. Retrieved 2 May 2020.
  188. ^ Takver. "Sydney Libertarians and Anarchism Index".
  189. ^ "Sydney Libertarianism" at the Marxists Internet Archive.
  190. ^ "Libertarian Marxism? – The Anarchist Library". 6 February 2017.
  191. ^ Ernesto Screpanti, Libertarian communism: Marx Engels and the Political Economy of Freedom, Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2007.
  192. ^ Draper, Hal. "The Principle of Self-Emancipation in Marx and Engels"Archived 23 July 2011 at the Wayback Machine "The Socialist Register." Vol 4.
  193. ^ "A libertarian Marxist tendency map". Libcom.org. Retrieved 13 May 2014.
  194. ^ "Root & Branch".
  195. ^ "Root & Branch # 7".
  196. ^ "papers relating to Libertarian Communism (a splinter group of the SPGB) including journals and miscellaneous correspondence, 1970–1980 (1 box). "Socialist Party of Great Britain" at Archives Hub at the Great Research Centre.
  197. ^ BEKKEN, Jon, Sam Dolgoff, MiMi Rivera and Jeff Stein PERIODICAL (1 January 1989). "LIBERTARIAN LABOR REVIEW: Anarchosyndicalist Ideas and Discussion. #9 Summer, 1990". Champaign: Libertarian Labor Review, 1989. – via Amazon.
  198. ^ "Libertarian Labor Review INDEX #1–24" at syndicalists.us.
  199. ^ Marshall. p. 496.
  200. ^ Warren, Josiah (17 February 1872). "The Motives for Communism—How It Worked and What It Led To". Woodhull and Claflin's WeeklyIV(14): 5.
  201. ^ Riggenbach, Jeff (25 February 2011). "Josiah Warren: The First American Anarchist"Mises DailyMises Institute.
  202. ^ Warren, Josiah. Equitable Commerce. "A watch has a cost and a value. The COST consists of the amount of labor bestowed on the mineral or natural wealth, in converting it into metals".
  203. Jump up to:a b Palmer, Brian (29 December 2010). "What do anarchists want from us?"Slate.com. Retrieved 24 December 2019.
  204. ^ "Libertarianism: Bogus Anarchy – The Anarchist Library".
  205. ^ Xavier Diez. L'ANARQUISME INDIVIDUALISTA A ESPANYA 1923–1938. p. 42.
  206. ^ Madison, Charles A. (1945). "Anarchism in the United States". Journal of the History of Ideas1 (6): 53.
  207. ^ Bey, Hakim"The Lemonade Ocean & Modern Times".
  208. Jump up to:a b c d e f Schuster, Eunice Minette. Native American Anarchism: A Study of Left-Wing American Individualism Archived 13 February 2016 at the Wayback Machine
  209. Jump up to:a b "Su obra más representativa es Walden, aparecida en 1854, aunque redactada entre 1845 y 1847, cuando Thoreau decide instalarse en el aislamiento de una cabaña en el bosque, y vivir en íntimo contacto con la naturaleza, en una vida de soledad y sobriedad. De esta experiencia, su filosofía trata de transmitirnos la idea que resulta necesario un retorno respetuoso a la naturaleza, y que la felicidad es sobre todo fruto de la riqueza interior y de la armonía de los individuos con el entorno natural. Muchos han visto en Thoreau a uno de los precursores del ecologismo y del anarquismo primitivista representado en la actualidad por Jonh Zerzan. Para George Woodcock(8), esta actitud puede estar también motivada por una cierta idea de resistencia al progreso y de rechazo al materialismo creciente que caracteriza la sociedad norteamericana de mediados de siglo XIX." "La insumisión voluntaria. El anarquismo individualista español durante la dictadura y la segund arepública (1923-1938)" by Xavier Diez Archived 26 May 2006 at the Wayback Machine
  210. Jump up to:a b "Resisting the nation state". Archived from the original on 14 May 2011. Retrieved 7 January 2014.
  211. ^ Zerzan, John. Against Civilization: Readings And Reflections – via Amazon.
  212. ^ Johnson, Ellwood (2005). The Goodly Word: The Puritan Influence in America Literature. Clements Publishing. p. 138.
  213. ^ Seligman, Edwin Robert Anderson; Johnson, Alvin Saunders, eds (1937). Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences. p. 12.
  214. ^ "Welcome to Customer Service".
  215. ^ Smith, Adam (1776). "Chapter 2, Article 1: Taxes upon the Rent of Houses". The Wealth of Nations, Book V.
  216. ^ Suits, Daniel B. (September 1977). "Measurement of Tax Progressivity". The American Economic Review, Published by American Economic Association67 (4): 747–752. JSTOR 1813408.
  217. ^ Suits, Daniel B. (September 1977). "Measurement of Tax Progressivity". American Economic Review67 (4): 747–752. JSTOR 1813408.
  218. ^ McCluskey, William J.; Franzsen, Riël C. D. (1 January 2005). Land Value Taxation: An Applied Analysis. Ashgate. ISBN 9780754614906 – via Google Books.
  219. ^ Kymlicka, Will (2005). "libertarianism, left-". In Honderich, TedThe Oxford Companion to Philosophy. New York City: Oxford University Press. p. 516. ISBN 978-0199264797. "'Left-libertarianism' is a new term for an old conception of justice, dating back to Grotius. It combines the libertarian assumption that each person possesses a natural right of self-ownership over his person with the egalitarian premise that natural resources should be shared equally. Right-wing libertarians argue that the right of self-ownership entails the right to appropriate unequal parts of the external world, such as unequal amounts of land. However, according to left-libertarians the world's natural resources were initially unowned, or belonged equally to all, and it is illegitimate for anyone to claim exclusive private ownership of these resources to the detriment of others. Such private appropriation is legitimate only if everyone can appropriate an equal amount, or if those who appropriate more are taxed to compensate those who are thereby excluded from what was once common property. Historic proponents of this view include Thomas Paine, Herbert Spencer, and Henry George. Recent exponents include Philippe Van Parijs and Hillel Steiner".
  220. ^ Foldvary, Fred. "Geoism Explained". The Progress Report. Archived from the original on 17 March 2015. Retrieved 12 January2014.
  221. ^ "Henry George: Antiprotectionist Giant of American Economics"(PDF). Economic Insights. 10: 2. Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas.
  222. ^ George, Henry (1912) [1879]. Progress and Poverty. Book VII. "Chapter 2". Garden City, New York: Doubleday.
  223. ^ Casal, Paula (2011). "Global Taxes on Natural Resources" (PDF)Journal of Moral Philosophy8 (3): 307–27. doi:10.1163/174552411x591339. Retrieved 14 March 2014It can also invoke Geoism, a philosophical tradition encompassing the views of John Locke and Henry George ...
  224. ^ "Introduction to Earth Sharing".
  225. ^ "Jeffery J. Smith". Progress.org.
  226. ^ Foldvary, Fred"Geoism and Libertarianism" Archived 4 November 2012 at the Wayback Machine".
  227. ^ Levy, Carl. "Anarchism"Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia 2007. Archived from the original on 31 October 2009.
  228. ^ Spooner, Lysander. "The Law of Intellectual Property". Archived24 May 2014 at the Wayback Machine.
  229. Jump up to:a b Watner, Carl (1977). "Benjamin Tucker and His Periodical, Liberty" (PDF). 30 July 2014. (868 KB). In Journal of Libertarian Studies1: 4. p. 308.
  230. ^ Watner, Carl (March 1975). "Spooner Vs. Liberty" (PDF). 18 August 2014. (1.20 MB). In The Libertarian Forum7: 3. ISSN 0047-4517. pp. 5–6.
  231. ^ Brooks, Frank H. (1994). The Individualist Anarchists: An Anthology of Liberty (1881–1908). Transaction Publishers. p. 75.
  232. ^ Woodcock, George (1962). Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements. p. 459.
  233. ^ Martin, James J. (1970). Men against the State: The Expositors of Individualist Anarchism in America. Colorado Springs, CO: Myles.
  234. ^ McCal, John Erwin (1898). The Eagle and the Serpent.
  235. ^ "Leonard P. Liggio, Literature of Liberty, Autumn 1981, vol. 4, No. 3 [1981]". Online Library of Liberty. Retrieved 12 July 2019.
  236. ^ Avrich, Paul (1995) [2006]. Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America. Edinburgh, Scotland; Oakland, West Virginia: AK Press. p. 6. ISBN 978-1904859277.
  237. ^ Burns, Jennifer (2009). Goddess of the Market: Ayn Rand and the American Right. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 309. ISBN 978-0-19-532487-7.
  238. ^ Neilson, Francis (1946). "The Story of 'The Freeman'". The American Journal of Economics and Sociology6 (1): 3–53.
  239. ^ Mencken, H. L. (1926). "The Immortal Democrat"American Mercury9 (33): 123.
  240. ^ Boaz, David (1997). The Libertarian Reader: Classic and Contemporary Readings from Lao-Tzu to Milton Friedman. New York: Free Press. p. 31.
  241. Jump up to:a b "What was Ayn Rand's view of the libertarian movement?". Ayn Rand Institute. Archived from the original on 15 January 2014. Retrieved 5 March 2014More specifically, I disapprove of, disagree with and have no connection with, the latest aberration of some conservatives, the so-called "hippies of the right," who attempt to snare the younger or more careless ones of my readers by claiming simultaneously to be followers of my philosophy and advocates of anarchism. [...] libertarians are a monstrous, disgusting bunch of people: they plagiarize my ideas when that fits their purpose, and denounce me in a more vicious manner than any communist publication when that fits their purpose.
  242. ^ Mayhew, Robert (2005). Ayn Rand Answers: The Best of Her Q & A. p. 72.
  243. ^ Phillips-Fein, Kim (2009). Invisible Hands: The Making of the Conservative Movement from the New Deal to Reagan. New York: W. W. Norton. p. 27.
  244. ^ Galles, Gary (2013). Apostle of Peace: The Radical Mind of Leonard Read. Laissez Faire Books. ISBN 9781621290513.
  245. ^ Phillips-Fein 2009, p. 27.
  246. ^ Hazlitt, Henry (1 May 2006) [March 1984]. "The Early History of FEE"The Freeman. Foundation for Economic Education. The original officers were David M. Goodrich, chairman of the Board (he was then also chairman of the board of the B. F. Goodrich Company); Leonard Read, president; myself, vice-president; Fred R. Fairchild, professor of economics at Yale University, secretary; and Claude Robinson, president of the Opinion Research Institute, treasurer. [The] sixteen [original] trustees [...] included H. W. Luhnow, president of William Volker & Company; A. C. Mattei, president of Honolulu Oil Corporation; William A. Paton of the University of Michigan; Charles White, president of the Republic Steel Corporation; Leo Wolman, professor of economics at Columbia; Donaldson Brown, former vice-president of General Motors; Jasper Crane, former vice-president of Du Pont; B. E. Hutchinson, chairman of the finance committee of Chrysler Corporation; Bill Matthews, publisher of the Arizona Star; W. C. Mullendore, president of the Southern California Edison Company.
  247. ^ Perlstein, Rick (2009). Before the Storm: Barry Goldwater and the Unmaking of the American Consensus. Nation Books. pp. 113–14. ISBN 9780786744152.
  248. ^ Raimondo, Justin (2001). An Enemy of the State: The Life of Murray N. Rothbard. Amherst, NY: Prometheus.
  249. ^ Sabatini, Peter (Fall/Winter 1994–1995). "Libertarianism: Bogus Anarchy"Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed. p. 41.
  250. ^ Raimondo, Justin (2000). An Enemy of the State: The Life of Murray N. Rothbard. Amherst, New York: Prometheus Books. pp. 121, 132–134. ISBN 1-61592-239-3OCLC 43541222.
  251. ^ DeLeon, David (1978). The American as Anarchist: Reflections on Indigenous RadicalismJohns Hopkins University Press. p. 127. "only a few individuals like Murray Rothbard, in Power and Market, and some article writers were influenced by [past anarchists like Spooner and Tucker]. Most had not evolved consciously from this tradition; they had been a rather automatic product of the American environment."
  252. ^ Rothbard, Murray N. (1965, 2000). "The Spooner-Tucker Doctrine: An Economist's View"Journal of Libertarian Studies20 (1): 7. "There is, in the body of thought known as 'Austrian economics,' a scientific explanation of the workings of the free market (and of the consequences of government intervention in that market) which individualist anarchists could easily incorporate into their political and social Weltanschauung [worldview]".
  253. ^ Fischler, Steven (Director); Sucher, Joel (Director) (1983). Anarchism in America (DVD). Pacific Street Films. "I was just amazed. When I read Emma Goldman, it was as though everything I had hoped that the Republican Party would stand for suddenly came out—crystallized—in this magnificently clear statement."
  254. ^ Halle, Roland; Ladue, Peter (1980). Karl Hess: Toward Liberty. Direct Cinema, Ltd. [M16 2824 K].
  255. ^ "Spangler Home Improvement Tips – Smart home improvement decisions". Archived from the original on 8 July 2011.
  256. ^ From Far Right to Far Left– and Farther– With Karl Hess by James Boyd: 1970 The New York Times.
  257. ^ Raimondo, Justin (2001). An Enemy of the State: The Life of Murray N. Rothbard. Amherst: Prometheus. pp. 277–278.
  258. ^ Doherty, Brian (2007). Radicals for Capitalism: A Freewheeling History of the Modern American Libertarian Movement. New York: Public Affairs. pp. 562–565.
  259. ^ Rothbard, Murray (5 June 1986). "Letter to David Bergland". Rothbard emphasized that this was relevant as a matter of strategy, writing that the failure to pitch the libertarian message to Middle America might result in the loss of "the tight-assed majority".
  260. ^ Raimondo, Justin (2001). An Enemy of the State: The Life of Murray N. Rothbard. Amherst: Prometheus. pp. 263–264.
  261. ^ Zwolinski, Matt (9 January 2013). "Markets Not Capitalism". Foundation for Economic Education. Retrieved 10 January 2020.
  262. ^ Konkin III, Samuel Edward. "The New Libertarian Manifesto"Archived 5 June 2014 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved 10 February 2020.
  263. ^ Carson, Kevin A. (2008). Organization Theory: A Libertarian Perspective. Charleston, SC: BookSurge.
  264. ^ Long, Roderick T. (2008). "An Interview With Roderick Long".
  265. ^ Chartier, Gary (2009). Economic Justice and Natural Law. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  266. ^ Johnson, Charles W. (2008). "Liberty, Equality, Solidarity: Toward a Dialectical Anarchism"Anarchism/Minarchism: Is a Government Part of a Free Country? In Long, Roderick T.; Machan, Tibor. Aldershot: Ashgate pp. 155–188.
  267. ^ Chartier, Gary; Johnson, Charles W. (2011). Markets Not Capitalism: Individualist Anarchism Against Bosses, Inequality, Corporate Power, and Structural Poverty. Brooklyn: Minor Compositions/Autonomedia. pp. 1–16.
  268. ^ Sciabarra, Chris Matthew (2000). Total Freedom: Toward a Dialectical Libertarianism. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press.
  269. ^ Spangler, Brad (15 September 2006). "Market Anarchism as Stigmergic Socialism"Archived 10 May 2011 at Archive.today.
  270. ^ Winter, Bill. "1971–2001: The Libertarian Party's 30th Anniversary Year: Remembering the first three decades of America's 'Party of Principle'".[dead link] LP News.
  271. ^ International Society for Individual Liberty Freedom Network list.
  272. ^ "The Libertarian Party: A History From Hospers to Johnson"71 Republic. 11 November 2018. Retrieved 22 March 2019.
  273. ^ Boyd, Tames (6 December 1070). "From Far Right to Far Left"The New York Times. Retrieved 17 March 2020.
  274. ^ Tkacik, Maureen (20 September 2012). "The radical right-wing roots of Occupy Wall Street". Reuters. Retrieved 17 March 2020.
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  276. ^ Schaefer, David Lewis (30 April 2008). "Robert Nozick and the Coast of Utopia"The New York Sun.
  277. ^ Nozick, Robert (2013). Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Basic Books. p. 51. ISBN 978-0-465-05100-7.
  278. ^ Rothbard, Murray. (2009). The Betrayal of the American Right. Ludwig von Mises Institute. ISBN 1610165012.
  279. ^ Schneider-Mayerson, Matthew (14 October 2015). Peak Oil: Apocalyptic Environmentalism and Libertarian Political Culture. Chicago. ISBN 9780226285573OCLC 922640625.
  280. ^ Teles, Steven; Kenney, Daniel A. (2008). "Spreading the Word: The diffusion of American Conservatism in Europe and Beyond". In Steinmo, Sven (2007). Growing Apart?: America and Europe in the Twenty-First CenturyCambridge University Press. pp. 136–169.
  281. ^ Gregory, Anthony (24 April 2007). "Real World Politics and Radical Libertarianism". LewRockwell.com. Archived 18 June 2015 at the Wayback Machine
  282. ^ Thomas 1985, p. 4
  283. ^ John Patten (28 October 1968). ""These groups had their roots in the anarchist resurgence of the nineteen sixties. Young militants finding their way to anarchism, often from the anti-bomb and anti-Vietnam war movements, linked up with an earlier generation of activists, largely outside the ossified structures of 'official' anarchism. Anarchist tactics embraced demonstrations, direct action such as industrial militancy and squatting, protest bombings like those of the First of May Group and Angry Brigade—and a spree of publishing activity." "Islands of Anarchy: Simian, Cienfuegos, Refract and their support network" by John Patten". Katesharpleylibrary.net. Archived from the original on 4 June 2011. Retrieved 11 October 2013.
  284. ^ "Farrell provides a detailed history of the Catholic Workers and their founders Dorothy Day and Peter Maurin. He explains that their pacifism, anarchism, and commitment to the downtrodden were one of the important models and inspirations for the 60s. As Farrell puts it, "Catholic Workers identified the issues of the sixties before the Sixties began, and they offered models of protest long before the protest decade.""The Spirit of the Sixties: The Making of Postwar Radicalism" by James J. Farrell.
  285. ^ "While not always formally recognized, much of the protest of the sixties was anarchist. Within the nascent women's movement, anarchist principles became so widespread that a political science professor denounced what she saw as "The Tyranny of Structurelessness." Several groups have called themselves "Amazon Anarchists." After the Stonewall Rebellion, the New York Gay Liberation Front based their organization in part on a reading of Murray Bookchin's anarchist writings." "Anarchism" by Charley Shively inEncyclopedia of Homosexuality. p. 52.
  286. ^ "Within the movements of the sixties there was much more receptivity to anarchism-in-fact than had existed in the movements of the thirties ... But the movements of the sixties were driven by concerns that were more compatible with an expressive style of politics, with hostility to authority in general and state power in particular ... By the late sixties, political protest was intertwined with cultural radicalism based on a critique of all authority and all hierarchies of power. Anarchism circulated within the movement along with other radical ideologies. The influence of anarchism was strongest among radical feminists, in the commune movement, and probably in the Weather Underground and elsewhere in the violent fringe of the anti-war movement." "Anarchism and the Anti-Globalization Movement" by Barbara Epstein.
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