2021/08/24

Zealot: The Life and Times of Jesus of Nazareth (Audio Download): Reza Aslan, Reza Aslan, Random House Audio: Amazon.com.au: Books

Zealot: The Life and Times of Jesus of Nazareth (Audio Download): Reza Aslan, Reza Aslan, Random House Audio: Amazon.com.au: Books

Zealot: The Life and Times of Jesus of Nazareth Audible Logo Audible Audiobook – Unabridged
Reza Aslan (Author, Narrator), Random House Audio (Publisher)
4.4 out of 5 stars    5,197 ratings
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4.4 out of 5 stars
Top reviews from Australia
Gezim Mehmet
4.0 out of 5 stars No wonder this book is a best seller, it dares to challenge long held beliefs through rigorous exploration and research.
Reviewed in Australia on 6 March 2018
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There is a certain sense of reality within the description of people and places of those time and questions notoriously generalised biblical accounts thus giving it a greater sense of clarity than what I was expecting. The author challenges elements of the gospels against in-depth research that would no doubt have takenan extremely long time to account. One does not need to be a theologian to grasp a visual portrayal of the politics, time or human traits of the subjects so for me the book succeeded in answering long held questions I had whilst delivering far more rational explanations.. I was definitely taken back in time on a journey of discovery escaping the modern era yet finding similarities to the mankind of today.
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Sydney1981
5.0 out of 5 stars Fascinating
Reviewed in Australia on 17 February 2018
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A fascinating, exceptionally researched account of the 'historical' Jesus, which will undoubtedly shake the faith of any Christian. The author analyses the Scriptures through the lens of history to reveal a very human Jesus, whose teachings have been manipulated, changed, politicised and banished throughout history. An absolutely riveting read.
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Martha G.
4.0 out of 5 stars An important book in the search of truth
Reviewed in Australia on 21 June 2015
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This is a very important read for anyone wanting to know who the historical Jesus was and in what ways the biblical Jesus differs from him. Aslan is not trying to dissuade Christians of their faith (in fact, he even provides an argument in support of belief in the resurrection), however he does discuss how some elements of the Jesus narrative are historically impossible or very unlikely. As someone brought up Christian, some of these discoveries come as a bit of a shock, but after reading this book, I feel that I'm in a better position to make up my own mind about my Christian beliefs, knowing what is supported by historical sources and what relies solely on faith. I would have liked there to have been more about how Christianity developed over the centuries, (in the same way as Aslan discusses the development of Islam in his excellent book "No God but God") but perhaps that is the scope of another book.
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Angela Bardon
5.0 out of 5 stars Insightful
Reviewed in Australia on 18 February 2020
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Reza Aslan writes in a manner that is easy for anyone to read. The book gives the historical perspective of the era Jesus was birthed into and how the culture of the day would have shaped Jesus' story. Insightful
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Brian
3.0 out of 5 stars It's a good yarn and is plausible if you want to believe ...
Reviewed in Australia on 10 December 2014
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It's a good yarn and is plausible if you want to believe that Jesus was a simple messianic fanatic of his day. Blandly makes statements that are not necessarily historically accurate and leaves out any consideration of the spirituality of the man Jesus. He quotes the New Testament to support his theory but does so in many cases out of context. A reasonable read for both agnostics and believers, but requires the reader to undertake more investigation - which maybe a good thing
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Rod Baxter
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5.0 out of 5 stars Comprehensive Discussion
Reviewed in Australia on 20 August 2015
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REZA Aslan, has written one of the best books of this type that I have read on the topic of historical Jesus of Nazareth. It is comprehensive and comes at the topic from all angles. It is a good account and puts the events into a historical context. Whilst Aslan is hard hitting and pulls no punches, he does not set out to destroy faith. Unlike so many other commentaries of the type.
I am not big on history, but this one kept me reading.
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reddit the frog
3.0 out of 5 stars History got it wrong, but Reza Aslan has finally figured it out. Or not.
Reviewed in Australia on 13 October 2014
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Oscar Wilde once turned up to a Greek exam to be presented with a passage from John's Gospel to translate - Jesus' trial before Pilate. After a few lines the examiners told him that was good enough; he could stop. "Oh, do let me go on," said Wilde. "I want to see how it turns out.". Reza Aslan might well have done the same. He has an encyclopaedic knowledge about the historical context of Jesus' life, and a formidable, if selective, memory of Jesus' sayings and doings - up to his death. When it comes to "how it turned out" i.e. how and why one life could so change history, his own bias becomes clear; Jesus was one of many would-be revolutionaries, all doing and saying the same sort of thing, with the inevitable result. End of story. Gospel writers like Matthew doctored the sources to bolster up a struggling church (Gospel writer Thinks: We've been suffering and dying for the faith for a century, We'd better make up something for the faith to be about, and get it out there quickly.) Eminently readable creative writing.
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Chris Herrick
5.0 out of 5 stars At last, a believable Jesus.
Reviewed in Australia on 27 June 2014
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Reza Aslan has done theology a service with this latest book on Yeshua bar Yosef. His 'take' on Yeshua is consistent within biblical criticism and Palestinian history. The only unanswered question is how did this zealot transmogrify into the Christian Christ. Perhaps Dr Aslan can turn his lion gaze on the figure of Saul of Tarsus?
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John 29
2.0 out of 5 stars Readable but not convincing.
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 12 August 2018
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This is a book written to substantiate the author's theory about Jesus. It is not a biography. I found it speculative and unconvincing. My doubts started as a result of the number of ideas which were based on the author's assumption that certain events did not happen owing to their being unlikely in the view of the author but without any evidence to support his view point. An example being the trial of Jesus with Pilot. Aslan suggests it is not likely that Pilot would have troubled himself with a Jewish rebel such as Jesus. Therefore the trial of Jesus with Pilot did not take place. But what is the evidence for this other than it being Aslan's speculative theory. Moreover, it is based on the assumption that Jesus was a zealot rather than 'the King of the Jews' and would not therefore have been of interest to Pilot.

The book is advertised as New York Times No1 Bestseller. The moral is beware of Bestsellers!
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F Price
1.0 out of 5 stars False claims of historical accuracy
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 6 January 2019
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Popular and readable but unreliable and not taken seriously by credited historians, not subjected to peer review. Author claims to be an academic but his degrees are in sociology and creative writing not in history or theology. Good on history of the times but speculative and unlikely reconstruction of Jesus himself which dismisses the plentiful early eye witness evidence about Jesus. Long bibliography masks the fact that the most relevant works are missing from it, eg Bauckhams definitive work on Jesus and the eye witnesses. This book became bestseller mainly because author insulted in an interview which went viral.
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Djilly L.
5.0 out of 5 stars A messianic experience
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 20 November 2018
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I read a lot. I read a lot in particular about ancient history. This might be one of my top-5 best ever, most enjoyable books.

What a great topic and how well presented. And very readable.

I rarely ever read fiction but that is how this book starts off, before it quickly builds its magnificent setting of Jerusalem and Palestine in 30 AD. While I know a fair bit about Roman history and the historic backdrop, the topic of religious extremists around that time and in that region was more alien to me.

Most people in the West will be familiar with the New Testament. I have a Christian background and read the bible a couple of times in the past.So its just phenomenal how this book answered a lot of my great many questions and managed to put so much in a healthy, historical perspective.

I can see where the religious controversy comes from. But in my view the book isn’t that offensive. First of all, it takes a historical, somewhat scientific approach to the circumstances and to what possibly happened. But like with all proper science this is only one version, one view, that can be discarded by those who feel that have a more adequate theory. But yes it clashes perhaps with religious experience. Yet secondly, I don’t think the book shreds all the New Testament’s mysticism to pieces; alternative explanations are offered for some aspects of Jesus’ life, but most miracles are left unexplained or unquestioned.
So in my view the book is very balanced.

The book also takes you beyond Jezus’ life to how interpretations and perception changed due to the apostle Paul’s involvement .. oh dear, he was a bad-ass ...magnificent.

Will have to read it again at some stage, when I got more time on my hands, closer to retirement.

I should say that I also gave a copy of the book to one of my best friends - with who I share a lot of my interests (and who really gets very upset up about anything related to religion).. but I never heard anything back about it. No problem at all, but perhaps the book just struck a big chord with me...
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Robson
1.0 out of 5 stars Don't waste your money.
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 16 January 2020
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Filled with inacurate information and thinks he greater than Josephus...?

He wanted to discredit Matthew and Luke saying that they were lying but for the simple fact that he doesn't like Christianity doesn't mean he should be dishonest towards the historical facts.

In the Biblical account, we know these facts are presented:

Caesar Augustus ordered a censusQuirinius was governing Syria (hegemoneuontos tes Syrias Kyreniou)Each family must register at their familial city of origin

Further, Matthew chapter 2 reports that Herod the Great ordered the slaughter "all the male children who were in Bethlehem and all its vicinity, from two years old and under"(Matt 2:16). We know that Herod died 4-2 B.C., so Jesus birth had to have been before his death - most likely by two or more years. Given these facts, scholars generally date Jesus' birth anywhere between 6 B.C. to 4 B.C.

From the Josephus account we derive the following facts:

Caesar ordered a censusCyrenius (Quirinius) was sent to account for Syria and sell the house of ArchelausCyrenius (Quirinius) "had been consul"

We also know from other historical records that Herod Archelaus was deposed in 6 A.D., so this census must be about 6 or 7 A.D. So, the question goes, if Herod the Great died in 4 B.C. and Josephus tells us Quirinius' census wasn't until 6 A.D., then isn't this a contradiction?

His arguments is undermined by various facts, which even he admits.

Waste of money do not recomend to anyone.

Go straight to the bin...
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Mic Le Critique
4.0 out of 5 stars Jesus of Nazareth or Jesus Christ?
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 5 July 2014
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Reza Aslan along with other writers attempting to trace the development of Jesus, the inspiration for Christianity, admits that the only sources of academic research on the man is the Bible along with a brief mention by the Roman biographer Flavius Josephus. Rather than speculate on the veracity of the accepted texts Aslan overlays these with known historical and accepted facts covering the period of his birth and death. We learn that Jesus was born in Nazareth, a small poor working class village in Galilee, Judea. He had a number of brothers and sisters who, apart from his younger brother James, are not featured in his life apart from the fact. He was uneducated and therefore could neither read and had only a basic Aramaic vocabulary. There is nothing about his early development that can be verified in the Bible or elsewhere, however when old enough he works in Sepphoris, a nearby town, as a labourer. He is baptised by John the Baptist and joins his sect and, in one of the few examples in the book of speculation, Aslan surmises that John, with his apostles, grooms Jesus the main tenants of preaching. When John is arrested by the Romans and executed Jesus picks up the mantle and begins a three year journey of healing, performing miracles and preaching before he too is appended by the Romans and executed. The biblical details cannot be supported by reference and therefore the Bible is a work of faith rather than fact. Aslan does however, using his technique of overlaying academic historical research onto the events recorded in the Bible, draws attention to some firm conclusions. Jesus was born in Nazareth, not Bethlehem. Jesus was subservient to John the Baptist and not the converse. Performing ‘miracles’, healing and magic were common at that time in Judea by other itinerant ‘Messiahs’ and were not exclusive to Jesus. His popularity grew in Galilee by ‘healing’ for no fee as opposed to other who did and the fact he was a Galilean local. Jesus was a committed Jew and defender of the Torah. Using allegory his preaching was primarily against the Roman occupiers and the corrupt Jewish Temple hierarchy. He was arrested in Jerusalem by the Romans, tried by the Temple hierarchy, handed over the Roman authorities and crucified. There is no historical or archaeological evidence to support the virgin birth, miracles, apparitions, resurrection or other events described in the Bible. The book therefore leaves it to the reader to decide whether to accept the man known as Jesus of Nazareth or the one that became Jesus Christ.
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How to Win a Cosmic War: Confronting Radical Religion eBook : Aslan, Reza: Amazon.com.au: Kindle Store

How to Win a Cosmic War: Confronting Radical Religion eBook : Aslan, Reza: Amazon.com.au: Kindle Store





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How to Win a Cosmic War: Confronting Radical Religion Kindle Edition
by Reza Aslan (Author) Format: Kindle Edition


4.6 out of 5 stars 126 ratings
240 pages
1 March 2011
Product description  Review

Compelling, penetrative and timely. If more of us in the West grasp Aslan's arguments, we will begin to win the war of ideas against Jihadists and extremists. ― Ed Husain, author of The Islamist

excellent ― paul sims, Guardian

absorbing, thought-provoking and illuminating... Few writers are as well qualified to tackle the terrain... Aslan's book represents nothing less than a call to arms, a clear-eyed and impassioned remidner that the most effective way to win a cosmic war is to triumph in the battle for hearts and minds at home. ― Sarfraz Manzoor, Guardian

What is refreshing about Aslan's book is its breadth and its impartiality. ― Telegraph

'Offers a very persuasive argument for the best way to counter jihadism." ― The Washington Post --This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.


About the Author
Reza Aslan's No God but God was shortlisted for the 2005 Guardian First Book Award in the UK and nominated for a PEN USA award for research Non-Fiction. He has studied religions at the universities of Santa Clara, Harvard and California, Santa Barbara, and holds an MFA in fiction from the Writers' Workshop at the University of Iowa, where he was also visiting assistant professor of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies. His work has appeared in the Nation, Slate, and the New York Times. --This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.

From the Back Cover


Praise for No God but God:

'Reza Aslan's No God But God is just the history of Islam I needed, judicious and truly illuminating.' A.S. Byatt, Guardian Books of the Year 2005

'A revelation, an opening up of knowledge too long buried... [Aslan's]...careful scholarship and precise language dismantle...false claims and commands... Aslan is acutely perceptive.' Independent

'Aslan...is a superb narrator, bringing each century to life with vivid details and present tense narration that make popular history so enthralling... Illuminating... Aslan is superb on the origins and richness of Islam.... A terrific read.' Glasgow Herald

'Enthralling. A book of tremendous clarity and generosity of spirit.' Jim Crace

'Aslan is an engaging writer, his strength lies...as an observer of contemporary challenges facing Islam... Sensitive and generous' Financial Times

'Grippingly narrated and thoughtfully examined... A literate, accessible introduction to Islam...carefully placing its message and rituals in historical context.' New York Times--This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.


From the Inside Flap

Cosmic War: an unwinnable, unloseable religious battle of identity in which participants divide the world into black and white, good and evil, us and them

Why do they hate us? An entire cottage industry has arisen to answer this question. But what no one has really figured out is who exactly 'they' are - al-Qaeda? Islamic nationalists? Fundamentalist zealots? The whole Muslim world?In How to Win a Cosmic War, Reza Aslan uses the history of religion to explore twenty-first Jihadism and the so-called 'War on Terror', and offers a radically provocative and timely explanation of these two catastrophic phenomena.

The acclaimed author of No God But God (shortlisted for the 2005 Guardian First Book Award) lays out, for the first time, a comprehensive definition of the movement behind and surrounding al-Qaeda, a global ideology properly termed Jihadism. Contrasting twenty-first-century religious extremism across Christianity, Judaism and Islam with its historical antecedents, Aslan demonstrates that while modern Jihadis may have legitimate social grievances - the suffering of the Palestinians, American support for Arab dictators, the presence of foreign troops in Muslim lands - they have no real goals or actual agenda. Their war is not real: it is a metaphysical conflict, a Cosmic War, fought between the forces of good and evil. And since 9/11 western governments have been inciting this conflict, playing into the Jihadis' hands: for the 'War on Terror' is the war they want.

How do we win a Cosmic War? By refusing to fight in one. And in this definitive new study of an ongoing and unprecedented conflict, Reza Aslan offers some surprising conclusions as to how this can be achieved.

--This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.


Book Description
Acclaimed author Reza Aslan dissects two of the most devastating ideologies of our times - Jihadism and the 'War on Terror'. --This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.
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Print length ‏ : ‎ 240 pages
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4.6 out of 5 stars
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u.m.y
5.0 out of 5 stars Brilliant, especially for beginners.Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 17 June 2017
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If you are beginning to learn about worldly violence and the role religion plays within it, then this book is the place to start. The reason why it fantastic for beginners is simply because it is easy to read. People with some background knowledge will also benefit as the book focuses upon the Abrahamic religions - Judaism, Christianity & Islam. It places heavy focus on contemporary violence in all three religions and touches upon historical background. In Judaism, Aslan sketches the Zealots and the destruction of the first temple in 70AD all the way to the Zionism and the formation of Israel on the first of May 1948. Aslan looks at the crusades an contrasts modern day Cosmic Dualism (the main thesis of his work, the clash of civilisations, good vs evil) Global Jihadism and the Bush Administration.

My favourite part of the book is when Aslan focuses upon islamism and democracy. Normally, people, particularly in the west, would look at disgust with Islamist organisation who hold ideas which seem the anti-thesis to Liberalism. People may say that Islamist ideas are what underpin the Global Jihadist movement, and to tackle the latter we need to tackle the former. However, Aslan presents a convincing case whereby allowing Islamist parties to partake in democratic elections may be a way to repel people from turning to Global Jihadism.

Aslan also gives a balanced perspective. Some reviews here say that Aslan never criticised the Muslim community yet criticised a lot of American institutions. However, Aslan points out a fundamental and dangerous concept that is widespread in the Muslim world -- takfeerism. Takfir is a widespread doctrine practiced by a number of Muslims, simply put, it is the action of calling some one a Kafir (disbeliever) or a group of people Kuffar. Both the Ulema and Global Jihadists practice this concept. Aslan takes time sketching the history of takfeerism by recalling Ibn Taymiyah, he then takes time to show how dangerous such concept really is for Muslims to practice today.

One negative about this book is that it only talks about everything up to 2007 which means that it misses everything from then on to today. Therefore, the rise of ISIL is not talked about. An evaluation of Obamas presidency is not talked about (which if Aslan reviewed again would come to a different conclusion in his book) and the Syrian civil war is not talked about. Therefore, this book is only good for a good background to the events today. Most of the ideas presented in the book still stand though.

In conclusion, if you are going to buy a book that deals with issues of religion and violence, then do not hesitate to start here!
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spotty
5.0 out of 5 stars very comprehensive and intelligent history and discussion of the problems of Islam and ...Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 14 October 2014
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very comprehensive and intelligent history and discussion of the problems of Islam and the `Middle East'. This writer has a thorough understanding of his subject and is able to put very opposite and entrenched positions into a proper perspective.

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Helen
5.0 out of 5 stars Excellent book and was delivered rather quicklyReviewed in the United Kingdom on 22 March 2015
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Excellent book and was delivered rather quickly. I recommend for anyone that is interested in religions and the current situations in the world. The author has a way of explaining things that will be easy even for those with little knowledge of the topic.
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How to Win a Cosmic War: God, Globalization, and the End of the War on Terror
by Reza Aslan
 3.98  ·   Rating details ·  1,632 ratings  ·  186 reviews
A cosmic war is a religious war. It is a battle not between armies or nations, but between the forces of good and evil, a war in which God is believed to be directly engaged on behalf of one side against the other.
The hijackers who attacked the United States on September 11, 2001, thought they were fighting a cosmic war. According to award-winning writer and scholar of religions Reza Aslan, by infusing the United States War on Terror with the same kind of religiously polarizing rhetoric and Manichean worldview, is also fighting a cosmic war-a war that can't be won.
How to Win a Cosmic War""is both an in-depth study of the ideology fueling al-Qa'ida, the Taliban, and like-minded militants throughout the Muslim world, and an exploration of religious violence in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Surveying the global scene from Israel to Iraq and from New York to the Netherlands, Aslan argues that religion is a stronger force today than it has been in a century. At a time when religion and politics are increasingly sharing the same vocabulary and functioning in the same sphere, Aslan writes that we must strip the conflicts of our world-in particular, the War on Terror-of their religious connotations and address the earthly grievances that always lie behind the cosmic impulse.
How do you win a cosmic war? By refusing to fight in one. (less)
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Hardcover, 228 pages
Published April 21st 2009 by Random House (NY) (first published 2009)
Original TitleHow to Win a Cosmic War: God, Globalization, and the End of the War on Terror
ISBN1400066727 (ISBN13: 9781400066728)
Edition LanguageEnglish
Other Editions (16)
Beyond Fundamentalism: Confronting Religious Extremism in the Age of Globalization 
Beyond Fundamentalism: Confronting Religious Extremism in the Age of Globalization 
Beyond Fundamentalism: Confronting Religious Extremism in the Age of Globalization 
How to Win a Cosmic War: Confronting Radical Religion 
How to Win a Cosmic War: Confronting Radical Religion
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 Average rating3.98  ·  Rating details ·  1,632 ratings  ·  186 reviews

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Ana
Oct 28, 2015Ana rated it really liked it
Shelves: history, religion-or-spirituality, politics, north-american-literature, 21st-century, non-fiction, united-states-literature, western-asian-literature, middle-eastern-literature, iranian-literature
This book explains how extremists think and how they affect the world (Extremist = a person who holds extreme political or religious views, especially one who advocates illegal, violent, or other extreme action.) Evangelicals, jihadists, you name it, Aslan takes them on and explains their role in the post 9/11 middle-east conflict.

This book may shock you if you think of extremists as irrational, evil beings and it may surprise you just how much social justice and extremism have in common.
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Jennavier
Jan 10, 2012Jennavier rated it it was ok
I was really unimpressed by this book. I'm unsure of what the author was trying to say. It's not just that he didn't answer his questions as that he never really posed questions to start with. On top of that he would start to pose interesting and inflammatory questions and then step back, leaving them on their own. It was like throwing firecrackers around as if they were chicken feed, unwilling to actually place them somewhere that can be useful. He also made a lot of sweeping historical generalizations that I do not appreciate. A lot of this book is Aslan's opinion dressed up as fact. I wouldn't recommend it to anyone. (less)
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Jack
May 18, 2009Jack rated it really liked it
Although principally billed as an analysis and commentary on the so-called 'War on Terror' (ie - against Islamic Jihadists), the book is actually a wider discussion on religion, identity and violence. Perhaps the concept that bests summarizes his thoughts is that of al-wala' wal-bara', which would roughly translate to "faith and infidelity"; a "us vs. them" paradigm. A battle between those who share the same beliefs, and those who do not. This is not purely a Islam and Christianity treatise, but includes how this dichotomy can result in internal schisms - Zealots vs Jewish collaborators with Rome, or Jihadists against the "Near Enemy" - a fellow Muslim that have been deemed 'kafir' or an infidel.

For the most part, Reza does not demonize any sides, combining the right dose of analysis, passion and personal anecdotes. But, there is the slight exception to the Christian Right and other ultra-nationalistic, right-wing groups around the world. He would probably argue that such groups feed on the 'us vs. them' mentality and hardens divisions. Indeed, his main thesis is that the best way to win the cosmic war is not to fight it at all. He argues that the best way to deter Jihadists is not to engage on a religious level, but rather to make al-Qaeda irrelevant by listening to the concerns of local Muslims, and to encourage the growth of viable democracies in the Middle East. He does not say that the democracies need to mirror the American democratic system of government, but must, at least, reflect the will of the people and be seen as a legitimate government.

Lastly, I do want to note that at times, Reza is a masterful story-teller. This is how he describes the re-taking of the Temple Mount during the 1967 Six-Day War:

I have that photo, here before me. Rabbi Goren is wearing Coke-bottle glasses, but I can tell you, I can see the light dancing in his eyes. With the ram's horn pressed to his lips he is Joshua, calling forth the wrath of God who crumbles mountains. He is Aaron, staring out with virgin eyes upon the land of milk and honey. He is Moses: see how the soldiers run to him through the parting of dust and rubble! Two thousand years of wandering in the wilderness, and now, at long last, Eretz Yisrael is secured. Surely redemption is at hand.


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Arash
Aug 08, 2011Arash rated it really liked it
Aslan has a wonderful ability to take a complicated subject that is so commonly misunderstood and misrepresented in present day media, and break it down to its more coherent pieces, while maintaining its integrity and providing thoughtful analysis. Aslan frames the current "Cosmic War" between Islam and the West within the context of today's failed War on Terror and a modern day version of the Christian crusades.



His writing is remarkably easy to follow and written with a contemporary understanding of the dominant issues in today's discourse on this matter. His history of jihadism is fascinating and well-documented. His exploration of the true reasons of Islamic fundamentalism (and its terrorist actions) is insightful and eye-opening.



Aslan refuses to accept the flawed and Islamophobic language that is so common today. His writing, like his interviews and talks, reflect his dedication to thinking about these issues in new ways and understanding the complexity of an all too commonly simplified argument: that Islam inherently fuels terrorism. I only wish the book was a bit longer and explored these ideas in more depth. (less)
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Emily
Jan 22, 2018Emily rated it it was amazing
Good overview of global terrorism, an excellent introduction for someone who had very little prior knowledge on the subject (like me). This book is almost ten years old now, but still very relevant, especially given the rise of nationalism in the US.
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Louai Al Roumani
Jan 12, 2017Louai Al Roumani rated it it was ok
I am confused. The book title is clear-cut on what it aspires to achieve; providing ideas on how to win a 'cosmic' war and confronting radicalism. In the opening pages, Aslan makes a striking statement that the only way to fight a cosmic war is simply not to take part in it. An exciting premise that made me yearn for further elaboration.

The book however takes a different turn afterwards, as Aslan starts narrating the origins of Zionism, Islamism and engages in a mostly historical analysis of the origins of zealousness. Providing such a background is important to the reader, but I did not expect it to take almost three-quarters of the book. Aslan's writing is engaging and entertaining, yet as the book approached its ending, my frustration increasingly swelled when Aslan would not start to answer the question on every reader's mind. In the dying ten pages however, he starts to recount the all-too familiar recommendations, the most significant one being engaging Islamist voices in the democratic process. A sound advice but no rigorous dissection of the problems plaguing the Islamic world. He elevates the struggle to being a cosmic war, and does not address the down-to-earth war that needs down-to-earth solutions and radical changes encompassing the entire Islamic world. By confining his analysis to the global hard-core Jihadists, Aslan has confined the battle with these only and in many cases seemed to discount the increasing radicalization of more and more Muslims. He refers to this trend as a 'Jihadi pop culture' and somehow belittles its impact. No talk whatsoever about why moderate Sheikhs have 3K followers on Twitter at best whereas radical Jihadist sheikhs have over a million. No talk about the shocking increase in radicalization that can be easily identified by scrolling under any youtube video in Arabic or Urdu, whether it be a rerun of a Barcelona game or a Lebanese pop song, where you are most likely to start reading inflammatory radical talk in the comments.

Aslan talks about Muslims in Europe and the USA and puts the blame on the institutions there for not integrating Muslims. A lot of this is true, but no talk whatsoever about what Muslims need to do in return. He makes no mention of how on earth we can confront growing radicalism in Muslim-majority countries, except for asking for increased democratization. Any amateur is able to make such a statement, but I expected Aslan to say how he expected to do that in Saudi Arabia for example, and to address the venomous Wahhabist influence. He discounts the influence of madrassas by resorting to the claim that most of the suicide bombers of the 9/11 did not attend madrassas. Well Mr. Aslan, almost one out of every three Muslim taxi drivers I meet in London and Boston have attended madrassas and their radical views are astounding. It is the views of these taxi drivers that represent a timebomb and are reflective of much more than a harmless Jihadist pop-culture if no action is done.

He makes no mention whatsoever of any reform needed for Islam or the need to create a uniform Islamic 'Marjaeya' whereby no Sheikh in the world is able to make a fatwa on his own; all we need to do according to the writer is to include Islamist parties in the democratic process. As to the issue of compatibility with democracy, Aslan dedicates one sentence in the entire book by stating that it worked in countries like Malaysia and Indonesia. That's it.

Sorry Mr. Aslan but this was disappointing and I feel cheated. The book should have been titled 'A Concise History of Jihadism', in which case it would have made a good book. However if that was its tile, I probably would not have purchased it and would have read instead for the likes of Fawaz Gerges. So it was definitely savvy for Mr. Aslan to create such an eye-catching title. (less)
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Daniel Solera
Apr 29, 2009Daniel Solera rated it it was amazing
Shelves: religion, current-events, politics
This was one fantastic read. I had a recent conversation with a close friend, where we talked about the modern-day dangers of religion, and how some of the harshest critics frame the issue unfairly. They choose to single-out religion as the main cause of terrorist acts such as 9/11, instead of looking at the situation from a sociopolitical standpoint. Granted, religion was involved, but it many other elements were at play.

Aslan's book takes this approach in attempts to rationalize the intent of a jihadist. In doing so, he not only glosses over the history of the religious fundamentalist movements of the three large monotheisms , but also explains how the struggles between them have been hurt further by the Bush Administration's foreign policy and rhetoric. Furthermore, he notes that the increasing strife is only made worse by globalization. Specifically, globalization brings cultures together and unifies differences, while the "us vs. them" rhetoric that we have gotten used to does just the opposite - paint the Muslim as an Other, as something to be feared. It is this alienation that confuses young Muslims in industrialized countries and drives them to identify themselves with radical, violent movements.

There is so much discussed in this book, and all of it relevant. I can't recommend it enough to anyone looking to make a little more sense of the long-standing chaos that daily hits the airwaves. There was even a paragraph in it that summarized "Jesus, Interrupted", which I read just last week. So that was nice. (less)
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Gilda Felt
Aug 16, 2019Gilda Felt rated it really liked it  ·  review of another edition
I’m sure most people only think of Muslims when they think of religious extremists, but, as Aslan shows, they actually came into the game late. Jews and Christians have been using their absurd conviction that they know the mind of god for centuries.

Not only does this book set things straight, but it gives an in-depth history of each religions’ path to fundamentalism; its history, and, maybe, its future. It’s a must read for anyone who wants to know how we got here, and where we might be heading.

I’d love to think that this type of belief system will finally be shown to be the false narrative that it is, that all people, Jews, Christians, and Muslims will let go of their hubris and rigid mindset. But I’m not holding my breath. (less)
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Mila
Jan 17, 2020Mila rated it really liked it
Shelves: political-and-social-theory
This was a fascinating read and hard to put down. There were a lot of insights that really got me thinking, and Aslan is extremely articulate in describing the relationship between apocalyptic religiosity and world politics.

I wasn’t quite in agreement with everything. I thought he went slightly too easy on Islamist movements such as the Muslim brotherhood in Egypt, and seemed to be a bit more charitable to them than Arab secularists. But he did back up his arguments pretty well. I also think the book tried to cover a ton of ground in less than 300 pages, where it could have benefitted from more elaboration. But I suppose this length is the sweet spot when it comes to engaging people who don’t typically read about Middle East and Islamist politics. (less)
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How to Win a Cosmic War by Reza Aslan
The author's aim is not to revolutionise but to communicate a host of useful ideas, says Jason Burke
Jason Burke
Sun 16 Aug 2009 09.05 AEST


Reza Aslan's first book, No God But God, was a global success, explaining Islam as a religion, culture and identity to hundreds of thousands across the world. His follow-up is a sensible, intelligent and slightly worthy overview of what could be called the moderate left position on Islamic militancy. Little has not been covered before, but then the author's aim is not to revolutionise but to aggregate, synthesise and communicate a host of useful ideas.

Aslan rightly focuses on the question of identity, pointing out that the west has effectively appropriated "modernity" for itself, leaving militants to assume a "reactionary identity" based on an invented, mythologised past. He explains how, in our chaotic, interconnected world, the cool, clear certainties of radical Islam provide both an explanatory framework and a programme for change. The militants believe themselves to be warriors in a battle – or "cosmic war" – that has been fought since the beginning of time in the heavens. Events in real life – petty humiliations, frustrations, resentments – are explained by reference to this overarching "single narrative".

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This is all useful stuff, but Aslan's argument that militants want "nothing" is unpersuasive. He is wrong to dismiss the grievances of Osama bin Laden and company as "mind-bogglingly unfocused" and "random". Jihadist militants do not see their desire to erase Israel as "hopeless", but eminently achievable, if not immediately.

Israel and Palestine occupy a central position in the book. About a third of the slim volume is devoted to Zionism, early Jewish zealot rebels, questions of antisemitism, radical Jewish right wingers and the suffering of Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank. But though the issue of Palestine is a powerful glue binding disparate strands of political activism, it is merely one cause of Islamic militancy. Were there to be peace in the Holy Land tomorrow, bin Laden and others would not cease their violence.

Aslan's proposed strategy for winning the cosmic war is sensible if slightly predictable. Efficient provision of public services by governments means that Islamist groups such as Hezbollah or Hamas, which have based half their appeal on social activism and filling the holes left by corrupt bureaucracies, will be weakened. More democracy will mean that dissent will cease to be channelled into violence. We have heard all this before. But is democracy really the best answer for somewhere like Afghanistan? Can it ever be imposed from outside? And how likely is it that Hamas, the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood or Hezbollah will "democratise" along the lines of the Turkish AKP if given the chance to participate in elections?

The book is written for an American audience and the emotional passages welcoming President Obama may seem overwrought. So may the flowery sections on Iranian-born Aslan's childhood in snowy Oklahoma. And he does have an irritating habit of over-simplifying, particularly when he is on less familiar ground such as Iraq or Europe. Iraq's sectarian civil war was not launched "almost single-handedly" by militant Abu Musab al-Zarqawi but was the result of a complex mix of factors. The French vote against the new European Union constitution and the riots in the Paris suburbs of 2005 were not part of a general reaction against a levelling of difference within the EU, but completely different phenomena. And I don't think that describing the motivation for one of the 7/7 bombers as "love", albeit misguided, is helpful.

However, this remains a thought-provoking book and the chapter on the radicalisation of Europe's young is particularly useful. Aslan describes modern Islamic militancy as a "social movement", helpfully capturing the nature of a phenomenon which depends more on individuals' personal situations than on ideologies. In recasting jihadism as a "pop culture", as a group dynamic, a shared world view, Aslan opens up many fruitful areas of inquiry. One question deserves further discussion: can violence itself become a marker of identity? The answer is probably yes.






15 Juan Cole - How ‘Islamic’ Is the Islamic State? | The Nation

How ‘Islamic’ Is the Islamic State? | The Nation

How ‘Islamic’ Is the Islamic State?
Those who claim that this destructive cult’s ideology reflects some essential aspect of Islam are obscuring its origins—in George W. Bush’s illegal war that destroyed Iraq and fomented sectarian extremism.

By Juan Cole
FEBRUARY 24, 2015



ISIS fighers in the northern Syria province of Raqqa (Reuters)
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Last week a debate erupted over how “Islamic” the so-called “Islamic State” group (ISIS or ISIL) in Syria and Iraq is, and whether it is legitimate to speak of “Islamic” terrorism. It was provoked in part by a Graeme Wood article in The Atlantic and President Obama’s speech to a conference on Combating Violent Extremism. Obama was slammed by former New York City mayor Rudy Giuliani as allegedly not loving America, in part because he declined to speak of “Islamic” terrorism. On Sunday, former deputy defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, interviewed on CNN’s State of the Union show, called Obama’s refusal to use the phrase “Islamic terrorism” “silly,” saying, “I think people understand that Islam has something to do with what we’re fighting, and when you deny it, you lose a lot of support.” This debate is actually about what philosophers call “essentialism,” and, as Giuliani’s and Wolfowitz’s own interventions make clear, it is about absolving the United States for its own role in producing the violent so-called “Caliphate” of Ibrahim al-Baghdadi.


The question of phraseology is easily dealt with. The word “Islamic” in Arabic, and in English as well, has to do with the ideals of the Muslim religion. It is thus analogous to the word “Judaic.” We speak of “Islamic ethics” as a field of study, just as we do “Judaic ethics.” Not all Muslims or Jews conform to the ethics preached in their religious traditions. Some are even criminals. But then they are Muslim criminals and Jewish criminals. They are not Islamic criminals and Judaic criminals. Likewise in Catholicism, one speaks of Patristic theology, referring to the religious ideas of the Church fathers, but wouldn’t talk of bad priests steeped in that theology as Patristic criminals. It is because both in Arabic and in other languages “Islamic” refers to the ideals of the Muslim religion that both Muslims and people with good English diction object strenuously to a phrase such as “Islamic terrorism” or “Islamic fascism” (fascism was an invention of Christian Europe, in any case).

Those, like Giuliani, who insist on speaking of “Islamic terrorism” want to shape our language so as to imply that the Islamic tradition authorizes the deployment of terrorism, which the US federal code defines as using violence or criminal activities to intimidate civilians or government for political purposes, with the implication that the perpetrators are themselves nonstate actors. But the Islamic legal tradition forbids terrorism defined in that way. Moreover, Muslim academics contend that the Koran, the Muslim scripture, sanctions only defensive war. Giuliani does not know more about the Koran than they do.

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The attempt by the American right wing to mainstream the phrase “Islamic terrorism” takes advantage of general American ignorance of the Muslim tradition; it is a linguistic trap intended to make us all Islamophobes. If a politician insisted that we call Israel’s reckless disregard for noncombatant life in last summer’s attack on Gaza “Judaic terrorism” and implied that Israelis acted that way because they are all commanded to do so in the Bible, it would be easy to see this way of speaking as anti-Semitic. President Obama is right to avoid that trap, and he knows enough about Muslims and Islam to recognize it for what it is.

Wolfowitz is arguing that Islam has an “essence” that “has something to do with what we’re fighting.” Essentialism when applied to human groups is always an error and always a form of bigotry. Zionists bombed the King David Hotel in British Mandate Palestine in 1948, killing dozens of civilians and some British intelligence officials. If a British official had responded then by arguing that “everyone knows that Judaism has something to do with what we’re fighting,” it would be fairly clear what that official thought about Jews in general. As for Iraq and Islam, there was no Al Qaeda or ISIL in Iraq in 2002, when Wolfowitz conspired to fight an illegal war on Iraq that killed hundreds of thousands, maimed millions, created millions of widows and orphans, and displaced at least 4 million of Iraq’s then 25 million people, making them homeless. As late as 2012, in a poll conducted by my colleague Mark Tessler at the University of Michigan and several collaborators, 75 percent of Sunni Iraqis said that religion and state should be separate (personal communication). The social maelstrom visited on Iraqis by Wolfowitz’s sociopathy produced radical movements like Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia and ISIL, to which even secular Sunni Iraqis have turned out of desperation. Wolfowitz had no business in Iraq. His actions were illegal. Now this war criminal is blaming “Islam” for “what we’re fighting.”

As for the character of ISIL, the answer to the question being pitched in Washington lies in the field of the sociology of religion. Religious traditions always encompass lots of different kinds of organization. 

There are religious establishments, what the sociologists call “churches.” In Protestant-majority America, Episcopalians, Lutherans and Presbyterians are “churches” in this sense—typically, their congregations are full of white middle- and upper-class families and they have strong institutions, formal seminaries and ways of licensing and controlling clergy. The equivalent in the Middle East is the Sunni establishments. Each country typically has an appointed chief Muslim legal adviser, or mufti, and mainstream seminaries to train clerics in the complex traditions of legal reasoning that typify Sunni Islam.

Then there is the sect. Many (not all) Pentecostals, or a group such as the Jehovah’s Witnesses, would be less institutionalized and more spontaneous, and draw adherents more from the working and lower middle classes, and so would fall into the category of “sect,” as sociologists use the term. 

The Salafi movement in Sunni Islam, which especially attracts people in poorer neighborhoods in cities like Tunis or the small towns of the Delta in Egypt, is the Muslim equivalent of working-class evangelicals and Pentecostals. Salafis often reject mainstream Muslim authorities and appeal to what they see as the practice of the first generation (the Salaf) of Muslim disciples of the Prophet Muhammad.

“Sects” are on a spectrum. Some approach churches in becoming more mainstream; arguably Methodists went from being a sect in the nineteenth century to being a mainstream “church” in today’s America. This process involved upward mobility of adherents; church and sect are in part about social class. The lack of institutionalization in sects helps explain why so many televangelists (who typically operate outside the framework of an institutionalized church) are scandal-prone, since they have little in the way of credentialing or oversight.

Some sects form around charismatic individuals or groups of individuals who demand absolute obedience and a high investment of time and monetary resources from adherents. The leadership of this kind of high-tension sect may try to cut followers off from their family and friends. Often, followers are encouraged to believe that the world will end soon, a belief that makes them less likely to resist appeals to hand over large amounts of wealth and control over their lives to the sect leader. Typically, members who criticize the cult leader are not just excommunicated but shunned, with other sect members completely cutting them off socially, even if they are family.

Sects that merely deviate from conventional societal norms are inoffensive. In the Muslim world, the more sect-like Salafis are often politically quietist and generally harmless. But if a sectarian group begins breaking the law or perpetrating violence (kidnapping, torture, child and spousal abuse, and murder), many observers refer to it as a “destructive cult.” Some sociologists object that “cult” has taken on a pejorative connotation, so they prefer a euphemism like “new religious movement.” But academic criminologists speak of harmful criminal organizations all the time, so why should destructive cults not be so labeled? Where Salafis engage in vigilante violence (some call these “Salafi jihadis” but I prefer “vigilantes”), they become destructive cultists.

It is ironic that Americans, of all people, should have difficulty identifying sects and destructive cults, since our history has been littered with them. Nor have they necessarily been small or inconsequential. It is now typically forgotten that in the early twentieth century the Ku Klux Klan was a Protestant religious organization or that it came to power in the state of Indiana in the 1920s and comprised 30 percent of native-born white men there. It was a large social movement, with elements of the destructive cult, in the heart of North America. More recent groups such as Jim Jones’s People’s Temple and David Koresh’s Branch Davidians may have begun as high-tension sects, but at a certain point they became destructive cults.

The refusal to see ISIL in these terms is just a form of Orientalism, a way of othering the Middle East and marking its culture as inherently threatening. The American obsession with this small militia of some 20,000 fighters, which has managed temporarily to seduce or kidnap what I estimate to be 3–4 million people in Syria and Iraq, colors their perception of the whole Middle East. But the big story in the region in the past year is probably the turn of Egypt (population 83 million) toward secular nationalism, such that those dressed as religious Muslims are often being harassed and discriminated against.

That ISIL falls into the category of the destructive cult explains why the formal establishments (“churches”) of the Muslim world reject it. Scholars at Al-Azhar Seminary, the foremost institution of clerical authority in the Sunni Muslim world, and other Muslim establishments condemn it roundly, just as the Episcopal Church rather frowned on the actions of the Branch Davidians. Mainstream Muslims are outraged at allegations that the gratuitous brutality and grandstanding bloodthirstiness of ISIL can be traced to their “church.”

Wood controversially asserted in his article for The Atlantic, “The reality is that the Islamic State is Islamic. Very Islamic.” This assertion is theological, not sociological. No social scientist would say, “The reality is that the Ku Klux Klan is Christian. Very Christian.” If what Wood meant to say was that ISIL is a Muslim cult rather than a Buddhist one, that assertion is uncontroversial. If he means that Islam has an essence, of which ISIL partakes or indeed that ISIL is a natural outcome of the alleged Islamic essence, then he is speaking as a medieval Platonist, not as a contemporary social scientist.

Nationalism is probably also a conceptual veil here. Since the nineteenth century, religious movements have typically been inflected with nationalism, but in Europe and North America the national marker of identity has tended to be foregrounded, even where religion formed a key part of a movement. Thus, the Croatian Ustashe during World War II is typically seen as a form of nationalism, whereas Catholic identity and institutions were deeply implicated in it, and the fascist Ustashe demanded that Serbs convert to Catholicism. In its viciousness, destructiveness and ambition, the Ustashe was not very different from ISIL today. ISIL is put under the sign of religion, but it is in fact a form of nationalism appealing to medieval religious symbols. Nor is its ruthlessness unprecedented in modern history. It is not clear that Muslim ISIL adherents have as yet managed to kill a fraction of the number of people (over 500,000) that the Ustashe polished off in death camps in the 1940s.

Why is ISIL so much more powerful and widespread than the Branch Davidians? It is not in the main because their ideas are more attractive to people in Syria and Iraq than Branch Davidian ideas were in Texas, though the success of cults in appealing to people on the basis of religious symbols cannot be denied.
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First, ISIL operates in areas where the state has collapsed. In the case of Iraq, that collapse was induced by the George W. Bush regime, including Paul Wolfowitz. In the case of Syria, the collapse is of course the result of the Assad regime’s repression of the protest movement in 2011, and the ensuing the civil war. It is also probably owing in part to long-term severe drought and disastrous neoliberal policies, as well as the international trade boycott organized by the US Congress in 2003, the Syria Accountability Act, at the behest of the Israel lobbies. Strong states in the region would simply have suppressed this movement, as the Clinton administration suppressed the Branch Davidians in the United States.

Second, it is because ISIL has gained enormous coercive power.
The group gained battle experience fighting against US troops in Iraq and then against the Syrian Arab Army. Its fighters captured medium and some heavy weapons from the SAA and the Iraqi Army (the latter fled Mosul last June, leaving tanks and artillery behind). Most of the people who temporarily live under ISIL rule don’t have a choice in the matter, but rather face a 20,000-strong, battle-hardened and well-armed militia. It is also well-heeled, with revenues from petroleum, oil and human smuggling and from hard-line Salafi millionaires in the Persian Gulf oil states.

Third, sectarian conflict accounts for some of the support ISIL receives. The cosmopolitan and largely secular-minded Sunni Iraqis of Mosul, a city the size of Houston, would have had nothing but contempt for this ragtag band of scruffy fundamentalists and sadistic opportunists before Bush invaded their country, consigned them to unemployment and social demotion, and put pro-Iran Shiite fundamentalists in power over them. It is not generally mere poverty that creates destructive social movements but economic uncertainty and humiliation visited on well-educated, formerly middle-class people. Who visited these things on the Sunni Arabs of Iraq? The Bush regime and its officers and supporters, people like Paul Wolfowitz and Rudy Giuliani, who now want to engage in essentialism and blame Islam for the disaster. All criminals have a cover story, and what they’re really doing is castigating President Obama for not corroborating their alibi.

People who actually love the United States want to rescue it from foreign adventurism and improve the health and welfare of its people. They would want to discourage bigotry and black-and-white thinking, which makes war so much more thinkable. And they would eschew wars of aggression, a daisy chain that brings more wars in its wake.

Juan ColeTWITTER
Juan Cole, the Richard P. Mitchell Collegiate Professor of History at the University of Michigan, is the author, most recently, of The Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam: A New Translation From the Persian.