2019/07/22

CK Park - 평화란 무엇인가? 사람들은 오랫동안 평화란 전쟁이 없는 상태라고 생각했다. 전쟁은 다른 이의...



(21) CK Park - 평화란 무엇인가? 사람들은 오랫동안 평화란 전쟁이 없는 상태라고 생각했다. 전쟁은 다른 이의...





CK Park
20 July at 09:53 ·



평화란 무엇인가?

사람들은 오랫동안 평화란 전쟁이 없는 상태라고 생각했다. 전쟁은 다른 이의 생명을 살상하고 다른 이의 것을 빼앗는 행위를 당연시한다. 고대사회에서의 전쟁은 야만 그 자체였다. 전쟁에서 이긴 편은 남자들은 무참하게 학살하고 여자들을 강간하고 노예로 삼았다. 그 잔인한 전쟁의 역사는 오직 평화로만 잠재울 수 있었다. 하지만 전쟁이 부재한 상태가 평화라는 생각은 매우 폭력적인 평화를 말하는 것이다. 상대를 진압하여 얻는 평화는 승자 독식의 평화였기 때문이다.

아시아의 평화와 서구 사회에서의 평화를 살펴보다 보면 아시아인의 평화 이해가 매우 전근대적이고도 비인간적이라는 사실에 놀라게 된다. 서구 사회를 비판하는 아시아 학자들은 아시아의 정신적 풍요를 낭만화하며 그 우월성을 주장하기도 한다. 심원한 유불선의 유산을 생각하면 그리 틀린 것은 아닐 것 같지만 내가 보기에는 서구 사회가 가지는 이웃에 대한 적대성과 우리가 경험한 이웃에 대한 적대성에는 큰 차이가 있다. 즉 이웃을 이해하는 방식에 커다란 차이가 있다.

유럽의 역사에서 평화 사상의 원류를 찾아보면 기원전 그리스 세계에서 형성되었던 도시국가들 사이에서 벌어진 각축전의 성격과 그 시대에 그들이 꿈꾸었던 평화 사상을 만나게 된다. 소규모의 도시국가들이 각축전을 벌이다가 강력한 페르시아나 마케도니아 세력의 위협을 받게 되자 도시국가의 지도자들은 상대를 살육과 정복의 대상으로 보는 생각을 버리고 공존의 대상으로 여기기 시작했다. 거기서 나온 개념이 에이레네, 평화다. 그러니까 이웃을 나와 같은 인간, 나와 같은 생존권, 나와 같은 삶의 의지를 가진 인간이라고 바라보는 데에서 평화 사상이 싹튼 것이다.

다양한 차이와 일방적인 집단의 욕망을 넘어서 서로가 인간, 동류라는 의식은 서구 사회에서 평화를 이해하는 가장 기본적인 요건이 되었다. 물론 그들 역시 종족주의적인 우월성, 그리고 이질 집단을 향한 비하와 멸시의 태도가 없었던 것은 아니다. 그러나 갈등과 투쟁, 폭력이 난무하는 시대를 극복하기 위하여 그들은 서로의 생존을 보장하는 원칙을 평화의 근본 요건으로 삼았다. 그리스 도시국가 중에서 자웅을 겨루던 아테네, 스파르타, 테베 등과 같은 도시국가들의 지도자들은 평화협약을 맺을 때 불가침의 조건만 내건 것이 아니었다. 상대의 생존을 보장하는 원칙을 반드시 포함시켰다. 평화의 약속은 상대를 향한 인도주의적인 생존 보장 약속이 담겨있었다. 보급로를 끊는다든지, 용수로를 차단하는 행위를 하지 않겠다는 약속이다.

이런 인도주의적인 정신에 바탕을 둔 평화 사상이 모든 영역에서 보편적으로 시행되었던 것은 아니다. 근동 아시아 지방에서 형성된 야훼종교는 가장 포악한 전쟁사를 기록한 문서를 남기고 있다. 그것이 성서다. 야훼 백성이라 자인하는 이스라엘 집단은 가나안 땅을 정복하면서 가장 피비린내 나는 전쟁을 했다. 그들은 상대편이라면 남녀, 노소, 짐승의 새끼까지 죽이는 족속이었다. 원시 유대교의 포악은 갈멜산 위에서 광기에 사로잡힌 야훼 제사장들이 이교도들을 살육하는 피튀기는 장면에서 극을 이룬다. 그들은 상대를 자신들과 같은 존재라고 여기지 못했다. 이런 이들이 가진 평화 사상이란 정복과 잔인한 살상 이후에 얻는 “피 묻은 평화”였다. 야훼 종교의 한 얼굴이다.

하지만 성서의 전통에는 피 묻은 평화 사상만 담겨있는 것이 아니다. 성서에는 이스라엘 공동체 안에서의 평화, 자기들만의 평화를 측정하는 기준도 있었다. 거기에서 샬롬이라는 단어가 나왔다. 샬롬은 일종의 복지적 개념이다. 몸과 마음과 관계의 평화를 모두 아우르는 말이기 때문이다. 유감스러운 것은 유대인들이 이러한 샬롬 사상을 자기네 족속에게만 적용하곤 했다는 것이다. 샬롬 평화 사상을 종족적으로 해석하는 것을 넘어 보편적으로 확대하여 새롭게 해석한 종교가 예수의 사상을 중심으로 형성된 기독교다.

기독교를 잘못 이해하는 사람들은 구약 성서에 나타난 피 묻은 평화를 영적 전투라 해석하며 호전적인 선교론을 제창하는 이들도 적지 않다. 거짓 교사들에게 속아 피 묻은 평화를 주장하며 포악해지는 기독교인들은 매우 잘못된 가르침에 세뇌된 것이다.

예수는 모든 형태의 국가주의나 종족주의적, 심지어 영적 전투를 빙자한 종교적인 폭력을 거부했다. 예수는 고위 유대 종교가 버린 사람들을 친구라 불렀다. 그는 부유한 사람들이 멸시하는 가난한 이의 이웃이 되었고, 거룩함을 자랑하는 종교인들과는 달리 거룩하지 못한 사람으로 간주하던 이들의 친구였다. 민족적 순수라는 우월성에 사로잡혀 이교적 문화를 수용한 이들을 저급한 존재로 여기던 전통도 여지없이 깨뜨리신다. 이 예수가 가르치신 평화는 인종, 신분, 소유, 권력을 통해서 해석되는 것이 아니다. 가장 아름다운 평화다.

그런데 많은 기독교인이 이 예수의 평화를 안이하게 여긴다. 그저 주어지는 것이라고 여기고, 그러한 평화를 위한 실천적 지평을 가지지 않는 것이다. 사실, 예수의 평화는 무수한 차별과 적대성과의 싸움을 의미한다. 예수는 유대 종족주의와 싸웠고, 권력자들과 대립했으며, 종교적 우월성을 주장하는 이들과 등졌다. 예수는 자애롭고 평화로운 부처의 미소를 가지지 않았다. 그는 수행자이기도 했지만, 수행자만이 아니었다. 그는 논쟁했고, 심지어 다투기도 했으며, 제자들을 향하여 엄격하기도 했다. 그에게서 평화란 인간의 존엄한 가치를 훼손하는 악과는 공존할 수 없는 것이었기 때문이다.

나는 오늘 아침 일본군들의 성노예로 살아가신 다섯 분의 이야기를 읽었다. 남의 나라 사람이면 강제로 잡아다가 가두어 두고 집단 성폭력을 하고, 성노예로 삼아도 생각하는 일본인들의 추악한 도덕성의 희생자들이다. 일본인은 자신의 누이나 어머니도 일제 군사의 성욕의 하수구로 삼았을까? 어쩌다가 그리스인들이 기원전에 인식한 평화 사상의 근간, “나도 그대도 사람이라는 인식”이 일본인들에게서는 19세기가 넘도록 형성되지 못했을까? 그리고 이런 일본인들이 범한 전쟁범죄를 박정희의 대일청구권 행위 하나로 면탈되어야 한다는 주장을 한국인이 할 수 있을까?

일군 성노예로 살아가셨던 이들은 그 고되고 수치스러운 악몽으로 남아있는 기억을 더듬어 증언했다. “주말이면 그들이 트럭을 타고 와 수십 명이 줄을 서서 문밖에서 자기 차례를 기다렸어요...” 짐승들의 세계가 아닌가? 세상의 어느 군대가 이런 조직적인 방식으로 인간의 성을 범한단 말인가? 자신의 누이나 어머니가 일제 군인들에게 할머니들이 겪었던 집단 성폭력을 수개월 혹은 수년 동안 겪었다면, 자신의 아버지를 일제가 끌고 가 개처럼 학대하며 징용살이시켰다면 그렇게 만만하게 용서하라고 할 수 있을까?

일제 성노예로 살아갔던 김군자 할머니는 해방된 후 자신이 모은 돈을 하나도 남기지 않고 모두 기부했다. 한번은 5,000만 원, 또 6,000만 원, 그리고 1억 원을 모두 가난한 이들을 위한 학비로 써달라고 내놓았다. 가난때문에 자기처럼 못 배워 자기 권리를 박탈당하는 일이 없도록 가난한 학생을 도우라고 내놓은 것이다. 이런 할머니가 지금 일본에게 금전적인 보상을 받기 위해 항의하고 있는 것일까? 아니면 인간으로서는 해서는 안 될 가공할 몹쓸 짓을 집단으로 범하고서도 모른 척하는 일본인들의 비양심을 드러내며 진정한 사죄를 요구하는 것일까? 어떻게 생각하시는가?

많은 이들이 일본과의 선린우호 관계에 이상이 왔다며 적당한 평화를 주장한다. 거기에는 속내로 경제적인 이유, 과학기술의 의존성, 혹은 개인적인 일본과의 친분 등을 이유로 든다. 할머니들의 인간의 존엄성을 바닥까지 부정한 집단에게 슬쩍 돈으로 퉁 치려던 박정희나 그의 딸 박근혜와 다를 바가 무엇인가? 그것이 그대가 바라는 평화인가? 평화는 일본인들이 사악한 제국주의적 망상에 사로잡혀 전쟁을 벌이며 조선인의 인간의 존엄성을 토탈 부정한 행위가 잘못된 것이었다는 자인이 있을 때 가능한 것이다.

그것이 아니라면 그들은 자신들의 죄를 참회한 것이 아니다. 돈 문제로 보상할 수 있는 것은 더욱 아니라는 것을 일러주어야 하는 것이 아닐까? 평화는 돈 주고 사는 것도 아니다. 적당히 퉁치는 데에서 얻어지는 것도 아니다. 피차 사람의 얼굴로 서로를 인간으로 바라볼 때 찾아 오는 것이다.

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134Kang-nam Oh, Sung Luke Kim and 132 others

11 comments22 shares

김진구 참된 평화는 평강의 왕이신 우리 주 예수 그리스도 안에서 우리 모두가 안식을 누리는 것이 아닐까요?

사자들이 어린 양과 뛰놀고...
1


CK Park 김진구 네 강한 자, 사자가 약자, 어린 양을 먹잇감으로 바라보지 않는 관계가 평화의 상징적 의미지요..,ㅎ
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· 2d

이의용 고맙습니다.
깨우쳐주셔서.
1
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· 2d

조경애 교수님 글 소중히 읽고 가슴깊이 새기고 있습니다 그런데 늘 가슴한켠이 아린 구약성경의 내용이 있습니다 왜 가나안 사람들을모두 죽이라고 하셨는지요? 이스라엘의 정복전쟁의 전멸방법이과연 하나님의 방법이었을까요? 이방사람과 같은 잔인한 살육인 듰싶어서요 신약의 그리스도의 가르침과 맞지 않고요~20대의 제 딸은 구약의 이스라엘의 나라세우는 방법들에 대한 회의가 많습니다 구약엔 폭력이 아주정당하게 그려지고있다고 생각합니다 예수를 사랑하는 저와 제딸은 구약과 신약의 하나님에대한 이해에 가끔 혼란이 옵니다~ 첫 댓글에 어려운 질문을드려죄송합니다~ 늘 감사드리고 있습니다^^
1
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· 2d


CK Park 조경애 성서는 다양한 자료를 묶은 책이고, 각 자료들의 저자와 사회적 맥락이 다르지요. 문자적으로 읽으면 안 됩니다. 좋은 주석서를 구해 함께 읽으셔야 조금은 바르게 이해할 수 있어요. 이 주제와 관련된 제 책을 읽어보셔요.
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7


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· 2d

Byung Jik Kim 참으로 귀한 말씀을 전해 주셔서 감사드립니다..
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· 11h

Paul Ji 격하게 공감합니다!
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1


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· 2d

이경자 이런 역사를 알아야하는데 안타깝게도 이 시대에 살면서 관여하지 않기 때문에 생긴 아픔입니다.대한민국의 정체성을 바로잡기 위해서 역사를 바르게 인식해야되고 크리스찬은 정신 좀 차려야 하죠.
1
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· 2d

유영재 누구든 남여노소, 이념과 종교를 불문하고
"#사람의얼굴로 #서로를인간으로 보기를 소망합니다.
2

이찬수 한국종교를 컨설팅하다 / 종교학자가 비판적으로 진단한 한국종교의 현재와 미래


[책] 한국종교를 컨설팅하다 / 종교학자가 비판적으로 진단한 한국종교의 현재와 미래
저자 이찬수 외 [등저], 발행 모시는 사람들 / 2014/ 254p.

목차
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신앙을 상실한 종교/ 이찬수
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한국 종교, 어디까지 왔나?│최준식
프롤로그
1. 들어가며
2. 서설: 종교를 정의하는 문제 -- 영원철학을 중심으로
3. 본설 : 한국 종교계의 비종교적인 모습
4. 마치면서
====


한국 천주교회 성장의 빛과 그늘│박영대
1. 2005년 인구센서스를 통해서 본 한국천주교회
2. 교구장 사목교서를 통해서 본 한국 천주교회
논평/ 가톨릭 제자리 찾기 │ 변진흥
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한국 개신교, 자리 잡기와 자리 찾기│김진호
1. 시작, 근대성과 식민성, 그리고 배타성
2. 한국 개신교회의 자리 잡기, 전형이 형성되다
3. 한국 개신교회의 전형, 절정을 지나 위기에 놓이다
4. 맺음 : 작은 교회들의 수평적 네트워크의 가능성
논평/ 한국 개신교의 자리 찾기 │ 최대광
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한국 불교, 문제와 발전 방향│이병두
1. 이야기를 시작하며
2. 한국 불교의 문제
3. 바람직한 불교의 발전 방향 - 결론을 대신하여
논평/ 불교 제자리 찾기 │ 조준호
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개교 100년, 원불교의 과제│김경일
1. 시작하는 말
2. 원불교 출현의 시대적 배경
3. 원불교의 유래와 성립과정
4. 불교와 원불교의 관계
5. 불평등한 사회 혁신을 위한 방안 - 사요四要
6. 원불교의 자리 찾기
7. 마무리의 말
논평/ 원불교의 자리 찾기를 위하여 │ 이찬수

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천도교의 위기, 한계와 기회│김용휘
1. 동학·천도교의 창도와 역사적 전개
2. 현실진단
3. 원인 분석과 대안의 모색
4. 결과에 연연하지 않는 의연함으로
논평/ 천도교 제자리 찾기 | 정혜정

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주석
찾아보기
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1990년대 중반을 넘어서면서 한국 천주교회 안에서는 자성과 쇄신의 목소리가 높았다. 이 같은 분위기에서 소공동체 사목, 교구 시노드 등 다양한 사목 시도가 있었다. 하지만 2005년 인구 센서스 결과, 천주교가 크게 성장한 것이 드러나면서 자성과 쇄신의 분위기는 사라지고 있다. 대신에 각 교구가 성장 제일주의로 나아가고 있는 조짐이 보인다. … 이 모든 것을 해결할 수 있는 방안은 있는가? 희망은 깨어 있는 평신도이다. 교회를 이미 떠나 있거나 교회의 경계에 서 있는 깨인 평신도를 어떻게 조직해서 효과 있는 실천을 함께 해 나갈 것인지에 그 해답이 있다고 생각한다.(한국 천주교회 성장의 빛과 그늘│박영대)


1990년대 이후 한국 사회의 성장은 현저히 둔화된다. 하지만 교회의 신앙적 제도는 성장주의에 맞추어져 있었다. 성장은 지체되었는데, 성장주의는 지속되는 상황을 맞게 된 것이다. 이것이 이 시기 교회 위기의 요체였다. … 한데 이 시기에 급부상한 교회들이 있다. 우리가 ‘후발 대형 교회’라고 부르는 이념형은 바로 이러한 변화를 함축하기 위해 사용된 것이다. … 하여 작은 교회들은 사회를 횡단하는 수평적 연대의 새로운 주역으로 등장하고 있다. 수평적 연대는 배타성을 지양하는 새로운 존재 조건이다. 그런 점에서 수직적 네트워크가 낳은 식민주의도 청산할 수 있는 신앙의 조건을 갖추고 있다. (한국 개신교, 자리 잡기와 자리 찾기│ 김진호)

진정한 불교 포교는 인구 통계상의 불교인 숫자를 증가시키는 일이 아니라 ‘붓다의 가르침’을 좇아 세상을 지혜롭게 그리고 자비 정신을 구현하며 살아가는 사람들이 많아지고, 그래서 세상이 평화로워지게 하는 일이라고 생각한다. 이런 관점에서 글 서두에 올린 달라이 라마의 발언에 100% 동감하고, 한국 불교계가 이 방향으로 나아가기를 간절히 바란다.(한국 불교, 문제와 발전 방향│이병두)

원불교는 아직 100년이 채 안 된 어린 교단이다. 최근 ‘4대 종단’의 하나로 이름하고 상대적으로 잘 정돈된 교단이라고 하는 칭송을 받는 경우도 간혹 있지만, 기성종단에 비하여 아직 교세의 규모나 사회적 역할에 있어서는 감히 비교할 수 없다.… 날이 갈수록 심화되는 시대의 문제를 원불교는 어떻게 대면할 것인가. “물질이 개벽되니 정신을 개벽하자!” 이 말은 원불교 개교開敎정신을 집약한 핵심 표어이다. 원불교가 이 시대 대중이 필요로 하는 종교로 자리매김하는 참된 길 찾기는 가능할 것인가. (개교 100년, 원불교의 과제│김경일)

(천도교의) 문제는 하나로 요약된다. 수행과 사회 참여가 함께 가지 못했다는 점이다. 수행의 목적이 제대로 제시되지 못하였고, 사회 참여는 마음 깊은 곳에서 우러나오지 않았고 거친 이데올로기의 주변에서 맴돌았다.… 그런데 무엇보다 중요한 것은 실제 몸의 변화이고 생활의 변화이다. 정신 개벽과 생활 개벽이 동학 개벽의 핵심이다. … 가장 중요한 것은 조급증을 내지 않고 그저 묵묵히 가야 한다는 것이다. 결과에 연연하지 않는 의연함이 중요하다. 결과에 연연하지 않아야 실패에도 좌절하지 않고, 마음의 평화를 유지하며 끝까지 주어진 길을 갈 수 있기 때문이다.(천도교의 위기, 한계와 기회│김용휘)

Park Yuha 2016 · 학문이라는 이름의 외설 혹은 테러 정영환

Park Yuha
21 July 2016 ·



학문이라는 이름의 외설 혹은 테러
(오랫만에 씁니다. 좀 깁니다..)

나에 대한 비판이 다시 이어지고 있는 것 같다. 이 상황을, 슬프게 생각한다.
고발 이후 내가 집중적인 비난을 받은 것은 고발직후,가처분판결전후, 기소, 한일합의,민사패소때였다. 물론 그 대부분은 언론이 “자발적 매춘부” 라는 틀을 갖고 왔기 때문이다.


이번 비난은 정영환의 책이 계기가 된 것 같다. 아니 어쩌면 워커스의 기사 때문인지도 모르겠다.
아무튼, 외부요인이 계기가 된다는 점에서는 정영환의 책은 “박유하는 위안부할머니를 자발적매춘부라고 했다”는 언론보도와 똑같은 역할을 했다.
학문이라는 이름의 외설, 혹은 테러. 그 시도는 성공한 듯 하다.

언론이 출판사의 보도자료를 그대로 옮기지만 않았어도 기자간담회까지 하지는 않았을 것이다.
사실, 정말은 2년전에 했어야 할 일이었다. 나는 이 2년동안 나눔의집 소장과 고문변호사의 “외설”(대중의 관심을 모으려는 의도가 뚜렷하다는 점에서)과 테러(“박유하는 친일파”라는 틀을 씌워 대중의 손가락질과 짓밟기를 유도해 왔다는 점에서)에 대해 어떻게 대응해야 할지를 고민해 왔지만, 아직 직접적으로는 아무런 대응에 나서지 않았다. 내가 공식적으로 대응한 것은 언중위에 간 일과 검찰의 기소에 대한 항의기자회견 뿐이다. 그리고 페이스북을 통한 소극적인 변명 혹은 설명. 반론을 제대로 쓴 것은 작년 여름에 잡지에 난 두개의 비판/비난에 대한 글에 대한 반론 뿐이다.

이미 쓴 것처럼, 몇 달 전부터 이어진 비판서들을 사두기는 했지만 나는 아직 읽지 않았다.
반론이 없다고 해서 꼭 반론이 없다는 의미는 아니다. 의문들에 대해 이미 몇 개의 반론을 통해 대답해 두었으니 링크해둔다 . 비판자들은 물론, 제게 의구심을 갖게 된 분들도 읽어 주시면 좋겠다.

아래 글을 링크하면서 알게 된 건, 내가 길게 대답한 글들의 대상이 전부위안부문제 연구자가 아니라는 사실이다. 말하자면 이들은 나를 비판하기 위해 기존연구나 인식들—남의 말을 옮긴데 불과하다.
나는 이른바 전문가-- 위안부문제 연구자가 아니라고 해서 배제할 생각이 없었지만 연구자가 아닌 사람들까지 대상으로 하다보니 좀 소모적이다. 앞으로는 오랫동안 이 문제에 관한 연구를 해 왔거나 운동을 해 온 분들과 토론해야 할 것 같다.

학자의 소송가담이라는 사태를 맞아(월요일 재판에서는 검사가 <제국의 변호인>을 증거라면서 제출했다)포기한 국민재판도 다른형태로 이어질 수 있도록, 법원에 제출한 자료들을 홈페이지에 공개해 나갈 예정이다.
그리고 이제, 나의 책을 포르노로 만들려던 이들의 시도가 왜 외설이 되고 마는지, 왜 평화 대신 끊임없는 불화를 만드는 "폭력의 사고"일 수 밖에 없는 지에 대해 생각하면서 나머지 여름을 보내려 한다.

이재승, 윤해동교수에 대한 반론은 쓰다 말았었다 .정말은 젊은 역사학자들이 이 교수의 의견을 신봉하기에 이 반론에서 이재승 교수에 대한 비판도 썼었는데 반론의 직접 대상이 아니라면서 수정해 달라는 요청에 따라 뺏었다.

기자간담회는 어디까지나 언론을 대상으로 한 것이었다. 간담회 내용을 글로 정리할 시간이 있을지는 잘 모르겠다. 일본에서도 기존 연구자들과 운동가들이 오해마저 포함한 비난을 이어가고 있으니 몸이 열개라도 충분치 않다.
앞으로는 반론할 의미가 있는 글에 대해서만 반론해야 할 것 같다.

홈페이지에, 지난 3월말에 동경대에서 이루어진 옹호자와 비판자들의 연구모임에 관한 후기를 <연구모임후기>라는 항목에 몇 개 번역해 올려 두었다.
사실 나는 그 글들이, 당일 이루어진 정영환등의 발표를 내가 없었던 탓에 그대로 믿고(그 시점에서는 아직나의 반론의 일본어번역을 준비하지 못했었다) 나의 책에 문제가 있는 것처럼 쓰인 부분들이 있어서 자괴감이 크다. 중요한 일에도 때로 빠르지 못한 나의 불찰의 결과다.
그렇긴 하지만, 이 모임에 대한 한겨레, 시사인, 오마이뉴스등의 편향된 보도를 보셨던 분들은 참고해 주시면 좋겠다.

나는 정영환의 곡예적인 왜곡은 아프지 않다. 그저 그런 외설을 학자들마저 환영하는 이 사회가 슬플 뿐이다. 비판자들 대부분의 진정성을 믿기에 더욱 그렇다.

추신: 간담회에서 말했으나 보도 되지 않은 이야기를 덧붙여 둔다.

1)유희남할머니의 작고에 대한 애도와 그 분과의 관계에 대한 설명. 당일 아침에야 작고사실을 알았다. 연기할까 고민했으나 이미 시간을 한번 변경한 터여서 재변경을 감행해 기자분들에게 혼란을 주어서는 안된다고 생각했다. 여성신문은 그 자리에 있었다는데 그 말을 빼고 보도했다. 심지어 20억 얘기를 다시 재유포했다. 이에 대해서는 대응할 생각이다.
(할머니들께 그런 거짓마저 말하도록 한 건 우리 모두다.)

2) 정영환의 입국을 허하라고 말했다

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피소 1년 시점의 글(동아시아 화해와 평화의 목소리 심포지엄 발제문,2015/6)
http://parkyuha.org/%ea%b8%b0%ec%96%b5%ec%9d%98-%ec%a0%95%…/


(정영환비판에 대한 반론1, 페이스북 노트 2015/8/31)
http://parkyuha.org/%eb%b9%84%ed%8c%90%ec%9d%b4-%ec%a7%80%…/


정영환 비판에대한 반론 2, 역사비평 122호, 2015/8)
https://cldup.com/mt2lV_7iqt.pdf


젊은 역사학자들에 대한 반론(역사문제연구 34호,2015/10)
https://cldup.com/9Nl3W0KE2Q.pdf


한겨레 기사에 대한 반론(2016/2)
http://www.hani.co.kr/a…/society/society_general/729598.html

정영환 책에 대한 보도관련 생각(2016/7)
. http://wp.me/p7BuXx-10P
WP.ME
기자간담회 자료 전문 다운로드 [요약] 1) “일본군/국가의 책임을 극소화했다” 국가책임을 말했고 그에 따른 사죄보상을 요구했음 당사자 포함한…
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Quakernomics: An Ethical Capitalism (Anthem Other Canon Economics): Mike King, Sir Adrian Cadbury Sir: 9780857281128: Amazon.com: Books



Quakernomics: An Ethical Capitalism (Anthem Other Canon Economics): Mike King, Sir Adrian Cadbury Sir: 9780857281128: Amazon.com: Books




Quakernomics: An Ethical Capitalism (Anthem Other Canon Economics)Paperback – April 1, 2014
by Mike King (Author), Sir Adrian Cadbury Sir (Foreword)
4.7 out of 5 stars 4 customer reviews


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Combining commercial success with philanthropy and social activism, ‘Quakernomics’ offers a compelling model for corporate social responsibility in the modern world. Mike King explores the ethical capitalism of Quaker enterprises from the eighteenth to the twentieth centuries, testing this theory against those of prominent economists. With a foreword by Sir Adrian Cadbury, this book proves that the Quaker practice of ‘total capitalism’ is not a historically remote nicety but an immediately relevant guide for today’s global economy.
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Editorial Reviews

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‘Fascinating, highly relevant and opportune, this book is a powerful exploration of history showing how ethical behaviour has been – and can be – an effective route to wealth creation and growth.’ —Carlota Perez, author of ‘Technological Revolutions and Financial Capital’ and Centennial Professor at the London School of Economics



‘“Quakernomics” presents a refreshing new way of thinking about economic activity, one which links the pursuit of profit with social justice.’ —David Vogel, Haas School of Business, University of California, Berkeley


Book Description




Explores Quaker enterprises from 1700 to the twentieth century as examples of an ethical capitalism, and tests them against prominent economists and their concern for economic justice.

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Product details

Series: Anthem Other Canon Economics (Book 1)

Paperback: 308 pages
Publisher: Anthem Press (April 1, 2014)


4 customer reviews

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Cheri Berens

5.0 out of 5 starsA fascinating and unique walk through historyMay 17, 2019
Format: PaperbackVerified Purchase
Giving the historical background outlining Quaker contributions to the foundation of the Industrial Revolution, Mike King then moves to Quaker contributions made in investment banking, botany, pharmaceuticals, luxury items and various other industries. Through these examples, we are shown that Quakers were active participants in the history of capitalism. But King’s primary concern throughout Quakernomics is “ethical” capitalism. Using a wide variety of examples to make his point, King suggests a capitalism that serves the community, that involves morality, and that provides a “middle way.” This middle way is provided by the ethics of the Quakers.
Using the socialist worker villages of Soviet Russia and Maoist China and other examples, such as the horrific conditions that existed during the Victorian Era and the extremes between the rich and poor, Quaker examples are used in contrast, such as the approach of a planned garden city, which was a workers village, but where amenities were planned to cater to the needs of the workers. As King notes, “…this was not socialism, neither was it ogre capitalism.”
King gives us examples of Quaker industries in the early days of iron and we are shown that Quakers made fortunes, but also were devoted to philanthropy. We are led through a fascinating journey of history, with examples of Quakerism in the iron and steel industries of the Industrial Revolution, mining, railways, cotton, wool and the textile industry, but also the fields of science, pharmaceuticals, banking and finance. Thus we are shown ethical capitalism through examples of Quakerism.
We are then given examples of capitalism through the eyes of writers who documented working-class poverty and the conditions of factory workers during the Industrial Revolution that point out the failures of capitalism, the side effects of the Industrial Revolution, and the exploitation of labor. We are offered a solution: “ethical” capitalism. Quakers created partnerships with workers rather than exploitation.
King then gives a synopsis of various economists, again pointing out the outcome of “unethical” capitalism, and also examples of various works of fiction that point out the need for social justice. After this in-depth survey of the pitfalls of capitalism through various genres and thinkers of the past, none of whom give solutions, but highlighting unethical capitalism, it is concluded that the business practices of the Quakers are “largely comprised of ethical capitalism.”
Not only is this book a fascinating and unique walk through history, we learn that Quakers follow the teachings of peace, equality, truth and simplicity. As King points out, “No other single identifiable religious groups in history has applied these so extensively to economic activity.”


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Kirby Urner

4.0 out of 5 starsDid Quakers practice "Total Capitalism"?October 9, 2014
Format: Kindle EditionVerified Purchase
Very cool that the author focuses on The Iron Bridge as an entry point, a science fiction novel about a time traveler sent back from a future that's decided humans had industrialized too early, before their thinking had matured enough to handle it (witness the World Wars the followed). In this future, the planetary ecosystem is messed up beyond repair. Industrialization must be delayed. So she (the time traveler) is to sabotage the Iron Bridge, built by industrious Quakers who treated their workers fairly well. Hence the book's claim that Quakers not only practiced "total capitalism" (from foundry to factory to wholesale to retail) but did it in such away as to give "total socialism" a run for its money, i.e. they treated their workers relatively well. Quakers reach in apogee in power and influence around 1781 when the bridge opens. Given their socially unpopular positions in the US, anti Indian Wars and anti slavery, their Quaker utopia (Pennsylvania) is already on the wane, but that's another story. This book is more about the UK and the difference Quakers made there.

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Rusty G SATX

5.0 out of 5 starsQuakers did more than just hunt Moby DickJune 6, 2014
Format: Kindle EditionVerified Purchase
I am not a Quaker but grew up around them and am an occasional "attender". Second, I have a graduate degree in economics. The author combines history, economics, and Quaker society into an excellent story. On rare occasions he is "cataloging" through notable Quaker businesses like the "begat" parts of The Bible, but just blow through those and you'll discover some new ideas.

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J. Mann

5.0 out of 5 starsPaternalistic CapitalismAugust 10, 2014
Format: Kindle Edition
This is a fascinating and informative review of the impact of Quakers in the industrial revolution, and a reflection on what this might mean in how we think politically and economically today.

The book is divided into two parts - the first is a historic review of the economic impact of Quakers from their rise in the seventeenth century revealing their economic and financial importance through the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and then their decline as an economic force in the twentieth century. Mike seeks to draw out the principles that led Quakers to economic success, these principles are what he calls "Quakernomics".

The second part looks at theories of economics from the left and right of the political spectrum, and makes the argument that both are lacking in important respects, and that consideration of the principles of "Quakernomics" provides a way to create an "ethical capitalism".

What is Quakernomics? Mike looks at what characterises the Quaker enterprises in the eighteenth century - he argues they were innovative and hard working, they looked after their workers and paid good wages, they employed a model of what Mike calls "total capitalism", where a whole network of interrelated Quaker businesses worked together - industry, housing, farming, finance, communications, energy and so on, and they sought be trustworthy and reliable, to always be able to pay their bills. If they fell behind in any of these areas, the local Quaker meeting was on hand to challenge the member and ensure they quickly corrected their mistakes.

Mike argues that Quakers created a "cooperative" - in the sense of cooperating together - economy, with for example Quaker bankers able to offer other Quakers finance at lower than market rates to help innovate and develop their business.

There is an impressive list of Quaker enterprises in a wide variety of areas - for iron we have the Darbys of Coalbrookdale but also we are told "Quakers owned between half and three-quarters of the ironworks in operation in the early eighteenth century". There is the Quaker Lead Company who mined and smelted lead, copper and silver who supplied the Royal Mint with silver. Robert Ransome produced agricultural equipment, and Quakers were active in railways (the Stockton to Darlington Railway was Quaker owned and was also known as "The Quaker Line") and canals, cotton (John Bright was a cotton manufacturer as well as the fourth Quaker to sit in parliament), wool, textiles, shoes (Clarks), matches (Bryant and May), science (John Dalton, Thomas Young, Luke Howard, Elizabeth Brown, Arthur Stanley Eddington), chemicals, pharmaceuticals, chocolate (Fry, Cadbury and Rowntree) and biscuits (Huntley and Palmers, Carr's and Jacob's), also lawyers, stockbrokers, accountants, merchants and banking (Barclays and Lloyds).

This is a compelling story but there is a worrying lack of statistics, so that much of the argument runs on the basis of anecdote and example rather than firm facts and figures.

For example it is difficult to know what percentage of Quakers followed the examples of looking after their workers that are given in the book. Similarly there is an impressive list of companies run by Quakers but do we really know how many in these Quaker "family" firms were really practising Quakers? Without any figures it is difficult to make a judgement on the claims made.

After all there were other employers such as Robert Owen who looked after their workers - is it possible to say whether the percentage of Quaker employers who looked after their workers was significantly higher than the average?

These broad claims that Quakers were more "ethical" than non-Quakers is particularly difficult to sustain as there are counterexamples also available. Marx talks about Quakers using child labour, the Quaker firm Bryant and May were the firm involved in the famous Match Girls Strike of 1888, and the banking firm Overend and Gurney collapsed in 1866 due to what could be regarded as unethical risk taking. Mike tries hard to argue these were exceptions but it shows Quaker companies were not always as ethical as he claims, and it begs the question whether the idea they were substantially different to other companies is really just wishful thinking? Not everyone who looked after their workers were Quakers, and there don't seem to be any figures to show it was more widespread in Quakers firms.

Mike's description of the "total capitalism" of Quaker firms all working together might seem as if they are avoiding the dog eat dog ethos of competition and the market but an alternative explanation might be that they were operating as a cartel - hardly ethical?

In the second part Mike reviews economic theories to look at whether lessons learned from Quakers might take theoretical form.

There is an excellent description of the tragedy caused to economies through the influence of the ideas of right wing economists such a Milton Friedman and the ideas of Hayek and Ayn Rand particularly through their influence in the USA.

He makes an excellent point that economic freedom is not related to political freedom as these thinkers claim. For Friedman, Hayek and Rand, Economic freedom is the removal of regulation for companies so they are free to do as they wish - no protection for consumers or workers - all that matters is that companies can make as much money as possible, if that involves lying to consumers and oppressing workers so be it, maximum profit overrides all other considerations - certainly they believe as little tax as possible should be paid, even though they still expect an operating infrastructure.

As Mike points out, when the rich have large amounts of money they use it to corrupt the political system, though paying money to "think tanks" to support policies favourable to themselves, buying advertising, newspapers and media, giving money to political parties and even bribing politicians and the those in authority. Economic "freedom" is many cases can be shown to be the death of political freedom. Back in the 1970s when the UK had plenty of companies in public ownership and taxes were relatively high, there was still plenty of political freedom, people were free to go to protest and fight for causes, so the link to economic "freedom" and political freedom can easily be shown to be false.

Nevertheless his characterisation of certain economic views seems unfair - Marx in particular gets treated rather like God in a Dawkins book - there are numerous asides against Marx throughout the book on usually quite poor grounds. For example Marx is said to be against commodities because he uses the term "commodities" and rather than "goods", hence he doesn't think of them as being good. This seems a weak argument and Marx's theory of value shows he certainly regards commodities as being useful, so why would he think something useful wasn't good?

Marx wasn't against the creation of goods or commodities but argued their production and distribution was unjust because a small number of wealthy capitalists owned the means of economic production and hence made choices which ensured the economy worked for their benefit - for the few, rather than the benefit of the workers - the many. Marx's basic point against capitalism was that an economy that has great wealth and also great need yet is organised in such a way that the wealth cannot be used to meet the need is an economic system not fit for purpose.

Similarly the "environmental" view is characterised through a fictional character wanting to go back in time and destroy Abraham Darby's furnaces (Maggie Foster from David Morse's novel The Iron Bridge). This idea of environmentalists being essentially Luddites who want us to all live in mud huts is very unfair to the important contributions to economics provided by environmental economists. Mike doesn't make any any mention in the book of this group of economists and to make matters worse he complains economists don't pay enough attention to energy supply - environmental economists certainly do!

Mike identifies four "evils" of modern capitalism: unemployment, low wages, industrial hazards and environmental harm. These are certainly evils but why pick just these four? Many more could be added: discrimination, militarisation, sexism, nationalism and xenophobia, poor housing, poor diet, lack of access to education, lack of access to the law, media bias, massively unfair distribution of resources, extremes of wealth and poverty and so on.

The problem with the four chosen is that they are all framed in a paternalistic context - they are "evils" that might have been addressed by having more kindly, ethical - paternal - employers. Yet even the Quaker businesses described in the book could not claim to avoid them - Darby did not care about protecting the environment and Bryant and May did little for industrial hazards (workers suffered from "phossy jaw") and were paid low wages.

Mike is proposing an "ethical capitalism" which appears to simply be a form of paternalism - keep the existing system but treat people in a more ethical manner.

Such paternalism doesn't address the systemic problems within capitalism - for example the drive for growth - if we define capitalism as the investment of private capital in an enterprise in order to achieve a return on that investment there are all sorts of issues not only in the length of time a private capitalist is willing to invest for, but how much risk they are willing to take and the sort of enterprises they are willing to invest in. Capitalism is not an economic model that encourages innovation for socially and environmentally worthwhile discoveries, it is focussed on short term profit, and whether the enterprises are socially and environmentally useful is irrelevant.

Mike also doesn't address the militaristic implications of capitalism - having large defence industries seeking to maximise profits encourages the use of the military as a means of solving world problems. People laugh when the NRA says the solution to gun crime is more guns, but in effect that is western foreign policy since the birth of Imperialism.

In fact the source of the problem is not the lack of ethics of the powerful, but the imbalance of power itself. Capitalism has an inherent feudalism within many of its structures and organisations - businesses of course, but also hospitals, schools, universities, prisons, mental health care, social work, the media, charities, religious groups - there are very few organisational structures which are not hierarchical, and many which have no way for those at the bottom of the organisation to change those who are at the top.

A hierarchical system is inherently subject to exploitation of those without power by those with it. The answer to this structural problem is not a plea for those in power to behave in a more ethical manner, but a change to the structure itself.

The experience of "Quakernomics" doesn't seem to show an ethical capitalism can avoid the evils of capitalism - time and again we see how Quakers suffer from the inherent injustices built into capitalism the same as everyone else.

The attempt to put a human face on the machine of capitalism ultimately fails because capitalism is a system which seeks to perpetuate itself and a small number of the very rich, the Quaker family businesses were replaced by limited companies because they were larger and more ruthless, they understood the rules of the game better and so triumphed over those who didn't.

However Mike's interpretation of the experience of Quakers in business is open to an alternative explanation. Increasingly Quakers and others opposed to unfettered capitalism came to realise the limits of capitalism and the need for regulation - elimination of child labour, minimum wages, health and safety, government investment in infrastructure.

Society increasingly operates through institutions to train and conform people to work the economy - prisons, hospitals, mental health care, social care, schools and workplaces themselves operate under a hierarchical feudal system in which prisoners, patients, pupils and workers are powerless to innovate and change the system they are subject to.

Humanity needs innovation, but private capital is very limited in what innovation it will invest in - people probably have ideas for innovations every day that could improve the lives of ordinary people and look after our planet but unless they can be turned into a product that is low risk and returns high profits in the short term private capital isn't interested. As economist Mariana Mazzucato argues in her book "The Entrepreneurial State" private companies are very poor at investing in innovation.

Mike says Quakers are opposed to revolution but Quakerism was birthed in revolution and is itself a permanent revolution - challenging our understanding of how communities can function. Rather than see the parochial Quakers of the eighteenth century as somehow exemplifying Quaker ethics Quakerism has at its heart a profoundly revolutionary ethic of how societies should function as non-hierarchical organisations. If there is such a thing as Quakernomics it is the economic reorganisation of society as a cooperative community that comes together to meet needs and provide resources for people to flourish, for differences to be respected and for the planet to be loved and cared for.

It is said in our society we have a democratic deficit, yet Quakers take us beyond democracy. Even though democracy is preferable to the feudal hierarchies that dominate our present system, democracy itself has some failings and weaknesses - it can be the dictatorship of the majority, it can delight in populism and fail to listen to genuine concerns of minorities.

Quakers look to a community in which even the minorities are included and considered, in which a conversation goes on between all sectors of society, according everyone respect as Children of God, and working together to produce a society with space for all.

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A review of "Quakernomics" - QuakerQuaker



A review of "Quakernomics" - QuakerQuaker




A review of "Quakernomics"
Posted by Matt on 9th mo. 11, 2015 at 7:48am
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Mike King’s 2014 book Quakernomics: An Ethical Capitalism should interest anyone who wants to learn more about the history of 19th century British Quakers in business. Beyond that, the claim that the book provides “an immediately relevant guide for today’s global economy” should be treated with skepticism.

The historical narrative that makes up the first half of the book is definitely interesting, but it is worth mentioning a couple of important concerns:

- First, as one reviewer on Amazon notes there is little statistical evidence presented to back the author’s claim that Quakers were any more ethical than their counterparts. “it is difficult to know what percentage of Quakers followed the examples of looking after their workers that are given in the book. Similarly there is an impressive list of companies run by Quakers but do we really know how many in these Quaker ‘family’ firms were really practising Quakers? Without any figures it is difficult to make a judgement on the claims made… is it possible to say whether the percentage of Quaker employers who looked after their workers was significantly higher than the average?”

- Second, his historical argument is that “Quakernomics…is a philosophy of wealth creation which sought from the outset to put its wealth to social ends” (128). While he does provide some examples of Quakers seeking changes in public policy, the bulk of his examples to support the idea of the social concerns of Quaker business owners (above average wages, model villages, hot chocolate instead of beer, etc.) are rooted in voluntary action and moral persuasion rather than legislation. This historical evidence is at odds with the author’s personal conviction (which informs the economic analysis in the second half of the book) that “the state must inexorably play a key role in the construction of an ethics for reining in raw capitalism” (255).

You can read more here: http://quakerlibertarians.weebly.com/blog/quakernomics

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Comment by Kirby Urner on 9th mo. 13, 2015 at 1:55pm


I've referenced that book quite a bit in leading interest groups on "What is Quakerism?" to groups of non-Quakers, example here:

http://controlroom.blogspot.com/2014/10/a-quaker-arc.html

The story these non-Quaker authors tell delightfully piggy-backs on science fiction already in the bag: The Iron Bridge. That helps keep the tone light and more literary.

http://www.quaker.org/fqa/types/t10-iron.html

Also apropos, George Bernard Shaw was looking to ridicule and/or satirize the socially responsible businessman but shied away from using Cadbury, not evil enough to make his point:

http://worldgame.blogspot.com/2008/06/major-barbara-movie-review.html
(see ending paragraph)

What I get from the book is how business-oriented Quakerism was and therefore still could be or even is in some respects.

One need not dig too deeply to impress a newcomer with this orientation, given the prominence of Meetings for [Worship for] Business Meeting and emphasis on check-and-balance workflows among committees (talking unprogrammed here, what they had in the 1790s, more than pastor-led).

A finely tuned Meeting could manage millions if not billions in assets, with processes already on the books or within reach of innovation, would be my contention. Ethically? That may be a function of Meeting depth, more than simply design i.e. that depends on the Meeting.


Kirby Urner
Co-clerk IT Committee / NPYM

The Writings of Thomas Paine, Vol. I (1774-1779) - Online Library of Liberty



The Writings of Thomas Paine, Vol. I (1774-1779) - Online Library of Liberty



About this Title:

Vol. 1 of a 4 vol. collection of the works of Thomas Paine. Vol. 1 contains letters and newspaper articles, Common Sense, and The American Crisis.
Copyright information:

The text is in the public domain.
Fair use statement:

This material is put online to further the educational goals of Liberty Fund, Inc. Unless otherwise stated in the Copyright Information section above, this material may be used freely for educational and academic purposes. It may not be used in any way for profit.
Table of Contents:
INTRODUCTION.
PREFATORY NOTE TO PAINE’S FIRST ESSAY.
I.: AFRICAN SLAVERY IN AMERICA.
II.: A DIALOGUE BETWEEN GENERAL WOLFE AND GENERAL GAGE IN A WOOD NEAR BOSTON.1
III.: THE MAGAZINE IN AMERICA.1
IV.: USEFUL AND ENTERTAINING HINTS.1
V.: NEW ANECDOTES OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT.1
VI.: REFLECTIONS ON THE LIFE AND DEATH OF LORD CLIVE.1
VII.: CUPID AND HYMEN.1
VIII.: DUELLING.1
IX.: REFLECTIONS ON TITLES.1
X.: THE DREAM INTERPRETED.1
XI.: REFLECTIONS ON UNHAPPY MARRIAGES.1
XII.: THOUGHTS ON DEFENSIVE WAR.1
XIII.: AN OCCASIONAL LETTER ON THE FEMALE SEX.1
XIV.: A SERIOUS THOUGHT.1
XV.: COMMON SENSE.1
XVI.: EPISTLE TO QUAKERS.
XVII.: THE FORESTER’S LETTERS.1
XVIII.: A DIALOGUE1
XIX.: THE AMERICAN CRISIS.
I.
II.: TO LORD HOWE.2
III.
IV.
V.: TO GEN. SIR WILLIAM HOWE.1
VI.: TO THE EARL OF CARLISLE, GENERAL CLINTON, AND WILLIAM EDEN, ESQ., BRITISH COMMISSIONERS AT NEW YORK.1
VII.: TO THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
VIII.: ADDRESSED TO THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.
IX.
X.: ON THE KING OF ENGLAND’S SPEECH.1
XI.: ON THE PRESENT STATE OF NEWS.
XII.: TO THE EARL OF SHELBURNE.1
XIII.: THOUGHTS ON THE PEACE, AND THE PROBABLE ADVANTAGES THEREOF.
XX.: RETREAT ACROSS THE DELAWARE.1
XXI.: LETTER TO FRANKLIN, IN PARIS.1
XXII.: THE AFFAIR OF SILAS DEANE.1 TO SILAS DEANE, ESQ’RE.
XXIII.: TO THE PUBLIC ON MR. DEANE’S AFFAIR.1
XXIV.: MESSRS. DEANE, JAY, AND GÉRARD.1


Thomas Paine: Quaker revolutionary? | The Friend

Thomas Paine: Quaker revolutionary? | The Friend



Thomas Paine: Quaker revolutionary?

Anthony Boulton writes about a remarkable radical
Left: Thomas Paine’s Common Sense title page. Right: Thomas Paine, copy by Auguste Millière, after an engraving by William Sharp, after George Romney. | Photo: Left: www.indiana.edu/~liblilly/history/common-sense-larger.html. Right: Via Wikimedia Commons.
Thomas Paine’s father was a Quaker and, as John Keane states in his acclaimed definitive biography, ‘Paine’s moral capacities ultimately had religious roots that were to have a lasting impact on his life and, eventually, the political shape of the modern world.’
In 1774 Paine left for America, where he played an instrumental part in the struggle for that country’s independence. He claimed liberty to be the ‘highest human good’. His pamphlet Common Sense electrified the entire United States and rescued George Washington’s flagging campaign.

Thomas Paine, Passionate Pamphleteer for Liberty - Foundation for Economic Education

Thomas Paine, Passionate Pamphleteer for Liberty - Foundation for Economic Education

Thomas Paine, Passionate Pamphleteer for Liberty

A Singleminded Private Individual Aroused Millions to Throw Off Their Oppressors
Monday, January 1, 1996



Jim Powell
Liberty Biographies








As nobody before, Thomas Paine stirred ordinary people to defend their liberty. He wrote the three top-selling literary works of the eighteenth century, which inspired the American Revolution, issued a historic battle cry for individual rights, and challenged the corrupt power of government churches. His radical vision and dramatic, plainspoken style connected with artisans, servants, soldiers, merchants, farmers, and laborers alike. Paine’s work breathes fire to this day.

His devastating attacks on tyranny compare with the epic thrusts of Voltaire and Jonathan Swift, but unlike these authors, there wasn’t a drop of cynicism in Paine. He was always earnest in the pursuit of liberty. He was confident that free people would fulfill their destiny.

He provoked explosive controversy. The English monarchy hounded him into exile and decreed the death penalty if he ever returned. Egalitarian leaders of the French Revolution ordered him into a Paris prison—he narrowly escaped death by guillotine. Because of his critical writings on religion, he was shunned and ridiculed during his last years in America.

But fellow Founders recognized Paine’s rare talent. Benjamin Franklin helped him get started in Philadelphia and considered him an “adopted political son.” Paine served as an aide to George Washington. He was a compatriot of Samuel Adams. James Madison was a booster. James Monroe helped spring him from prison in France. His most steadfast friend was Thomas Jefferson.

Paine was a prickly pear—vain, tactless, untidy—but he continued to charm people. Pioneering individualist feminist Mary Wollstonecraft wrote: “He kept everyone in astonishment and admiration for his memory, his keen observation of men and manners, his numberless anecdotes of the American Indians, of the American war, of Franklin, Washington, and even of his Majesty, of whom he told several curious facts of humour and benevolence.”

Despite his blazing intelligence, Paine had some half-baked ideas. To remedy injustices of the English monarchy, he proposed representative government which would enact “progressive” taxation, “universal” education, “temporary” poor relief, and old-age pensions. He naively assumed such policies would do what they were supposed to, and it didn’t occur to him that political power corrupts representative government like every other government.

Yet in the same work containing these proposals—Rights of Man, Part II—Paine affirmed his libertarian principles again and again. For example: “Great part of that order which reigns among mankind is not the effect of government. It has its origin in the principles of society and the natural constitution of man. It existed prior to government, and would exist if the formality of government was abolished.”

The “Muse of Fire”

Paine stood five feet, ten inches tall, with an athletic build. He dressed simply. He had a long nose and intense blue eyes. His friend Thomas Clio Rickman noted that “His eye, of which the painter could not convey the exquisite meaning, was full, brilliant, and singularly piercing. He had in it the `muse of fire.”’

Thomas Paine was born on January 29, 1737, in Thetford, England. His mother Francis Cocke came from a local Anglican family of some distinction. His father Joseph Paine was a Quaker farmer and shoemaker. Although Thomas Paine wasn’t a practicing Quaker, he endured some of the intolerance directed against Quakers.

Paine took a while to find his calling. He left school at age 12 and began apprenticeship as a Thetford corset-maker, but he didn’t like it. Twice he ran away from home. The second time, in April 1757, he joined the crew of the King of Prussia, a privateer that didn’t find much booty. He tried his hand as a corset-maker again, then as an English teacher and independent Methodist preacher. Public-speaking experience surely gave him insights about what it takes to stir large numbers of people.

Paine’s most puzzling decision was to become an excise tax collector. He got fired, landed another excise tax-collecting job, and got fired again after writing a pamphlet to promote pay raises. Paine witnessed the resourcefulness of smugglers, resentment against tax collectors, and the pervasiveness of government corruption.

Except for a couple of brief interludes, Paine was a loner. Believing that marriage should be based on love, not social status or fortune, he wed Mary Lambert, a household servant, in September 1759, but within a year she died during childbirth. In March 1771, he married again—Elizabeth Ollive, a 20-year-old teacher. While trying to earn a living as a grocer and tobacconist, he went bankrupt in early 1774. Most of his possessions were auctioned April 14th. Two months later, Paine and his wife went their separate ways.

Meanwhile, he thrived on discussions about philosophy and practical politics. In Lewes, Paine belonged to the Headstrong Club, a discussion group. It gathered weekly at the White Horse Tavern where Paine relished ale and oysters. One of the members was an ardent republican and defender of libertarian rebel John Wilkes. Paine’s radical libertarian views jelled.

Intellectually curious, Paine liked to browse in bookstores, attend lectures on scientific subjects, and meet thoughtful people. He befriended a London astronomer who introduced him to Benjamin Franklin, then working to expand business with England. Franklin seems to have convinced Paine that he could make a better life in America, and Franklin provided a letter of introduction to his son-in-law in Philadelphia.

Arrival in America

Paine arrived November 30, 1774. He rented a room at Market and Front streets, the southeast corner—from which he could see the Philadelphia Slave Market. He spent spare time in a bookstore operated by Robert Aiken. Paine must have impressed the bookseller as a lively and literate man, because he was offered the job of editing Aiken’s new publication, The Pennsylvania Magazine.

For Paine, this experience was a proving ground. He produced at least 17 articles, perhaps as many as 26, all signed with such pseudonyms as “Vox Populi,” “Justice, and Humanity.” He edged closer to the controversy of America’s future relationship with England. He vehemently attacked slavery and called for prompt emancipation.

Then came the Battle of Lexington, at dawn on April 19, 1775. British Major John Pitcairn ordered his troops to fire on American militiamen gathered in front of a meetinghouse, killing eight and wounding ten. The outraged Paine resolved to defend American liberty.

Common Sense

In early September, he began making notes for a pamphlet. He probably started writing around the first of November. He worked at a wobbly table, scratching out the words with a goose quill pen on rough buff paper. The manuscript proceeded slowly, because writing was always difficult for Paine. He discussed the evolving draft with Dr. Benjamin Rush whom he had met at Aiken’s bookstore. The draft was completed in early December. Paine got comments from astronomer David Rittenhouse, brewer Samuel Adams, and Benjamin Franklin. Paine thought of calling his pamphlet Plain Truth, but Dr. Rush recommended the more earthy Common Sense.

Dr. Rush arranged for the pamphlet to be published by Robert Bell, a Scotsman who had become a noted Philadelphia publisher, colorful auctioneer, and underground supporter of American independence. Priced at 2 shillings, the 47-page Common Sense— written anonymously “by an Englishman”—was published on January 10, 1776. Paine signed over royalties to the Continental Congress.

With simple, bold, and inspiring prose, Paine launched a furious attack on tyranny. He denounced kings as inevitably corrupted by political power. He broke with previous political thinkers when he distinguished between government compulsion and civil society where individuals pursue private productive lives. Paine envisioned a “Continental union” based on individual rights. He answered objections from those who feared a break with England. He called for a declaration to stir people into action.

Common Sense crackled with unforgettable lines. For example: “Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness. . . . The sun never shined on a cause of greater worth. . . . Now is the seed-time of Continental union. . . . We have every opportunity and every encouragement before us to form the noblest, purest constitution on the face of the earth. . . . O! ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose not only the tyranny but the tyrant, stand forth!. . . . We have it in our power to begin the world over again. . . . The birthday of a new world is at hand.”

The first edition sold out quickly. Soon rival editions began appearing. Printers in Boston, Salem, Newburyport, Newport, Providence, Hartford, Norwich, Lancaster, Albany, and New York issued editions. Within three months, Paine estimated that over 120,000 copies had been printed. Dr. Rush recalled that “Its effects were sudden and extensive upon the American mind. It was read by public men, repeated in clubs, spouted in Schools, and in one instance, delivered from the pulpit instead of a sermon by a clergyman in Connecticut.” George Washington declared that Common Sense offered “sound doctrine and unanswerable reasoning.”

Paine’s incendiary ideas leaped across borders. An edition appeared in French-speaking Quebec. John Adams reported that “Common Sense was received in France and in all Europe with Rapture.” There were editions in London, Newcastle, and Edinburgh. Common Sense was translated into German and Danish, and copies got into Russia. Altogether, some 500,000 copies were sold.

Common Sense changed the political climate in America. Before its publication, most colonists still hoped things could be worked out with England. Then suddenly, this pamphlet triggered debates where increasing numbers of people spoke openly for independence. The Second Continental Congress asked Thomas Jefferson to serve on a five-person committee that would draft the declaration Paine had suggested in Common Sense.

“Thomas Paine’s Common Sense,” reflected Harvard University historian Bernard Bailyn, “is the most brilliant pamphlet written during the American Revolution, and one of the most brilliant pamphlets ever written in the English language. How it could have been produced by the bankrupt Quaker corset-maker, the sometime teacher, preacher, and grocer, and twice-dismissed excise officer who happened to catch Benjamin Franklin’s attention in England and who arrived in America only fourteen months before Common Sense was published is nothing one can explain without explaining genius itself.”

When Independence brought war, Paine enlisted as a military secretary for General Daniel Roberdeau, then for General Nathaniel Greene, and by year-end 1776 he was with General George Washington. The untrained, poorly paid Americans, typically serving for a year, were routed by well-trained British soldiers and ruthless Hessian mercenaries.

“The Harder the Conflict, the More Glorious the Triumph”

Paine wondered how he could boost morale. By evening campfire he began writing a new pamphlet. When he returned to Philadelphia, he took his manuscript to the Philadelphia Journal, which published it on December 19th as an eight-page essay, American Crisis. On Christmas Day 1776, George Washington read it to his soldiers. Paine’s immortal opening lines: “These are the times that try men’s souls. The summer soldier and the sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of their country; but he that stands it now, deserves the love and thanks of man and woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have this consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the triumph.” Within hours, Washington’s fired-up soldiers launched a surprise attack on sleeping Hessians in Trenton, giving Americans a much-needed battle victory.

By the time the Revolutionary War ended, Paine had written a dozen more American Crisis essays. They dealt with military and diplomatic issues as Paine promoted better morale. In the second essay, published January 13, 1777, Paine coined the name “United States of America.”

After the British surrendered at Yorktown, Paine was broke, and he didn’t know how he would earn a living. He wanted a government stipend for what he had done to help achieve American Independence. New York State gave him a 300-acre farm in New Rochelle, about 30 miles from New York City, which had belonged to a British loyalist. Congress voted Paine $3,000 for war-related expenses he had paid out of pocket.

Then he came up with an idea for cashing in on the American bridge-building boom. He didn’t find American backers, so on Franklin’s recommendation, he sought support in France and England. While the project fizzled, it brought him into contact with leading classical liberals of the day. In France, he renewed his friendship with Marquis de Lafayette, who had served the American Revolution. Lafayette introduced Paine to the Marquis de Condorcet, a French mathematician and influential classical liberal. In England, Paine met Parliamentary radical Charles James Fox and Edmund Burke, a Parliamentary defender of the American Revolution and friend of radical John Wilkes.

The outbreak of the French Revolution, in July 1789, horrified Burke who began writing his counterrevolutionary manifesto, Reflections on the Revolution in France. It defended monarchy and aristocratic privilege. Burke’s book appeared November 1, 1790, and it reportedly sold almost 20,000 copies within a year. French, German, and Italian editions soon followed.

Rights of Man

Meanwhile, Paine, who had been working on a new book about general principles of liberty, learned the gist of Burke’s manifesto and decided to revise his book as a rebuttal. He moved into a room at the Angel Inn, Islington, where he could concentrate on the project. He started work November 4th. He worked steadily, often by candlelight, for some three months. He finished the first part of Rights of Man on January 29, 1791—his birthday. He was 54. He dedicated the work affectionately to George Washington, and it was published on Washington’s birthday, February 22nd.

While Burke had impressed many people with flowery prose, Paine replied with plain talk. He lashed out at tyranny. He denounced taxes. He specifically denied the moral legitimacy of the English monarchy and aristocracy. He declared that individuals have rights regardless what laws might say. For centuries, people had resigned themselves to tyranny and war, but Paine provided hope these evils could be curbed.

Paine defended the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of Citizens, which included a commitment to private property. “The right to property being inviolable and sacred, no one ought to be deprived of it, except in cases of evident public necessity, legally ascertained, and on condition of just indemnity.”

The first printing sold out in three days. The second printing, within hours. There was a third printing in March 1791, a fourth printing in April. Some 200,000 copies sold in England, Wales, and Scotland. Another 100,000 copies were sold in America.

Rights of Man convinced many people to support the French Revolution and dramatic reform in England, and the government reacted with repression. Pro-government newspapers denounced Paine as “Mad Tom.” Churchmen delivered sermons attacking Paine. People hanged effigies of Paine across England. On May 17, 1792, the government charged him with seditious libel, which could be punished by hanging. Excise tax collectors ransacked Paine’s room. He hastened to Dover and boarded a boat for Calais, France, in September 1792. An arrest warrant reached Dover about 20 minutes later.

An enthusiastic crowd welcomed him. He was offered honorary citizenship of France and elected as Calais representative to the National Convention which would develop reforms. He didn’t speak French, and he often failed to realize how fast the political situation was changing. But he knew he was an ideological ally of the so-called Girondins who favored a republican government with limited powers.

His adversaries were the ruthless, xenophobic Jacobins. Incredibly, Paine was considered suspect because he was born in England—even though he could be hanged if he returned there. In the middle of the night before Christmas 1793, Jacobin police hauled him away to Luxembourg Prison. Paine was held without trial in a tiny, solitary cell. On July 24, 1794, the public prosecutor added Paine’s name to the list of prisoners who would be beheaded, but he got lucky. Prison guards mistakenly passed by his cell when they gathered the night’s victims. Three days later, July 27, 1794, people had had enough of the Terror, and they beheaded Robespierre, the most fanatical promoter of Jacobin violence, and the worst was over.

Age of Reason

Before Paine was imprisoned, he started his most controversial major work, Age of Reason, and he continued writing behind bars. While he commended Christian ethics, believed Jesus was a virtuous man, and opposed the Jacobin campaign to suppress religion, he attacked the violence and contradictions of many Bible stories. He denounced the incestuous links between church and state. He insisted that authentic religious revelation came to individuals rather than established churches. He defended the deist view of one God and a religion based on reason. He urged a policy of religious toleration.

Age of Reason had a big impact, in part, because Paine wrote it with his trademark dramatic, plainspoken style which stirred strong emotions. The book became a hot seller in England, and government efforts to suppress it further spurred demand. The book was much sought after in Germany, Hungary, and Portugal. There were four American printings in 1794, seven in 1795, and two more in 1796. People formed societies aimed at promoting Paine’s religious principles.

U.S. minister to France James Monroe demanded that government officials bring Paine to trial or release him. Monroe was eloquent: “the citizens of the United States cannot look back to the era of their revolution, without remembering, with those of other distinguished patriots, the name of Thomas Paine. The services which he rendered them in their struggle for liberty have made an impression of gratitude which will never be erased, whilst they continue to merit the character of a just and generous people.”

By November 6th, gray-bearded and frail, Paine was free at last. In 1801, First Consul Napoleon Bonaparte invited Paine to dinner, hoping for insights about conquering Britain. Paine recommended a policy of peace, the last thing Napoleon wanted to hear, and they never met again.

Paine returned to America on September 1, 1802. He was 65. A Massachusetts newspaper correspondent observed: “Years have made more impression on his body than his mind. He bends a little forward, carries one hand in the other behind, when be walks. He dresses plain like a farmer, and appears cleanly and comfortably in his person. . . . His conversation is uncommonly interesting; he is gay, humorous, and full of anecdote—his memory preserves its full capacity, and his mind is irresistible.”

Paine was subjected to personal attacks from the Federalist press, but he spoke out on controversial issues. For example, after Napoleon gained control of Louisiana in 1800, and the Mississippi was closed to American shipping, Federalists called for war against France. Paine encouraged President Jefferson to propose purchasing the Louisiana territory. While Federalist Alexander Hamilton thought Napoleon would never go for the idea, Paine drew from his firsthand knowledge: “The French treasury is not only empty, but the Government has consumed by anticipation a great part of next year’s revenue. A monied proposal will, I believe, be attended to. . . .” In May 1803, Napoleon sold the Louisiana territory to the United States for $15 million.

Although Federalist critics savaged President Thomas Jefferson for defending Paine, he courageously invited his friend to the White House. When Jefferson’s daughters Mary and Martha made clear they would rather not associate with Paine, Jefferson replied that Paine “is too well entitled to the hospitality of every American, not to cheerfully receive mine.”

During Paine’s last years, he was desperate for cash as his health deteriorated, and he lived in pitiful squalor. He asked to be moved into the home of his friend Marguerite de Bonneville at 59 Grove Street, New York City, and there he died on the morning of June 8, 1809. Mme. de Bonneville arranged for burial at his New Rochelle farm because no cemetery would take him.

Paine didn’t rest in peace. A decade later, English journalist William Cobbett, a foe of Paine’s who became a disciple, secretly dug up the casket and shipped it to England. According to some accounts, he thought that by making it part of a shrine, he could inspire large numbers of people to push for reform of the government and the Church of England. But people weren’t much interested in Paine’s bones. When Cobbett died in 1835, they were dispersed with his personal effects and lost.

Paine remained a forgotten Founder for decades. Theodore Roosevelt summed up the prevailing view when he referred to Paine as a “filthy little atheist.” The first really comprehensive biography didn’t appear until 1892. There still isn’t an authoritative edition of Paine’s complete work.

The American bicentennial helped revive interest in Paine. Paperback collections of his major writings became widely available for the first time, and at least eight biographies have appeared since then—two within the past year.

Perhaps a new generation is rediscovering this marvel of a man. He didn’t have much money. He never had political power. Yet he showed how a singleminded private individual could, by making a moral case for natural rights, arouse millions to throw off their oppressors—and how it could happen again.


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Jim Powell



Jim Powell, senior fellow at the Cato Institute, is an expert in the history of liberty. He has lectured in England, Germany, Japan, Argentina and Brazil as well as at Harvard, Stanford and other universities across the United States. He has written for the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Esquire, Audacity/American Heritage and other publications, and is author of six books.