2020/01/28

Extraversion and introversion - Wikipedia

Extraversion and introversion - Wikipedia



Extraversion and introversion

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Extraversion and introversion are typically viewed as a single continuum, so to be high in one necessitates being low in the other. Jung and the developers of the Myers–Briggs Type Indicator provide a different perspective and suggest that everyone has both an extraverted side and an introverted side, with one being more dominant than the other. Virtually all comprehensive models of personality include these concepts in various forms. Examples include the Big Five model, Jung's analytical psychology, Hans Eysenck's three-factor model, Raymond Cattell's 16 personality factors, the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory, and the Myers–Briggs Type Indicator.
The traits of extraversion (or extroversion) and introversion are a central dimension in some human personality theories. The terms introversion and extraversion were popularized by Carl Jung,[1] although both the popular understanding and psychological usage differ from his original intent. 
Extraversion tends to be manifested in outgoing, talkative, energetic behavior, whereas introversion is manifested in more reserved and solitary behavior.[2] 
Rather than focusing on interpersonal behavior, however, Jung defined 
introversion as an "attitude-type characterised by orientation in life through subjective psychic contents", and 
extraversion as "an attitude-type characterised by concentration of interest on the external object".[3]


Extraversion and introversion - Wikipedia


Varieties


William McDougall discussed Jung's conception, and reached this conclusion: "the introverts are those in whom reflective thought inhibits and postpones action and expression: the extroverts are those in whom the energies liberated upon the stirring of any propensity flow out freely in outward action and expression."[4]

Extraversion

Extraversion (also spelled as extroversion[5]) is the state of primarily obtaining gratification from outside oneself.[6] Extraverts tend to enjoy human interactions and to be enthusiastic, talkative, assertive, and gregarious. Extraverts are energized and thrive off being around other people. They take pleasure in activities that involve large social gatherings, such as parties, community activities, public demonstrations, and business or political groups. They also tend to work well in groups.[7] An extraverted person is likely to enjoy time spent with people and find less reward in time spent alone. They tend to be energized when around other people, and they are more prone to boredom when they are by themselves.

Introversion

Introversion is the state of being predominantly interested in one's own mental self.[6] Introverts are typically perceived as more reserved or reflective.[7] Some popular psychologists have characterized introverts as people whose energy tends to expand through reflection and dwindle during interaction.[8] This is similar to Jung's view, although he focused on mental energy rather than physical energy. Few modern conceptions make this distinction. Introverts often take pleasure in solitary activities such as reading, writing, or meditating. An introvert is likely to enjoy time spent alone and find less reward in time spent with large groups of people. Introverts are easily overwhelmed by too much stimulation from social gatherings and engagement, introversion having even been defined by some in terms of a preference for a quiet, more minimally stimulating external environment.[9] They prefer to concentrate on a single activity at a time and like to observe situations before they participate, especially observed in developing children and adolescents.[10] They are more analytical before speaking.[11]
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Quiet: The Power of Introverts... author Susan Cain defines introversion and extraversion in terms of preferences for different levels of stimulation—distinguishing it from shyness (fear of social judgment and humiliation).[12]
Mistaking introversion for shyness is a common error. Introversion is a preference, while shyness stems from distress. Introverts prefer solitary to social activities, but do not necessarily fear social encounters like shy people do.[13] Susan Cain, author of the book Quiet: The Power of Introverts in a World That Can't Stop Talking, argues that modern Western culture misjudges the capabilities of introverted people, leading to a waste of talent, energy, and happiness.[14] Cain describes how society is biased against introverts, and that, with people being taught from childhood that to be sociable is to be happy, introversion is now considered "somewhere between a disappointment and pathology".[15] In contrast, Cain says that introversion is not a "second-class" trait but that both introverts and extraverts enrich society, with examples including the introverts J. K. Rowling,[16] Isaac Newton, Albert Einstein, Mahatma Gandhi, Dr. Seuss, W. B. Yeats, Steven Spielberg, and Larry Page.[15]

Ambiversion[edit]

Although many people view being introverted or extraverted as mutually exclusive, most contemporary trait theories measure levels of extraversion-introversion as part of a single, continuous dimension of personality, with some scores near one end, and others near the halfway mark.[17] Ambiversion is falling more or less directly in the middle.[6][18] An ambivert is moderately comfortable with groups and social interaction, but also relishes time alone, away from a crowd. In simpler words, an ambivert is a person whose behaviour changes according to the situation they are in. In the face of authority or in the presence of strangers, the person may be introverted. However, in the presence of family or close friends, the person may be highly energetic or extraverted.

Relative prevalence[edit]

Cain further reports that studies indicate that 33 to 50% of the American population are introverts.[19] Particular subpopulations have higher prevalence, with a 6,000-subject MBTI-based survey indicating that 60% of attorneys, and 90% of intellectual property attorneys, are introverts.[20]

Measurement[edit]

The extent of extraversion and introversion is most commonly assessed through self-report measures, although peer-reports and third-party observation can also be used. Self-report measures are either lexical[2] or based on statements.[21] The type of measure is determined by an assessment of psychometric properties, and the time and space constraints of the research being undertaken.

Lexical self-reporting[edit]

Lexical measures use individual adjectives that reflect extravert and introvert traits, such as outgoing, talkative, reserved and quiet. Words representing introversion are reverse-coded to create composite measures of extraversion-introversion running on a continuum. Goldberg (1992)[22] developed a 20-word measure as part of his 100-word Big Five markers. Saucier (1994)[23] developed a briefer 8-word measure as part of his 40-word mini-markers. However, the psychometric properties of Saucier's original mini-markers have been found to be suboptimal with samples outside of North America.[2] As a result, a systematically revised measure was developed to have better psychometric properties, the International English Mini-Markers.[2] The International English Mini-Markers has good internal consistency reliabilities, and other validity, for assessing extraversion-introversion and other five-factor personality dimensions, both within and, especially, without American populations. Internal consistency reliability of the extraversion measure for native English-speakers is reported as a Cronbach's alpha (α) of 0.92, that for non-native English-speakers is α of 0.85.

Statement self-reporting[edit]

Statement measures tend to contain more words, and hence consume more research instrument space, than lexical measures. Respondents are asked the extent to which they, for example, "Talk to a lot of different people at parties or Often feel uncomfortable around others".[21] While some statement-based measures of extraversion-introversion have similarly acceptable psychometric properties in North American populations to lexical measures, their generally emic development makes them less suited to use in other populations.[24] For example, statements asking about talkativeness in parties are hard to answer meaningfully by those who do not attend parties, as Americans are assumed to do. Moreover, the sometimes colloquial North American language of statements makes them less suited for use outside America. For instance, statements like "Keep in the background" and "Know how to captivate people" are sometimes hard for non-native English-speakers to understand, except in a literal sense.

Eysenck's theory[edit]

Hans Eysenck described extraversion-introversion as the degree to which a person is outgoing and interactive with other people. These behavioral differences are presumed to be the result of underlying differences in brain physiology.[25] Eysenck associated cortical inhibition and excitation with the ascending reticular activation system (ARAS), a pathway located in the brainstem.[26] Extraverts seek excitement and social activity in an effort to raise their naturally low arousal level, whereas introverts tend to avoid social situations in an effort to avoid raising their naturally high arousal level too far. Eysenck designated extraversion as one of three major traits in his P-E-N model of personality, which also includes psychoticism and neuroticism.
Eysenck originally suggested that extraversion was a combination of two major tendencies, impulsiveness and sociability. He later added several other more specific traits, namely liveliness, activity level, and excitability. These traits are further linked in his personality hierarchy to even more specific habitual responses, such as partying on the weekend.
Eysenck compared this trait to the four temperaments of ancient medicine, with choleric and sanguine temperaments equating to extraversion, and melancholic and phlegmatic temperaments equating to introversion.[27]
Twin studies indicate that extraversion-introversion has a genetic component

Biological factors[edit]

The relative importance of nature versus environment in determining the level of extraversion is controversial and the focus of many studies. Twin studies have found a genetic component of 39% to 58%. In terms of the environmental component, the shared family environment appears to be far less important than individual environmental factors that are not shared between siblings.[28]
Eysenck proposed that extraversion was caused by variability in cortical arousal. He hypothesized that introverts are characterized by higher levels of activity than extraverts and so are chronically more cortically aroused than extraverts. That extraverts require more external stimulation than introverts has been interpreted as evidence for this hypothesis. Other evidence of the "stimulation" hypothesis is that introverts salivate more than extraverts in response to a drop of lemon juice. This is due to increased activity in their ARAS, which responds to stimuli like food or social contact.[29]
Extraversion has been linked to higher sensitivity of the mesolimbic dopamine system to potentially rewarding stimuli.[30] This in part explains the high levels of positive affect found in extraverts, since they will more intensely feel the excitement of a potential reward. One consequence of this is that extraverts can more easily learn the contingencies for positive reinforcement, since the reward itself is experienced as greater.
One study found that introverts have more blood flow in the frontal lobes of their brain and the anterior or frontal thalamus, which are areas dealing with internal processing, such as planning and problem solving. Extraverts have more blood flow in the anterior cingulate gyrus, temporal lobes, and posterior thalamus, which are involved in sensory and emotional experience.[31] This study and other research indicate that introversion-extraversion is related to individual differences in brain function. A study on regional brain volume found a positive correlation between introversion and grey matter volume in the right prefrontal cortex and right temporoparietal junction, as well as a positive correlation between introversion and total white matter volume.[32] Task-related functional neuroimaging has shown that extraversion is associated with increased activity in the anterior cingulate gyrus, prefrontal cortex, middle temporal gyrus, and the amygdala.[33]
Extraversion has also been linked to physiological factors such as respiration, through its association with surgency.[34]

Behaviour[edit]

Extraverts and introverts have a variety of behavioural differences. According to one study, extraverts tend to wear more decorative clothing, whereas introverts prefer practical, comfortable clothes.[35] Extraverts are more likely to prefer more upbeat, conventional, and energetic music than introverts.[36] Personality also influences how people arrange their work areas. In general, extraverts decorate their offices more, keep their doors open, keep extra chairs nearby, and are more likely to put dishes of candy on their desks. These are attempts to invite co-workers and encourage interaction. Introverts, in contrast, decorate less and tend to arrange their workspace to discourage social interaction.[37]
Despite these differences, a meta-analysis of 15 experience sampling studies has suggested that there is a great deal of overlap in the way that extraverts and introverts behave.[38] In these studies, participants used mobile devices to report how extraverted (e.g., bold, talkative, assertive, outgoing) they were acting at multiple times during their daily lives. Fleeson and Gallagher (2009) found that extraverts regularly behave in an introverted way, and introverts regularly behave in an extraverted way. Indeed, there was more within-person variability than between-person variability in extraverted behaviours. The key feature that distinguishes extraverts and introverts was that extraverts tend to act moderately extraverted about 5–10% more often than introverts. From this perspective, extraverts and introverts are not "fundamentally different". Rather, an "extravert" is just someone who acts more extraverted more often, suggesting that extraversion is more about what one "does" than what one "has".
Additionally, a study by Lippa (1978) found evidence for the extent to which individuals present themselves in a different way. This is called expressive behaviour, and it is dependent upon the individuals' motivation and ability to control that behaviour. Lippa (1978) examined 68 students who were asked to role-play by pretending to teach a math class. The students' level of extraversion and introversion were rated based on their external/expressive behaviours such as stride length, graphic expansiveness, the percentage of time they spent talking, the amount of time they spent making eye contact, and the total time of each teaching session. This study found that actual introverts were perceived and judged as having more extraverted-looking expressive behaviours because they were higher in terms of their self-monitoring.[39] This means that the introverts consciously put more effort into presenting a more extraverted, and rather socially desirable, version of themselves. Thus, individuals are able to regulate and modify behaviour based on their environmental situations.
Humans are complex and unique, and because introversion-extraversion varies along a continuum, individuals may have a mixture of both orientations. A person who acts introverted in one situation may act extraverted in another, and people can learn to act in "counter dispositional" ways in certain situations. For example, Brian Little's free trait theory[40][41] suggests that people can take on "free traits", behaving in ways that may not be their "first nature", but can strategically advance projects that are important to them. Together, this presents an optimistic view of what extraversion is. Rather than being fixed and stable, individuals vary in their extraverted behaviours across different moments, and can choose to act extraverted to advance important personal projects or even increase their happiness, as mentioned above.

Implications[edit]

Acknowledging that introversion and extraversion are normal variants of behavior can help in self-acceptance and understanding of others. For example, an extravert can accept their introverted partner's need for space, while an introvert can acknowledge their extraverted partner's need for social interaction.
Researchers have found a correlation between extraversion and self-reported happiness. That is, more extraverted people tend to report higher levels of happiness than introverts.[42][43] Other research has shown that being instructed to act in an extraverted manner leads to increases in positive affect, even for people who are trait-level introverts.[44]
This does not mean that introverts are unhappy. Extraverts simply report experiencing more positive emotions, whereas introverts tend to be closer to neutral. This may be because extraversion is socially preferable in contemporary Western culture and thus introversion feels less desirable. In addition to the research on happiness, other studies have found that extraverts tend to report higher levels of self-esteem than introverts.[45][46] Others suggest that such results reflect socio-cultural bias in the survey itself.[11] Dr. David Meyers has claimed that happiness is a matter of possessing three traits: self-esteem, optimism, and extraversion. Meyers bases his conclusions on studies that report extraverts to be happier; these findings have been questioned in light of the fact that the "happiness" prompts given to the studies' subjects, such as "I like to be with others" and "I'm fun to be with," only measure happiness among extraverts.[11] Also, according to Carl Jung, introverts acknowledge more readily their psychological needs and problems, whereas extraverts tend to be oblivious to them because they focus more on the outer world.[1]
Although extraversion is perceived as socially desirable in Western culture, it is not always an advantage. For example, extraverted youths are more likely to engage in antisocial or delinquent behavior.[47][48] In line with this, certain evidence suggest that the trait of extraversion may also be related to that of psychopathy.[49][50] Conversely, while introversion is perceived as less socially desirable, it is strongly associated with positive traits such as intelligence[51] and "giftedness."[52][53] For many years, researchers have found that introverts tend to be more successful in academic environments, which extraverts may find boring.[54]
Research shows that behavioral immune system, the psychological processes that infer infection risk from perceptual cues and respond to these perceptual cues through the activation of aversive emotions, may influence gregariousness. Although extraversion is associated with many positive outcomes like higher levels of happiness, those extraverted people are also more likely to be exposed to communicable diseases, such as airborne infections, as they tend to have more contact with people. When individuals are more vulnerable to infection, the cost of being social will be relatively greater. Therefore, people are less extraversive when they feel vulnerable and vice versa.[55]
Although neither introversion nor extraversion is pathological, psychotherapists can take temperament into account when treating clients. Clients may respond better to different types of treatment depending on where they fall on the introversion-extraversion spectrum. Teachers can also consider temperament when dealing with their pupils, for example acknowledging that introverted children need more encouragement to speak in class while extraverted children may grow restless during long periods of quiet study.[citation needed]

Regional variation[edit]

Some claim that Americans live in an "extraverted society"[56] that rewards extravert behavior and rejects introversion.[57] This is because the U.S. is a culture of external personality, whereas in some other cultures people are valued for their "inner selves and their moral rectitude".[58] Other cultures, such as those in Japan, China and regions where Orthodox Christianity, Buddhism, Sufism etc. prevail, prize introversion.[11] These cultural differences predict individuals' happiness in that people who score higher in extraversion are happier, on average, in particularly extraverted cultures and vice versa.[59]
Researchers have found that people who live on islands tend to be less extraverted (more introverted) than those living on the mainland, and that people whose ancestors had inhabited the island for twenty generations tend to be less extraverted than more recent arrivals. Furthermore, people who emigrate from islands to the mainland tend to be more extraverted than people that stay on islands, and those that immigrate to islands.[59]
In the United States, researchers have found that people living in the midwestern states of North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Illinois score higher than the U.S. average on extraversion. Utah and the southeastern states of Florida and Georgia also score high on this personality trait. The most introverted states in the U.S. are Maryland, New Hampshire, Alaska, Washington, Oregon and Vermont. People who live in the northwestern states of Idaho, Montana, and Wyoming are also relatively introverted.[60]

Relation to happiness[edit

As earlier stated, extraverts are often found to have higher levels of positive affect than introverts.[43][61][62] However, this relationship has only been found between extraversion and activated forms of positive affect.[63][64] There is no relationship between extraversion and deactivated (calm) forms of positive affect such as contentment or serenity, although one study found a negative relationship between extraversion and deactivated positive affect (i.e. a positive relationship between introversion and calm positive affect).[63] Moreover, the relationship between extraversion and activated positive affect is only significant for agentic extraversion, i.e. there is no significant relationship between affiliative extraversion and activated positive affect, especially when controlling for neuroticism.[63][65]
An influential review article concluded that personality, specifically extraversion and emotional stability, was the best predictor of subjective well-being.[66] As examples, Argyle and Lu (1990)[67] found that the trait of extraversion, as measured by Extraversion Scale of the Eysenck Personality Questionnaire (EPQ), was positively and significantly correlated with positive affect, as measured by the Oxford Happiness Inventory. Using the same positive affect and extraversion scales, Hills and Argyle (2001)[68] found that positive affect was again significantly correlated with extraversion. Also, the study by Emmons and Diener (1986)[69] showed that extraversion correlates positively and significantly with positive affect but not with negative affect. Similar results were found in a large longitudinal study by Diener, Sandvik, Pavot, and Fujita (1992),[70] which assessed 14,407 participants from 100 areas of continental United States. Using the abbreviated General Well-Being Schedule, which tapped positive and negative affects, and Costa and McCrae's (1986).[71] short version of the NEO's Extraversion scale, the authors reported that extraverts experienced greater well-being at two points in time, during which data were collected: first between 1971 and 1975, and later between 1981 and 1984. However, the latter study did not control for neuroticism, an important covariate when investigating relationships between extraversion and positive affect or wellbeing.[72] Studies that controlled for neuroticism have found no significant relationship between extraversion and subjective well-being.[73] Larsen and Ketelaar (1991)[74] showed that extraverts respond more to positive affect than to negative affect, since they exhibit more positive-affect reactivity to the positive-affect induction, yet they do not react more negatively to the negative-affect induction.[75]

Instrumental view[edit]

The instrumental view proposes that personality traits give rise to conditions and actions, which have affective consequences, and thus generate individual differences in emotionality.[75][76]

Personality trait as a cause of higher sociability[edit]

According to the instrumental view, one explanation for greater subjective well-being among extraverts could be that extraversion helps in the creation of life circumstances, which promote high levels of positive affect. Specifically, the personality trait of extraversion is seen as a facilitator of more social interactions,[61][75][77] since the low cortical arousal among extraverts results in them seeking more social situations in order to increase their arousal.[78]

Social activity hypothesis[edit]

According to the social activity hypothesis, more frequent participation in social situations creates more frequent, and higher levels, of positive affect. Therefore, it is believed that since extraverts are characterized as more sociable than introverts, they also possess higher levels of positive affect brought on by social interactions.[79][80][81] Specifically, the results of Furnham and Brewin's study (1990)[62] suggest that extraverts enjoy and participate more in social activities than introverts, and as a result extraverts report a higher level of happiness. Also, in the study of Argyle and Lu (1990)[67] extraverts were found to be less likely to avoid participation in noisy social activities, and to be more likely to participate in social activities such as party games, jokes, or going to the cinema. Similar results were reported by Diener, Larsen, and Emmons (1984)[82] who found that extraverts seek social situations more often than introverts, especially when engaging in recreational activities.
However, a variety of findings contradict the claims of the social activity hypothesis. Firstly, it was found that extraverts were happier than introverts even when alone. Specifically, extraverts tend to be happier regardless of whether they live alone or with others, or whether they live in a vibrant city or quiet rural environment.[43] Similarly, a study by Diener, Sandvik, Pavot, and Fujita (1992)[70] showed that although extraverts chose social jobs relatively more frequently (51%) than nonsocial jobs compared to introverts (38%), they were happier than introverts regardless of whether their occupations had social or nonsocial character. Secondly, it was found that extraverts only sometimes reported greater amounts of social activity than introverts,[82] but in general extraverts and introverts do not differ in the quantity of their socialization.[43] Similar finding was reported by Srivastava, Angelo, and Vallereux (2008),[83] who found that extraverts and introverts both enjoy participating in social interactions, but extraverts participate socially more. Thirdly, studies have shown that both extraverts and introverts participate in social relations, but that the quality of this participation differs. The more frequent social participation among extraverts could be explained by the fact that extraverts know more people, but those people are not necessarily their close friends, whereas introverts, when participating in social interactions, are more selective and have only few close friends with whom they have special relationships.[68]

Social attention theory[edit]

Yet another explanation of the high correlation between extraversion and happiness comes from the study by Ashton, Lee, and Paunonen (2002).[84] They suggested that the core element of extraversion is a tendency to behave in ways that attract, hold, and enjoy social attention, and not reward sensitivity. They claimed that one of the fundamental qualities of social attention is its potential of being rewarding. Therefore, if a person shows positive emotions of enthusiasm, energy, and excitement, that person is seen favorably by others and he or she gains others' attention. This favorable reaction from others likely encourages extraverts to engage in further extraverted behavior.[84] Ashton, Lee, and Paunonen's (2002)[84] study showed that their measure of social attention, the Social Attention Scale, was much more highly correlated with extraversion than were measures of reward sensitivity.

Temperamental view[edit]

Temperamental view is based on the notion that there is a direct link between people's personality traits and their sensitivity to positive and negative affects.[61][74][75]

Affective reactivity model[edit]

The affective reactivity model states that the strength of a person's reactions to affect-relevant events are caused by people's differences in affect.[74][85] This model is based on the reinforcement sensitivity theory by Jeffrey Alan Gray, which states that people with stronger behavioral activation system (BAS) are high in reward responsiveness and are predisposed to the personality trait of extraversion, while people with a stronger behavioral inhibition system (BIS) are lower in reward responsiveness and are more predisposed to personality trait of neuroticism and introversion.[86] Therefore, extraverts are seen as having a temperamental predisposition to positive affect since positive mood induction has a greater effect on them than on introverts, thus extraverts are more prone to react to pleasant effects.[30][74][85][87][88] For example, Gable, Reis, and Elliot (2000).[89] found in two consecutive studies that people with more sensitive BIS reported higher levels of average negative affect, while people with more sensitive BAS reported higher levels of positive affect. Also, Zelenski and Larsen (1999)[75] found that people with more sensitive BAS reported more positive emotions during the positive mood induction, while people with more sensitive BIS reported more negative emotions during the negative mood induction.[citation needed]

Social reactivity theory[edit]

The social reactivity theory alleges that all humans, whether they like it or not, are required to participate in social situations. Since extraverts prefer engaging in social interactions more than introverts, they also derive more positive affect from such situations than introverts do.[43][67][82] The support for this theory comes from work of Brian R. Little, who popularized concept of "restorative niches". Little claimed that life often requires people to participate in social situations, and since acting social is out of character for introverts, it was shown to harm their well-being. Therefore, one way to preserve introverts' well-being is for them to recharge as often as possible in places where they can return to their true selves—places Little calls "restorative niches".[90]
However, it was also found that extraverts did not respond stronger to social situations than introverts, nor did they report bigger boosts of positive affect during such interactions.[77][83]

Affective regulation[edit]

Another possible explanation for more happiness among extraverts comes from the fact that extraverts are able to better regulate their affective states. This means that in ambiguous situations (situations where positive and negative moods are introduced and mixed in similar proportions) extraverts show a slower decrease of positive affect, and, as a result, they maintained a more positive affect balance than introverts.[91] Extraverts may also choose activities that facilitate happiness (e.g., recalling pleasant vs. unpleasant memories) more than introverts when anticipating difficult tasks.[92]

The set-point model a.k.a. affect-level model[edit]

According to the set-point model, levels of positive and negative affects are more or less fixed within each individual, hence, after a positive or negative event, people's moods tend to go back to the pre-set level. According to the set-point model, extraverts experience more happiness because their pre-set level of positive affect is set higher than the pre-set point of positive affect in introverts, therefore extraverts require less positive reinforcement in order to feel happy.[88]

Pleasure-arousal relation[edit]

A study by Peter Kuppens (2008)[93] showed that extraverts and introverts engage in different behaviors when feeling pleasant, which may explain underestimation of the frequency and intensity of happiness exhibited by introverts. Specifically, Kuppens (2008)[93] found that arousal and pleasantness are positively correlated for extraverts, which means that pleasant feelings are more likely to be accompanied by high arousal for extraverts. On the other hand, arousal and pleasantness are negatively correlated for introverts, resulting in introverts exhibiting low arousal when feeling pleasant. In other words, if everything is going well in an extravert's life, which is a source of pleasant feelings, extraverts see such a situation as an opportunity to engage in active behavior and goal pursuit, which brings about an active, aroused pleasant state. When everything is going well for introverts, they see it as an opportunity to let down their guard, resulting in them feeling relaxed and content.[93]

Complications to the extraversion-happiness correlation[edit]

Though extraversion has consistently been shown to have a strong correlation with happiness and well-being, these findings are complicated by the presence of other personality traits that act as strong indicators of happiness.

Neuroticism and extraversion[edit]

In multiple studies, neuroticism has been shown to have an equal, if not larger, impact on happiness and subjective well-being than extraversion. One study classified school children into four categories based on their scores in assessments of extraversion and emotional stability (neuroticism).[94] The results showed no significant difference between the happiness levels of stable introverts and stable extraverts, while unstable extraverts and introverts both demonstrated significantly less happiness than their counterparts. In this study, neuroticism appeared to be the more salient factor for overall well-being.
Likewise, in later studies, researchers used assessment scales to test for categories such as self-esteem and life-goal orientation, which they had positively correlated with happiness. Participants' responses to these scales suggested that neuroticism actually had a larger impact than extraversion in measures of well-being.[95][96]

Other Big 5 factors and extraversion[edit]

Though extraversion and neuroticism seem to have the largest effect on personal happiness, other Big 5 personality factors have also been shown to correlate with happiness and subjective well-being. For example, one study showed that conscientiousness and agreeableness correlated about 0.20 with subjective well-being.[97] While the effect of these traits was not as strong as extraversion or neuroticism, it is clear that they still have some impact on happiness outcomes.
Similarly, interactions between extraversion, neuroticism, and conscientiousness have demonstrated significant impacts on subjective-well being. In one study, researchers used three scales to assess subjective well-being. They found that extraversion only served as a predictor for one assessment, in conjunction with neuroticism, while the other two assessment outcomes were better predicted by conscientiousness and neuroticism.[98] In addition to the importance of including other factors in happiness assessments, this study also demonstrates the manner in which an operational definition of well-being changes whether extraversion emerges as a salient predictive factor.

Other contributing personality factors[edit]

There is also evidence that other non-trait elements of personality may correlate with happiness. For instance, one study demonstrated that various features of one's goals, such as progress towards important goals or conflicts between them, can affect both emotional and cognitive well-being.[99] Several other researchers have also suggested that, at least in more individualistic cultures, having a coherent sense of one's personality (and acting in a way that conforms to that self-concept) is positively related to well-being.[100][101][102] Thus, focusing solely on extraversion—or even extraversion and neuroticism—is likely to provide an incomplete picture of the relationship between happiness and personality.

Culture[edit]

In addition, one's culture may also influence happiness and overall subjective well-being. The overall level of happiness fluctuates from culture to culture, as does preferred expression of happiness. Comparing various international surveys across countries reveals that different nations, and different ethnic groups within nations, exhibit differences in average life satisfaction.
For example, one researcher found that between 1958 and 1987, Japanese life satisfaction fluctuated around 6 on a 10-point scale, while Denmark's fluctuated around 8.[103] Comparing ethnic groups within the United States, another study found that European Americans reported being "significantly happier" with their lives than Asian Americans.[104]
Researchers have hypothesized a number of factors that could be responsible for these differences between countries, including national differences in overall income levels, self-serving biases and self-enhancement, and approach and avoidance orientations.[105] Taken together, these findings suggest that while extraversion-introversion does have a strong correlation with happiness, it does not stand alone as a sole predictor of subjective well-being, and that other factors must be accounted for when trying to determine the correlates of happiness.

See also[edit]

References[edit]

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2020/01/27

Ukishima Maru victims lost redress in '50 | The Japan Times



Ukishima Maru victims lost redress in '50 | The Japan Times
Ukishima Maru victims lost redress in '50

SEP 28, 2003

Japan decided in 1950 not to compensate the Korean victims in a 1945 ship explosion that killed 524 Koreans on their way home, a Foreign Ministry document obtained by a Korean group showed Saturday.

The document, prepared as internal material by a now-defunct agency in charge of repatriation, described the Ukishima Maru’s explosion and sinking as “an inevitable accident,” and said the Koreans were able to board the ship “owing to the former Imperial Japanese Navy’s overwhelming goodwill.”

“Any moves to seek compensation by accusing the navy cannot be accepted at all,” said the document, a copy of which was obtained by a group of Koreans working to explore the truth about the explosion and sinking under information disclosure rules.

“The document said the Koreans boarded the ship for fear of the Allies’ occupation. It is not true,” said Hong Sang Jin, leader of the group.

The navy transport ship sank after an explosion Aug. 24, 1945, as it was entering Kyoto Prefecture’s Maizuru port on its way to Korea.

The accident killed 524 Koreans, who had been forced to work at military facilities in Aomori, and their families.

In August 2001, the Kyoto District Court ordered the government to pay 45 million yen in compensation to 15 South Korean survivors who had filed suit, along with 65 relatives of those who died, seeking an apology and a total of 3 billion yen in compensation.

The Osaka High Court overturned the district court’s ruling in May this year and dismissed their claims. The plaintiffs have appealed to the Supreme Court.
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“살인자 일본은 진실을 은폐하고 있다” 영화 ‘우키시마호’ 9월 개봉 - 민중의소리



“살인자 일본은 진실을 은폐하고 있다” 영화 ‘우키시마호’ 9월 개봉 - 민중의소리



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“살인자 일본은 진실을 은폐하고 있다” 영화 ‘우키시마호’ 9월 개봉


권종술 기자 epoque@vop.co.kr
발행 2019-07-12 07:32:58
수정 2019-07-12 07:32:58
이 기사는 1109번 공유됐습니다

영화 ‘우키시마호’ 9월 개봉ⓒ메이플러스 제공


1945년 8월 22일, 전쟁에서 패배한 일본은 조선인 강제징용자들을 부산항으로 돌려보낸다는 명목 하에 제1호 귀국선 ‘우키시마호’에 조선인 만여명을 태운다. 하지만 부산항에 도착했어야 할 우키시마호는 원인을 알 수 없는 폭발과 함께 수면 아래로 침몰했다. 사랑하는 가족들을 떠올리며 고향으로 돌아오던 8000여명의 조선인들이 억울하게 목숨을 잃었다. 이것이, ‘우키시마호 침몰 사건’이다. 일제가 저지른 이 우키시마호 폭침 사건의 진실을 규명한 영화 ‘우키시마호’가 오는 9월 개봉을 앞둔 가운데 티저 포스터가 공개됐다.

이번에 공개된 영화 ‘우키시마호’의 티저 포스터에는 가장 먼저 ‘독도는 일본 땅이다, 위안부는 보상했다, 강제징용은 없었다, 생체실험은 증거가 없다, 그리고 우키시마호는 사고였다!’라는 오랜 시간 반복 되어왔던 일본의 주장들이 나열됐다. 특히 우리가 익히 알고 있는 다른 주장들과 달리 우키시미호와 관련한 주장은 우리가 잊고 있던 사건이다.

영화 ‘우키시마호’ 9월 개봉ⓒ메아플러스

한편, 절대로 진실을 밝히려는 생각이 없어 보이는 듯 비열한 표정으로 미소 짓고 있는 일본 아베 총리의 표정은, 현재 무역 보복을 일으키고 있는 일본과 반일 감정이 일고 있는 한국의 관계와 맞물리며 보는 이들에게 더욱 큰 분노를 자아낸다.


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우키시마호 사건 - 나무위키

우키시마호 사건 - 나무위키

우키시마호 사건

최근 수정 시각: 
주의. 사건·사고 관련 내용을 설명합니다.

이 문서는 실제로 일어난 사건·사고의 자세한 내용과 설명을 포함하고 있습니다.

浮島丸事件
해상사고 요약도
일어난 날짜
1945년 8월 24일 오후 5시 20분
유형
운항 중 침몰
일어난 위치
일본 교토부 마이즈루만 해역
탑승인원
공식
3,735명[1]
비공식
8,000여 명
사망자
공식
조선인 524명, 일본인 25명
비공식
5,000여 명
실종자
미상
구조자
비공식
3,000여 명
선종
화물선[2]

1. 소개2. 전개
2.1. 우키시마마루의 출항2.2. 항로 변경과 침몰
3. 엇갈리는 침몰 원인
3.1. 일본의 시각3.2. 한국의 시각
4. 각종 의혹들
4.1. 우키시마마루의 의문스러운 항로4.2. 우키시마마루는 왜 마이즈루로 방향을 바꿨나?4.3. 정확한 탑승자와 사망자의 숫자는?4.4. 일본 정부의 이해할 수 없는 사건 처리
5. 사건 이후6. 문화에서

1. 소개[편집]

1945년 8월 24일, 일본 교토 인근 마이즈루 항에서 일본 해군에 징발된 화물선 우키시마마루(浮島丸, Ukishima Maru, 4,730톤)가 갑작스런 폭발과 함께 침몰한 사건. 당시 일본의 관련 법령에 따라 상선 등 민간 선박은 배 이름을 지을 때 "丸(마루)" 자를 접미사로 쓰도록 강제하고 있어 모든 일본 민간 선박들은 ~마루라는 이름을 가지고 있기에, 한국에선 이걸 그냥 민간 선박 뒤에 오는 호칭인 ~호로 임의로 바꿔 부르는 경우가 많다. 덕분에 우키시마마루 사건으로는 국내에선 거의 불리지 않고, 우키시마호 사건, 우키시마호 폭발사건, 부도호 사건 등으로 불린다.

2. 전개[편집]

2.1. 우키시마마루의 출항[편집]

파일:external/upload.wikimedia.org/Ukishima_Maru.jpg
파일:external/ww6.enjoy.ne.jp/umishimamarumod02.jpg
우키시마마루의 실제 사진
모형 (일러스트)

1945년 8월 15일, 일본이 항복을 선언한 뒤 일본 정부는 강제징용된 조선인 노동자들이 전범재판 과정에서 폭동을 일으킬 것을 우려했다. 이에 이들은 "폭동이 일어나기 전에 미리 조선인 노동자들을 송환하라"는 극비 지시를 내리게 된다. 심지어 '이번 송환선에 오르지 못하면 영영 돌아가지 못한다'라는 전단까지 뿌렸을 뿐 아니라 "배에 승선하지 않으면 배급도 없다!"라고 협박까지 하면서 조선인들을 거의 강제로 승선시키다시피 했다고 한다.

해군에 징발되어 해군 승조원들이 몰고 있던 우키시마마루에게 내려진 본래 명령은 조선에 거주하고 있던 일본인들을 데려오는 것이었지만, 명령이 바뀌어 우키시마마루에도 일본 북부지방에 있던 조선인 노동자들을 부산으로 실어 보내라는 명령이 내려졌다. 승조원들 중 일부 해군 하사관들은 이 명령에 항의했지만, 상부의 강력한 지시로 어쩔 수 없이 우키시마마루에 조선인 노동자들과 일부 가족들이 탑승하게 되었다.

약 7000여 명[3]의 조선인들이 8월 21일, 아오모리 현의 오미나토 항을 출발했다.

당시 일본 근해는 미 해군이 부설한 기뢰 천지였고, 미 해군과 소련 해군의 잠수함도 돌아다니는 상황이었다. 우키시마마루가 출발한 다음날에 국적불명의 잠수함[4]에 의해 3척의 함선이 침몰한 사건[5]이 일어나기도 했기 때문에 우키시마마루는 기뢰와 잠수함을 피해 부산으로 향했다.

2.2. 항로 변경과 침몰[편집]

파일:4625342.jpg
파일:3532434.jpg
침몰하는 우키시마마루
인양된 우키시마마루의 모습[6]

그런데 우키시마마루는 돌연 8월 24일, 방향을 바꿔 일본 중부 연안의 마이즈루 항으로 들어갔다. 마이즈루 항 근해인 마이즈루 만에는 미군이 부설한 기뢰들이 있었는데, 우키시마마루가 마이즈루 항으로 입항하려고 하자 갑자기 폭발이 일어나면서 배가 침몰했다.

이 사건으로 홋카이도, 아오모리, 도호쿠 등에서 강제 징용되어 노역에 시달리다가 조국으로 돌아갈 기쁨에 부풀어 있던 조선인 수천 명이 사망했다.

3. 엇갈리는 침몰 원인[편집]

사건의 원인에 대해서 한국과 일본의 시각은 판이하게 다르다. 사건의 개요부터 진행과정 등에 대해 양측의 주장이 대립하고 있다.

3.1. 일본의 시각[편집]

일본이 주장하는 사건의 원인은 미군이 부설한 기뢰에 우키시마마루가 접촉하면서 폭발이 일어났다는 것. 당시 마이즈루만에는 미군이 부설한 기뢰들이 깔려 있었는데, 자기기뢰에 대해서는 우키시마마루 자체의 장비로 탐색이 가능했지만, 음향기뢰는 소해정이 음향 발신기로 음향 기뢰의 위치를 파악하는 게 필요했다는 것이다.

그런데 우키시마마루는 마이즈루항으로 들어가라는 상부의 지시를 받기는 했으나 갑작스런 명령 전달 과정에서 혼동이 있어 길을 안내해야 하는 소해정들이 제때 마중을 나오지 않았는데, 우키시마마루는 소해정들이 나오기를 기다리지 않고 마이즈루만으로 그냥 들어갔다가 기뢰가 있는 수역으로 진입하여 음향 기뢰가 엔진음에 반응하여 폭발하게 되었다는 주장이다. 이 기뢰에 대해 일본에서는 "음향기뢰가 아닌 수압식 기뢰일 가능성도 크다"고 말한다.

또한 일본 측에서는 "마이즈루에 입항한 것은 배의 연료가 떨어졌기 때문이며, 만약의 사태에 대비해 승조원과 탑승자들 대부분을 함선의 데크(갑판)로 유도했기 때문에 오히려 피해가 적었다"고 주장하기도 한다.

일본이 기뢰 폭발에 의한 사고라고 주장하는 직접적 근거로는 침몰한 우키시마마루의 상태가 상부 구조물이 파괴된 것이 아닌 배 밑바닥 등의 하부 구조물에만 폭발한 흔적이 있다는 것, 선체 부품이 흩어져 날아가거나 선체에 큰 폭발로 생긴 구멍이 없다는 점, 폭발 이후 해저의 흙이 부상해 해면이 탁해진 점, 사망자들의 사체가 화상을 입었거나 신체가 산산히 흩어지지 않은 점 등을 들고 있다.

또한 일본은 "미군이 이 사건을 수중에 부설한 기뢰에 의한 전과로 기록하고 있는 점도 증거"라고 주장한다.

일본 위키피디아에는 해당 사건에 대해서 GHQ 측에서 8월 25일 0시 이후로 100톤 이상의 배의 출항을 금지시켜[7] 해당되는 항해 중인 선박을 가장 가까운 항구로 입항할 것을 명령하였고, 8월 24일 오후 6시까지 목적지에 도착할 수 없을 것 같은 배는 전부 가까운 항구로 회항하라는 명령을 듣고 위치, 승선자의 수, 기뢰의 소해에 의한 안전성, 잠수함의 활동 등을 고려하여 마이즈루 항으로 입항하기로 결정했다고 서술되어 있다.

3.2. 한국의 시각[편집]

한국에서는 "우키시마마루가 폭발한 것은 일본 해군의 계획적인 범죄"라고 주장한다. 우키시마마루의 승조원들은 배가 부산에 도착할 경우에 분노한 조선인들에게 보복을 당할 것을 두려워해서 우키시마마루에 조선인을 탑승시키라는 명령에 강하게 항의하고 항명했다는 것이다. 그래서 일본 해군이 우키시마마루에 폭탄을 설치한 뒤 이를 폭파시켰다는 이른바 자폭설이 한국의 시각이다.

당시 탑승자들의 증언에 의하면 일본 해군이 "우키시마마루를 타지 않으면 배급을 받을 수 없다", "이 배가 조선으로 가는 마지막 기회"라는 식으로 말했다고 한다. 일부 조선인들 중에는 가고 싶어하지 않는 사람들도 있었지만, 이런 사람들까지 강제로 태웠다는 것. 다만 이는 학살의 확실한 근거라고 보기는 조금 미흡하다. 조선인들을 얼른 내보낼 마음에 한 이야기일 수도 있기 때문이다.

우여곡절 끝에 우키시마마루가 조선인들을 태우고 부산항으로 향했지만, 갑자기 24일 영문을 알 수 없게도 마이즈루항 쪽으로 배의 방향을 돌렸다.

또한 침몰시의 정황에 대해서도 양측의 견해가 다르다. 일본측은 승조원들이 탑승자들을 갑판으로 유도했다고 하는데, 사건 바로 다음해인 1946년에 남긴 생존자 채길영 씨의 증언은 정반대다. "승조원들이 탑승한 조선들을 갑자기 배 밑으로 내려가도록 채근하는 사이에, 승조원들은 우키시마마루의 소함[8]을 타고 배를 빠져나갔으며 그 뒤에 배가 폭발했다"는 것이다. 또다른 생존자 강이순 씨 역시 "당시 배에 있던 승조원들이 사라지는 일들이 있었고, 배가 폭발하기 직전에는 승조원들이 기관실로 몰려갔다"고 증언했다. # 다만 강이순 씨의 위 증언에서는 승조원들이 강제로 조선인들을 선창에 밀어넣었다고 하는 이야기가 없고, "나는 선상 제일 꼭대기에 타고 있었다"고 분명히 하고 있다. 또한 증언상 승조원들이 배가 폭발할 걸 미리 알았다면, 승조원들이 침몰시 생존 가능성이 제일 낮은 기관부에 몰려갈 이유가 없다는 반박이 가능하다.

우키시마마루가 기뢰에 의한 폭발이 아닌 내부에 설치된 폭발물에 의한 폭발이라는 근거는 생존자들의 증언에서 나오고 있다. 생존자들은 하나같이 "폭발음이 3~4회 들렸다"고 증언하고 있다. 만약 기뢰에 의한 폭발이라면 폭발음이 서너 차례 들린다는 것은 이상하다는 것. 게다가 기뢰에 의한 폭발일 때 나타나는 수십 m의 물기둥도 나타나야 하는데, 그런 것 또한 없었다는 것이다. 설사 기뢰였다고 해도, 기뢰가 존재하는 걸 알고 있는 일본이 출항을 시도했다는 것부터가 의심스럽다.

또한 1954년, 일본 기업이 선체를 인양했을 당시 배의 선체가 모두 바깥쪽을 향해 구부러져 있었다는 것도 자폭설의 근거로 제기된다. 만약 수뢰에 접촉해서 폭발한 것이라면 안쪽으로 구부러져야 마땅하겠지만, 우키시마마루의 선체는 모두 바깥쪽을 향해 구부러져 있었다는 것. 이는 선체 내부에서 폭발이 일어났다고 생각할 수밖에 없다는 것이다. #

4. 각종 의혹들[편집]

4.1. 우키시마마루의 의문스러운 항로[편집]

우키시마마루는 일본 북부의 아오모리 현의 오미나토 항을 출발해 부산으로 향했다. 상식적으로 일본 북부에서 부산으로 가는 가장 빠른 항로는 동해를 횡단하는 것이다. 그러나 이상하게도 우키시마마루는 일본 열도의 연안을 따라 내려갔다.

이는 일본의 연안에 기뢰가 부설되어 있다는 점을 감안해도 이해할 수 없는 대목. 오히려 기뢰를 피하려고 했다면 상식적인 동해를 횡단하는 항로를 택하는 것이 빠르고 안전했을 텐데도 우키시마마루는 일본열도 연안을 따라 내려갔다. 일본은 "기뢰와 잠수함 활동 등을 피해 그런 항로를 택했다"고 주장하지만, 한국에서는 "애당초 부산으로 갈 의도가 있었나"라고 의심하고 있다.

4.2. 우키시마마루는 왜 마이즈루로 방향을 바꿨나?[편집]

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우키시마마루의 항해 지도[9]

우키시마마루가 갑자기 마이즈루항으로 방향을 바꾼 것도 의혹으로 제기된다. 부산을 향하던 우키시마마루는 8월 24일, 마이즈루항 쪽으로 방향을 돌렸다. 여기에 대해서 일본은 해군운수본부에서 오미나토 경비부와 우키시마마루의 함장에게 "8월 24일 오후 6시까지 부산에 들어가는 것은 무리인 듯 하니 근처 항구에 입항하라"라는 명령을 내렸고, 우키시마마루는 이 명령에 따라 마이즈루로 방향을 돌렸다고 주장한다. 또한 기뢰 및 잠수함의 위협 등 여러 요소를 감안해 일정을 짰다고 한다.

그러나 한국에서는 "마이즈루로 방향을 바꾼 이유가 상식적으로 납득이 되지 않는다"고 지적한다. 일본군이 어떤 의도를 가지고 마이즈루 쪽으로 방향을 돌린 게 아닌가 의구심을 가지고 있다. 실제 어떤 생존자는 "배가 부산항으로 가는 게 아니라 원산항으로 간다고 듣기도 했다"고 한다.

4.3. 정확한 탑승자와 사망자의 숫자는?[편집]

일본은 "우키시마마루에 타고 있던 조선인 송환자는 3,725명, 해군 장병은 255명이었으며 이 가운데 조선인 524명과 승조원 25명이 사망했다"고 공식 발표했다. 하지만 승선명부를 일본이 작성하지도 않았기 때문에 정확히 몇 명이 승선하고 사망한지도는 모른다. 간단히 말해 일본이 공식 발표한 승선자 수와 사망자 수는 많이 다르다고 볼 수밖에 없다. 그리고 생존자들은 "일본이 공식 발표한 숫자보다 더 많은 조선인들이 우키시마마루에 타고 있었다"고 주장한다.

생존자들의 증언에 따라 확실치는 않지만, 대략 7,000명에서 7,500여명의 조선인들이 우키시마마루에 타고 있었다고 한다. 채길영 씨는 무려 12,000여명이 탑승하고 있었다고 주장하기도 했다. 사망자들의 숫자는 정확하지는 않지만 생존자들과 당시 현지 주민들의 증언을 취합하면 최소한 1,000여명 이상이며 3,000~4,000여명, 심지어는 5,000여명이 사망했다는 주장도 나오고 있다.

4.4. 일본 정부의 이해할 수 없는 사건 처리[편집]

일본 정부는 사건이 일어난 뒤, 연합군 사령부에 이 사건을 보고하면서 사망자 숫자가 256명이라고 축소보고했다. 공식 발표에서 언급한 524명보다도 더 줄어든 숫자다. 다시 한 번 적지만 승선명부를 일본이 작성하지도 않았기 때문에 정확히 몇 명이 승선하고 사망한지는 모른다.

게다가 일본은 1954년, 우키시마마루의 선체를 민간기업에게 인양하게 하면서 재일 조선인들의 사건 진상조사 요구를 묵살했다. 그리고 인양된 선체는 아무런 조사도 없이 민간기업에 고철로 팔아 넘겼다.

후에 우키시마마루 사망자의 유골이라면서 300여 구의 유골을 반환했지만, 조사 결과 여러 사람의 유골이 뒤섞인 것으로 밝혀지기도 했다.

5. 사건 이후[편집]

1977년에 일본의 공영방송 NHK에서 다큐멘터리 <폭침>이 방영되면서 우키시마마루 사건이 다시 세상에 알려지기 시작했다. 이후 1992년 생존자와 유족들은 일본 법원에 일본 정부에 이 사건에 대해서 피해보상을 요구하는 소송을 제기했다.

2001년 8월 23일, 교토지방재판소에서는 일본 정부의 안전 배려 의무 위반을 이유로 생존자 15명에게 1인당 300만 엔의 위로금 지급 판결을 내렸으나, 일본 정부의 공식 사과 요청은 기각했다. 그러나 이 판결마저 2003년, 오사카 고등재판소에서 번복되어 원고패소판결을 내렸다. 참고로 이때 일본 법원의 기각 사유 중 하나가 한일기본조약이었다. 설령 일본 정부의 책임이 있다 하더라도 한일기본조약에 의해 보상은 끝났다는 것이다.

하지만 설령 일본이 주장하는 대로 사고가 맞다 하더라도, 일본 정부가 이 사건에 대한 책임을 회피할 수 있는지는 의문이다. 그럼에도 한국 정부는 이 사건의 진상조사 요구나 피해 보상에 대해서 입도 뻥끗하지 않고 있다.

한편 번역가 이윤기 씨가 이 사건으로 희생된 사람들의 위령비를 탐사한 적이 있다. 당일 밤 희생자들을 생각하며 많이 마시고 많이 울었다고 한다.

현재 한국과 일본 양국에 사건 희생자들을 추모하는 조형물이 있다. 한국에는 부산 중앙동 수미르공원에 희생자 위령비(2005)가 있고, 일본에는 우키시마마루가 침몰한 해안 근처의 섬에 '순난의 비'가 있다.

2016년 김문길 한일문화연구소장 등이 배에 폭발물이 실려 있었다고 추정되는 일본 방위청 문서를 입수해 공개했다. #

2019년에 사고 넉 달 뒤 연합군 요청으로 작성한 조사 보고서에서 출항 전 일본 승조원들이 조선인 때문에 생명을 바칠 수 없다며, 위험한 구역 항해는 절대 반대한다는 규탄시위를 했다고 적혀 있으며, 그러자 일본 해군 참모장이 의무를 수행해 깨끗이 목숨을 바치라고 '폭탄적인 선언'을 했다는 내용이 담겨있어 고의성 의혹이 커진 상황이다.#

6. 문화에서[편집]

영화에서는 1995년 이토오 마사아키(伊藤正昭)가 제작한 일본 영화 <아시안 블루 우키시마마루사콘[10]>(エイジアン・ブルー　浮島丸サコン)가 최초로 이 사건을 다뤘다. 전쟁을 모르고 자란 일본인 자매가 재일동포 2세인 대학교수와 함께 사라진 아버지의 행방을 쫓으며 우키시마마루 사건에 대해 알아간다는 것이 영화의 줄거리다. 이런 내용으로 인하여 이 영화는 일본 우익의 공격을 받았지만, 그럼에도 상영되어 30만 명 이상이 관람하였다. 한국에서는 일본 문화개방이 제대로 안 된 데다 돈이 되지 않는다는 이유로 수입이 되고 있지 않다가 2001년에야 시민단체 '광주시민연대'에 의해 처음으로 상영됐다. 예고편 본편

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한편 이 사건을 모티브로 한 가장 유명한 작품은 북한 영화 <살아있는 령혼들>(2002)이다. 물론 북한 영화인만큼 화질이나 CG가 조악하지만 이 사건을 피해자 입장에서 다룬 최초의 서사 영화라는 점에서 의의를 지닌다.

참고로 우측 포스터의 침몰하는 배는 도색과 선미 형태, 굴뚝의 모양으로 보아서 RMS 타이타닉의 자매선 HMHS 브리타닉이다. 원래 브리타닉을 다룬 영화 'Britannic'에서 사용한 브리타닉 호의 CG를 북한에서 짜깁기(...)해 쓴 것이다. 브리타닉 호의 굴뚝 뒤로 구명정을 내리는 ‘대빗(davit)’이 보이는 점[11], 선미의 도색 바탕이 하얀데 초록색 줄무늬가 보이는 점[12] 등에 의하여 확실시된다.

2010년 7월 18일, 신비한 TV 서프라이즈 424회에서 이를 다루었다. 보기. 그런데 이미 예전에 빌헬름 구스틀로프를 타이타닉 이후 사상 최대의 해상 사고로 하였는데, 다시금 이 사건을 사상 최대의 해상 사고로 표현하여 시청자들을 헷갈리게 하였다. 사실 타이타닉 이후에 이보다 많은 희생자들을 낸 해상 사고가 많이 있다. 립서비스

2014년에는 광복 69주년 기념문화제에서 이 사건을 다룬 창작뮤지컬 <우키시마마루>가 공연됐다.

2019년 9월 우키시마마루 폭파 침몰 사건에 대한 진실규명 영화 <우키시마호>가 개봉 예정이다. 네이버 우키시마호, 다음 우키시마호 티저예고편, 메인예고편
파일:티저포스터저용량.jpg




[1] 일본 정부의 사고처리문서에 기록된 수이다. 그러나 실제 관련자들의 증언을 종합해보면 실제 탑승인원은 8,000여 명에 달했을 것으로 보인다. 애초에 일본은 탑승자 명부조차 제대로 작성하지 않아서, 사건 이후 27년 만에 밝혀진 사망자 명부에는 고작 549명(조선인 524명, 일본인 승무원 25명)밖에 적혀져 있지 않았다.[2] 우키시마마루는 원래 화물선으로 1937년 건조되어 1941년부터 군수 물자를 실어날랐었다.[3] 일본은 3,725명의 탑승을 주장하는데, 7000여 명이라는 숫자는 사고 당시의 현지 주민의 증언과 우키시마마루 생존자의 증언에 따른 수치이다.[4] 소련 해군의 잠수함으로 추정되지만 러시아 정부는 부정하고 있다.[5] 삼선 조난사건이라고 한다.[6] 대순진리회 대순회보 90호의 '우키시마호, 그 잊혀진 비극을 찾아서'에 실린 내용에 의하면 1954년 10월 9일자 오사카 발행 <국제신문>에 실린 것이다. 우측에는 부식된 시계와 한글이 새겨진 탑승자의 유품 사진이고, 좌측은 찢겨진 배 밑바닥 사진이다. 신문은 이를 보도하며 폭발이 배 내부에서 일어났을 가능성에 대하여 언급하였다.[7] 1975년에 나온 재일조선인 처우의 추이와 현상(在日朝鮮人処遇の推移と現状) 53페이지를 출처로 명시하고 있다.[8] 아마도 구명보트 같은 걸로 추정된다.[9] 이 자료는 대순진리회 대순회보 90호의 '우키시마호, 그 잊혀진 비극을 찾아서'에 실린 사진이다.[10] "사콘"은 한국어 단어 "사건"을 카타카나로 옮긴 것이다.[11] 대빗은 여러 개의 구명보트를 효과적으로 내리기 위해 선사가 설치한 것으로, 타이타닉 호 침몰 이후에 급히 설치한 것이다.[12] 당시 브리타닉은 영국 해군 병원선으로 차출되어 적십자 마크와 초록 줄무늬를 도색하고 지중해 전장에 투입되었다가 침몰하였다.
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