2022/03/19

김재준 - 나무위키

김재준 - 나무위키

김재준

최근 수정 시각: 
다른 뜻 아이콘  KBS 2TV의 드라마 굿 닥터의 등장인물 김재준에 대한 내용은 김재준(굿 닥터) 문서
, 응답하라 1994의 등장인물 김재준에 대한 내용은 쓰레기(응답하라 1994) 문서
 참고하십시오.
장공 김재준
이름
김재준 (金在俊, Kim Jae Jun)
본관
국적
출생
함경북도 경흥군 상하면 오봉동 창골마을#
사망
1987년 1월 27일 (향년 86세)
장공 (長空)
직업
학력
아오야마 학원 신학부 (신학 / 학사)
프린스턴 신학교 (신학 / 석사)
웨스턴 신학교

1. 개요2. 생애3. 논란 및 비판
3.1. 소위 '고등비평' 논란3.2. 친일논란
4. 여담



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[3]

1. 개요[편집]

대한민국의 장로회 목사이자 대표적인 진보적 신학자로서 한국기독교장로회 (기장)과 조선신학교(훗날 한신대학교) 설립에 공헌한 대표적인 인물이다.

2. 생애[편집]

1901년 함경북도 경흥군에서 중농의 아들로 태어나 아버지에게 사서삼경 등 동양고전을 수학하였다.

일본 도쿄 아오야마가쿠인 신학부와[4] 미국 프린스턴 신학교, 웨스턴신학교(현재 피츠버그 신학대학원)에서 공부하였으며, 1933년 평양 숭인상업학교에서 교목 겸 교사로서 성서를 가르쳤다.

1940년에는 조선신학교(현재 한신대학교)를 세우는 실무를 담당하였다. 또한 대한민국의 장로회 중 진보적 교단인 한국기독교장로회 형성에 공헌하였다. 한국기독교장로회의 대표적 교회 중 하나인 경동교회를 창립하였다. 그러나 김장환한경직 등은 김재준을 이단이라고 공격하였다.

평양에서 장로회 목회자를 양성하던 조선예수교장로회신학교 (평양신학교)가 일제의 신사참배 강요에 대한 거부 등의 이유로 폐쇄되자, 선각자 김대현 장로와 뜻을 모아 서울에 조선신학교를 설립한다. 이전의 평양신학교가 서양 선교사에 의해 설립된 것과 달리 조선신학교는 조선인 신자들이 교육하고 교육받는 학교로 계획되었다.

조선예수교장로회는 이렇게 새로 설립된 조선신학교를 교단 신학교로 승인한다. 그러나 광복 이후, 조선신학교에서 성서비평학을 가르치는 문제로 인해 교단 내 보수파와 갈등을 겪게 된다. 교단 내 보수파는 조선신학교에 대한 불신임을 선언하고 별개로 서울 남산에 장로회신학교를 세운다. (이 신학교가 예장합동의 주요 신학교인 총회신학대학교와 예장통합의 장로회신학대학교가 된다.) 1935년 '아빙돈 성서 주석 사건' 이 일어났을 때 송창근, 한경직 목사와 일부 보수 신학자들은 조선신학교에서 김재준이 가르치는 소위 '고등비평'이 성서의 문자적 무오설(축자영감설)을 부정한다고 비판한 것이다. 이에 따라 김재준은 이단이라는 공격을 받았다.

이후, 1953년 대한예수교장로회는 김재준의 목사직을 제명했다. 1953년 대한예수교장로회 제38회 총회에서는 "목사 김재준 씨는 제36회 총회결의 위반급 성경유오설을 주장하였으므로 권징조례 제6장 42조에 의하여 예수의 이름과 그 직권으로 목사직을 파면하고 또 그 직분행함을 금하노라 선언" 하였다. 이에 김재준을 중심으로 한 일부 세력은 독립하여 한국기독교장로회(기장)를 형성하였다. 이후 군사독재 반대 및 민주화 운동 참여를 계기로 오늘날 기장은 대한성공회와 더불어 가장 진보적인 교회로 불린다.

김재준은 1969년 박정희 대통령에 반대하는 민주화 운동에 참여하였고 삼선 개헌에 반대하는 운동에 그리스도인들이 참여할 것을 권고했지만 결국 1969년 9월 14일 개헌안이 기습 통과되어 수포로 돌아가버렸다.

결국 장공은 민주화를 보지 못하고 1987년 별세하였다. 대한민국 정부는 장공의 민주화운동과 신학발전에의 기여를 기려 2002년 12월 27일 국민훈장 무궁화장을 추서하였다.
[5]

3. 논란 및 비판[편집]

3.1. 소위 '고등비평' 논란[편집]


김재준에 '고등비평' 논란에 대한 한겨레 조현 기자와 김경재 목사의 대담

김재준에 대한 신학적 반대파는 김재준이 성경에 대한 소위 고등비평을 시도함으로써 성경의 권위를 훼손했다고 주장했다. 이들의 주장에 따르면 김재준은 성경을 마치 세상의 문학작품 등과 같이 비평적으로 접근하고자하고 이는 성경에 오류가 있음을 전제하는 성경유오설이라고 주장했다. 결국 이러한 신학적 논란에 의해 김재준은 교단에서 파문되기에 이른다.

그러나 그들이 김재준에게 씌운 '고등비평'이라는 레이블은 실상 칼바르트의 신정통주의이었으며, 이후 예장통합의 신학교인 장신대에서도 성서신학 커리큘럼에 포함하는 주류(mainline) 개신교 신학의 경향이다. 김재준을 오해한 유연하지 못한 신학관은 50년대 당시 한국 장로회가 아직 미성숙한 시기였던 탓으로 볼 수 있다. 당시 한국 장로교단에는 해외 선교사들의 지원과 영향이 여전히 존재했는데, 김재준의 무고한 파문 소식을 듣고 캐나다 연합교회 선교단을 포함한 많은 해외 선교단체가 대한예수교장로회에 대한 지지를 철회한다. 특히 캐나다 연합교회는 적극적으로 김재준에 대한 지지를 표명하며 조선신학대학교 유지비용을 선교회 차원에서 충당해주었다. 이러한 계기로, 캐나다 연합교회와 기장 교단은 오늘날까지 끈끈한 관계를 유지하고 있다. 예컨대 한신대 출신 목회자들이 유학을 갈 경우 캐나다 연합교회 계열 신학교인 토론토대학교 임마누엘 칼리지(Emmanuel College)로 진학하는 경우가 많다. 한편 김재준 파문 이후에도 대한예수교장로회에 대한 지지를 철회하지 않았던 미국장로회(PCUSA)는 오늘날 예장(통합)과 형제교회로서 관계를 이어가고 있다.

다시 말하자면, 김재준에 '고등비평' 논란과 대한 파문은 당시 교단 내 보수파와의 갈등에서 빗어진 오해였으며, 이에 대해 예장통합은 2016년 공식적으로 김재준에 대한 파문을 취소하고 사과했다.기사 CBS뉴스 영상

3.2. 친일논란[편집]

조선신학교 설립 당시 김재준은 신사참배를 '개인의 자유로 맡기자'는 투로 사실상 방관 내지는 허용했다. 민족 신학교에 대한 일제의 탄압을 피하기 위한 명분이라고 포장하기는 하였으나 이는 명백한 친일행위였다.[6]

나무위키의 한국기독교장로회 항목 중 친일행위 단락에도 언급되었다시피, 김재준을 포함한 한국기독교장로회, 더 나아가 오늘날 대한예수교장로회 등 조선예수교장로회의 적통을 잇는 한국 장로교 교단들 모두 친일논란에서 자유로울 수 없다. 한국의 장로회 교단 중 이러한 과거에서 자유로울 수 있는 교단은 예장 고신파 정도 뿐이다. 예장 고신은 신사참배반대로 투옥되었다가 광복후 출옥한 소위 '출옥성도들'을 중심으로 설립된 교단이다.

이와 같이 친일은 한국 개신교의 광범위한 치부에 해당하기 때문에 교단을 떠나 과거 친일 논란을 대놓고 공론화시키는 것을 꺼리는 추세이다. 이러한 맥락에서 과거 자신들의 친일논란, 특히 김재준을 포함한 자기 교단 지도부에 대한 친일논란이 교단 내부에서 나오는 곳은 기장뿐이라는 점을 주목할 만하다. 즉, 애초에 친일행위에 대한 인정과 사과요구가 오직 에큐메니안이나 뉴스엔조이 등 기장측 성향의 진보적 기독교 언론에서만 나타나고 있는 것이다. 에큐메니안은 기장총회 행사를 홍보하거나 새로 교단 집행부가 들어설 경우 집행부 인터뷰를 보도할 정도로 기독교장로회 총회의 나팔수 역할을 하는 교단이다. 뉴스엔조이 역시 한신대학교 출신 기자들이 주류를 이루는 언론사답게 기장에 대한 기사를 많이 내보내곤 한다. 이들에게 있어 과거 조선예수교장로회의 친일행위에 대한 책임은 오롯이 기장에게 돌아오고 따라서 이당시 조선예수교장로회의 교단 지정 신학교의 설립자였던 김재준에 대한 사과를 기장 총회와 한신대학교에 요구하는 것이다. 에큐메니안 기사 뉴스엔조이 기사

4. 여담[편집]

  • 찬송가 582장(새찬송가, 통일찬송가 261장) '어둔 밤 마음에 잠겨'는 김재준 목사가 직접 작사한 찬송가이다. 주로 통일, 국경일 예배시에 사용되는 곡이다.
  • 경동교회의 장공채플은 김재준의 호인 장공에서 이름을 따왔다.
  • 한신대학교의 본관인 '장공관'과 신학대학원 도서관인 장공도서관은, 마찬가지로 김재준의 호인 장공에서 이름을 따왔다.

[1] #[2] (출처: 국민일보 기사#)[3] (경동교회가 제작한 김재준 관련 사진 및 클립 모음)[4] MARCH에 속하는 그 아오야마가쿠인이다. 신학부는 2차대전 이후 도쿄신학교로 이관되었다.[5] 상훈법 상 사유는 '국민화합 및 국가발전유공자'로 기록되었다. 자세한 내용 및 기타 대한민국 상훈기록 관련은 상훈기록 검색 사이트 참조#.[6] 또한 조선신학교 설립 공동발기인으로 이름을 올린 채필근 송창근 목사의 경우 친일인명사전에 등재후보에 올랐다.기사 그러나 채필근 송창근의 경우 서울 조선신학교 설립에는 크게 관여하지 않았고, 친일인명사전에 등재된 것도 조선신학교와 관련된 사유 때문이 아니라 후평양신학교 건립에서의 행적으로 인한 것이다. 신사참배를 반대하며 평양신학교가 수업을 중단하자 일제에서 곧바로 이름만 빌려 평양신학교를 다시 세웠는데, 채필근과 송창근은 여기에 힘을 보탠 것이다.

How To Live Japanese Spirituality

(Yutaka Yazawa) How To Live Japanese | Vajrayana | Okinawa Prefecture


Spirituality 

The introduction of Buddhism to Japan was very 
much a ‘top-down’ affair. It was an imported religion 
of immigrant technocrats, officially adopted by the 
emperor, who was aided and abetted by powerful 
factions in the governing elites. 
The first wave of Buddhism reached its zenith in 
752 with the building of a giant Buddha statue at 
Tōdai-ji (東大寺), in the then capital city of Nara 
(奈良). It is made of bronze, measures around 16m 
in height, and weighs in at a whopping 250 tons. 
Emperor Shōmu (聖武天皇701–756) was a fervent 
believer, and ordered the construction of the giant 
Buddha as an act of appeasement in the hope of 
alleviating a smallpox epidemic and halting the 
natural disasters which blighted Japan during his 
reign. He also ordered the construction of a 
Buddhist temple in each of the provinces 
throughout his realm. However, this had more to do 
with efficient taxation for a massive construction 
project in the capital city than evangelism. 

Buddhism had more to do with filling the 
government coffers than saving souls at that time. 
To fill the spiritual void, the Japanese had to wait 
for Kūkai (空海 774–835). The son of a minor
nobleman of the aristocratic Saeki family, in 
Buddhism he sought spiritual fulfilment, rather than 
just knowledge. Kūkai managed to squeeze himself 
into the government’s diplomatic mission to Tang 
China in 804 as an official student. There, he 
studied Vajrayāna, also known as Tantric Buddhism, 
which was the latest trend in Buddhist teaching. He 
was instructed by Huiguo (恵果746–805), a Chinese 
monk who was the foremost authority on the 
subject. 

Kūkai returned to Japan in 806, and the country 
soon went crazy for the Good News of Tantric 
Buddhism. It required faith to study and believe in 
the Buddhist Tantras, and to recite exotic-sounding 
utterances (mantras) in Sanskrit as the way to attain 
Nirvana. Faith had been missing from Japanese 
Buddhism until this point. 

Faith is a great leveller. It is not the privilege of 
the elites; ordinary people can have faith in the same 
way as aristocrats, even emperors. Thus, Buddhism 
started on the path to popularisation in Japan. 
As Buddhism broke class barriers, a strange 
phenomenon started to happen in Japan’s spiritual 
landscape: the people started to merge Shinto gods 
into Buddhism’s theological context. They basically
promoted all their various local gods into the new 
popular religion. The Shinto gods became, if not 
‘The Enlightened One’, then at least sidekicks of The 
Enlightened One, with varying classifications in 
accordance with the Buddhist hierarchy attached to 
them. People started to worship Shinto gods 
alongside Buddha. Temples and shrines merged, 
and deities coexisted alongside each other in a 
weirdly comfortable way within Japanese spirituality. 
This trend continued until the Meiji Reformation. As 
the emperors were deemed the descendants of the 
sun goddess, the promiscuous mixing of Shinto 
gods with Indian deities became a bit of a 
theological embarrassment at a time when the role 
of emperor as the head of state came under the 
spotlight. 

Zen Buddhism was another import from China, 
and centred on the teaching of meditation as the way 
to attain Nirvana. It became the religion for the new 
Samurai elites during the 12th century, at a time 
when the popularisation of Buddhism was steadily 
advancing. The life of ordinary people improved 
during the Kamakura period (12th–14th century), 
with advancement in agricultural methods and 
increased commerce aided by the adoption of
currency. The ordinary people, unlike the stoic 
samurai, sought a little more from their religion than 
sitting down and as a result, forms of Buddhism 
gained popularity. These included Jodo Buddhism 
(浄土仏教), or Pure Land Buddhism, which 
promises salvation in return for devotion from 
chanting matras, and Nichiren Buddhism (日蓮宗), 
started by a monk called Nichiren (日蓮1222–1282), 
which teaches salvation through devotion to the 
Lotus Sutra. 

In the Age of Warring States (c.1467–c.1603), 
certain temples and religious groups gained 
considerable political and military power, and 
became forces to be reckoned with. Into this 
crucible of religious beliefs, the Jesuits made landfall 
with Christianity in the 1540s. They soon found 
devout followers among both the poor and the rich 
and powerful. Their religion taught equality before 
God. The subversive doctrine of equality was always 
powerful and had been a common theme in all the 
religious beliefs which had come before, but this 
time it was stronger. The Jesuits’ message of 
salvation was front and centre. When the 
persecution of Christians happened in the late 16th 
and early 17th centuries, they did not lack for
martyrs. 

When Tokugawa Ieyasu (徳川家康1543–1616) 
became the first shōgun of Tokugawa in 1603, he 
was keenly aware of the need to contain religious 
zealots if peace was to be maintained. He ordered 
that everybody register with a temple of their choice 
by way of registering their citizenship – in effect, 
delegating civil administration powers to religious 
establishments. As an arm of governmental 
authority, the temples gained a steady source of 
income and lost their zeal for converting people. 
Two hundred and fifty years of peace ensued. 
Nothing saps religious fervour like apathy nurtured 
in peaceful prosperity. 

This irreligiosity continues to this day. Visitors to 
Japan today are often confused by the apparent lack 
of scruples in our religious practices. We claim to be 
Buddhists, but marry in Christian churches, 
celebrate Christmas, and welcome in the New Year 
at Shinto shrines. They may conclude that we are not 
religious, and they may have a point. It has not 
always been thus. People believed, and they did so 
deeply. If I could hazard a guess, our apparent 
nonchalance is only skin-deep, disguised by our 
tendency to subscribe to an ‘every little helps’ 
attitude when it comes to seeking supernatural 
intervention, and a preference of practical solutions 
over dogmatic inconveniences in the matter of faith. 
This can be seen from our merging of Buddhism 
and Shinto in the early days. 

When Emperor Meiji died, there was a surge in 
the number of Catholics in Japan. He had been the 
symbol of modernising Japan and presided over 
unprecedented societal changes. When he was gone, 
people felt insecure and sought spiritual support. 
Everybody has a reason to believe. Even the 
Japanese.

Queer Korea : Henry, Todd A.: Amazon.com.au: Books

Queer Korea : Henry, Todd A.: Amazon.com.au: Books
https://www.scribd.com/document/548470525/Queer-Korea
Queer Korea Paperback – 21 February 2020
by Todd A. Henry (Editor)
4.4 out of 5 stars 4 ratings




Since the end of the nineteenth century, the Korean people have faced successive waves of foreign domination, authoritarian regimes, forced dispersal, and divided development. Throughout these turbulent times, "queer" Koreans were ignored, minimized, and erased in narratives of their modern nation, East Asia, and the wider world. This interdisciplinary volume challenges such marginalization through critical analyses of non-normative sexuality and gender variance. Considering both personal and collective forces, the contributors extend individualized notions of queer neoliberalism beyond those typically set in Western queer theory. Along the way, they recount a range of illuminating topics, from shamanic rituals during the colonial era and B-grade comedy films under Cold War dictatorship to female masculinity among today's youth and transgender confrontations with the resident registration system. More broadly, Queer Korea offers readers new ways of understanding the limits and possibilities of human liberation under exclusionary conditions of modernity in Asia and beyond.

Contributors. Pei Jean Chen, John (Song Pae) Cho, Chung-kang Kim, Timothy Gitzen, Todd A. Henry, Merose Hwang, Ruin, Layoung Shin, Shin-ae Ha, John Whittier Treat
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"Queer Korea reads Korean modern history through a queer lens.... Ultimately, this queer reading proves a significant endeavour for interpreting history in a dense and multilayered way, which allows us to understand it more profoundly and thoroughly."--Kyungtae Kim "Pacific Affairs" (9/1/2021 12:00:00 AM)

"The essays in Todd A. Henry's masterful edited collection explore queerness...as a site to theorize and critique the fundamentally heteropatriarchal nature of South Korean society.... Queer Korea will, I believe, become a seminal text on gender and sexuality in Korea that will energize the theorization and practice of ethnographers of Korea and Asia for many years to come."--Thomas Baudinette "Asian Ethnology" (7/15/2021 12:00:00 AM)

"The new anthology Queer Korea . . . is, without doubt, a remarkable and long overdue scholarly effort that fundamentally advances the development and diversity of Asian queer studies in the post-2020 era. . . . Queer Korea is an illuminating, theoretically robust, and beautifully written scholarly work. . . ."--Jamie J. Zhao "Journal of Asian Studies" (5/17/2021 12:00:00 AM)

"Queer Korea bridges the gap between Korean studies and queer studies by decentering both from their disciplinary limitations--Korean studies from its ethnonationalist and heteronormative assumptions, and queer studies from its focus on identity politics privileging the United States and other Euro-American liberal societies.... Queer Korea is an instant classic...."--So-Rim Lee "Journal of Korean Studies" (3/1/2021 12:00:00 AM)

"The text has something to offer all students of Korean or Asian studies. Above all, this book succeeds in its primary goal of engaging a queer studies audience seeking to understand the crucial context Korea provides as a site of colonial and postcolonial modernity."--S. G. Jug "Choice" (10/1/2020 12:00:00 AM)



"Queer Korea sets a very high standard for future scholarship on Korea that productively engages with queer theory and the globalization of queer studies. With the appearance of this book ... teachers too are now well-positioned to offer courses on the intersections of queer culture and modern Korean history."--Samuel Perry "European Journal of Korean Studies" (10/1/2020 12:00:00 AM)

"A fascinating and pathbreaking work of scholarship that combines historical, social science, and cultural analysis to shatter a host of shibboleths about Korean sexuality and relationships, gives voice to the voiceless, and brings Korean queerness fully into the mainstream of Korean and East Asian studies!"--Carter J. Eckert, author of "Park Chung Hee and Modern Korea: The Roots of Militarism, 1866-1945"

"The contributors elegantly limn the messy boundaries and porous enclosures of the heteronormative and the 'queer', putting into sharp relief the relatively unexplored areas of non-normative Korea. Queer Korea is full of remarkable interventions and exciting possibilities, and its contributors deploy Korean cultural and historical experiences for an energized critique of queer theory."--Martin F. Manalansan IV, author of "Global Divas: Filipino Gay Men in the Diaspora"
About the Author
Todd A. Henry is Associate Professor of History at the University of California, San Diego, and author of Assimilating Seoul: Japanese Rule and the Politics of Public Space in Colonial Korea, 1910-1945.
==



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Queer Korea
(Perverse Modernities)
by Todd A. Henry (Editor), Layoung Shin (Contributor), John Whittier Treat (Goodreads Author) (Contributor), Eno Pei Jean Chen (Contributor), Timothy Gitzen (Contributor), John (Song Pae) Cho (Contributor), Ruin S.M. Pae (Contributor), Shin-ae Ha (Contributor), more…
4.13 · Rating details · 15 ratings · 2 reviews
Since the end of the nineteenth century, the Korean people have faced successive waves of foreign domination, authoritarian regimes, forced dispersal, and divided development. Throughout these turbulent times, “queer” Koreans were ignored, minimized, and erased in narratives of their modern nation, East Asia, and the wider world. This interdisciplinary volume challenges such marginalization through critical analyses of non-normative sexuality and gender variance. Considering both personal and collective forces, contributors extend individualized notions of queer neoliberalism beyond those typically set in Western queer theory. Along the way, they recount a range of illuminating topics, from shamanic rituals during the colonial era and B-grade comedy films under Cold War dictatorship to toxic masculinity in today’s South Korean military and transgender confrontations with the resident registration system. More broadly, Queer Korea offers readers new ways of understanding the limits and possibilities of human liberation under exclusionary conditions of modernity in Asia and beyond. (less)
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saïd
Jan 28, 2022saïd rated it really liked it · review of another edition
Shelves: queer, 2_nonfiction, hangeul
This is an incredibly important volume. Queer studies in South Korea is still a nascent subject, and, although the majority opinion is neutral to positive on queer and LGBT issues, queer South Koreans still face considerable hardships in their day-to-day lives, including a pervasive and persistent narrative, primarily from the country's Protestant population, of erasure that claims queer sexuality either doesn't exist in traditional Korean culture or is a foreign import from the Western world. This is, of course, nonsense; there have been many queer Koreans throughout history, both before and after Confucianism in Korea. (less)
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Etienne RP
Apr 09, 2021Etienne RP rated it really liked it
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South Korea Meets the Queer Nation


On March 3, 2021, Byun Hui-su, South Korea’s first transgender soldier who was discharged from the military the year before for having gender reassignment surgery, was found dead in her home. Her apparent suicide drew media attention to transphobia and homophobia in the army and in South Korean society at large. According to Todd Henry, who edited the volume Queer Korea published by Duke University Press in 2020, “LGBTI South Koreans face innumerable obstacles in a society in which homophobia, transphobia, toxic masculinity, misogyny, and other marginalizing pressures cause an alarmingly high number of queers (and other alienated subjects) to commit suicide or inflict self-harm.” Recently people and organizations claiming LGBT identity and rights have gained increased visibility. The city of Seoul has had a Gay Pride parade since 2000, and in 2014 its mayor Park Won-soon suggested that South Korea become the first country to legalize gay marriage—but conservative politicians as well as some so-called progressives blocked the move, and the mayor committed suicide linked to a #metoo scandal in 2020. Short of same-sex unions, most laws and judicial decisions protecting LGBT rights are already on the books or in jurisprudence, and society has moved towards a more tolerant attitude regarding the issue. Nonetheless, gay and lesbian Koreans still face numerous difficulties at home and work, and many prefer not to reveal their sexual orientation to family, friends or co-workers. Opposition to LGBT rights comes mostly from Christian sectors of the country, especially Protestants, who regularly stage counter-protests to pride parades, carrying signs urging LGBT people to “repent from their sins.” In these conditions, some sexually non-normative subjects eschew visibility and remain closeted, or even give up sexuality and retreat from same-sex communities as a survival strategy.


Queer studies in a Korean context


There is also a dearth of books and articles addressing gay and lesbian cultures or gender variance in South Korean scholarship. Unlike the situation prevailing on North American university campuses, queer studies still haven’t found a place in Korean academia. Students at the most prestigious Korean universities (SNU, Korea University, Yonsei, Ehwa…) have created LGBT student groups and reading circles, but graduate students who specialize in the field face a bleak employment future. Many scholars who contributed to Queer Korea did it from a perch in a foreign university or from tier-two colleges in South Korea. This volume nonetheless demonstrates the vitality of the field and the fecundity of applying a queer studies approach to Korean history and society. The authors do not limit themselves to gay and lesbian studies: a queer perspective also includes cross-gender identification, non-binary identities, and homosocial longings that fall outside the purview of sexuality. Queer theory also takes issue with a normative approach emphasizing political visibility, human rights, and multicultural diversity as the only legitimate forms of collective mobilization. Queer-of-color critiques point out that power dynamics associating race, class, gender expression, sexuality, ability, culture and nationality influence the lived experiences of individuals and groups that hold one or more of these identities. Asian queer studies have shown that tropes of the “closet” and “coming out” may not apply to societies where the heterosexual family and the nation trump the individual and inhibit the expression of homosexuality. In addition, as postcolonial studies remind us, South Korea is heir to a history of colonialism, Cold War, and authoritarianism that has exacerbated the hyper-masculine and androcentric tendencies of the nation.


Some conservatives in South Korea hold the view that “homosexuality doesn’t exist in Korean culture” and that same-sex relations were a foreign import coming from the West (North Koreans apparently share this view.) This is, of course, absurd: although Confucianism repressed same-sex intercourse and limited sexuality to reproductive ends, throughout Korean history some men and women are known to have engaged in homoerotic activity and express their love for a person of the same sex. To limit oneself to the twentieth century, there is a rich archival record relating to same-sex longings and sensuality, cross-gender identification, and non-normative intimacies that the authors of Queer Korea were able to exploit. Homosexuality didn’t have to be invented or imported: it was present all along, albeit in different cultural forms and personal expressions. Close readings of literary texts, research into historical archives, surveys of newspapers and periodicals, visual analysis of movies and pictures, and participatory observation or social activism allow each contributor to produce scholarship on a neglected aspect of Korean history and society. But it is also true that persons that were sexually attracted to the same sex lacked role models or conceptual schemes that would have helped them make sense of their inclination. They were kept “in the dark” about the meaning of homosexuality as anything but a temporary aberrant behavior, a perverted desire that ordinary men “slipped” or “fell into” (ppajida), especially in the absence of female partners. The strong bondings that girls and young women developed in the intimacy of all-female classrooms and dormitories was seen with more leniency, but was considered as a temporary arrangement before they entered adulthood and marriage. As a result of the authoritarian ideology of the family-state, official information about non-normative sexualities such as homosexuality was highly restricted. Many men and women attracted to the same sex were confused and morally torn about their desires.


The elusive Third Miracle of the Han River


An optimistic view alleges that sexual minority rights with follow the path of economic development and democratization, only with some delay. According to this view, the “miracle of the Han river” occurred in three stages. A country totally destroyed by the Korean War transformed itself in less than three decades from a Third World wastebasket to an Asian economic powerhouse, becoming the 12th largest economy in terms of GDP. The second miracle occurred when democratic forces toppled the authoritarian regime and installed civilian rule and democratic accountability. The third transformation may be currently ongoing and refers to the mobilization of civil society to achieve equal rights for all, openness to multiculturalism, and women’s empowerment. But this teleological view neglects the fact that an emerging market economy can always shift to reverse mode: economic crises may sweep away hard-won gains, the rule of law may be compromised by ill-fated politicians, and social mobilizations may face a conservative backlash. This is arguably what is happening in South Korea these days. To limit oneself to sexual minority rights, the current administration has backpedalled on its promise to pass an anti-discrimination law; the legalization of same-sex-marriages still faces strong opposition; and homophobic institutions such as the army or schools fail to provide legal protection for gender-variant or sexually non-normative persons. The failure of LGBT communities to adopt a distinctive gay, lesbian, or trans culture and follow the path of right-based activism should not be seen as an incapacity to challenge the hetero-patriarchal norms of traditional society in favor of a transgressive and non-normative identity politics. As John (Song Pae) Cho notes, “For Korean gay men who had been excluded from the very category of humanity, simply existing as ordinary members of society may be considered the most transgressive act of all.”


The current backlash against homosexuality is not a return to a previous period of sexual repression and self-denial. It is triggered by economic necessity in the face of financial insecurity, labor market flexibility, and a retreating welfare state. John Cho shows that the three phases of male homosexuality within South Korea’s modern history were intrinsically linked to economic development. The “dark period” of South Korea’s homosexuality during the late developmentalist period, from the 1970s to the mid-1990s, was followed by a brief flowering of homosexual communities fueled by the Internet and the growing economy. But this community-building phase was undermined by the family-based restructuring that accompanied South Korea’s transformation into a neoliberal economy. As a response to the IMF crisis of 1997, the Korean state revived the older ideology of “family as nation” and “nation as family.” It used family, employment, and other social benefits to discriminate against non-married members of society and discipline non-normative populations who did not belong to the heterosexual nuclear family. Many single gay men in their thirties and forties were forced to “retreat” and “retire” from homosexuality to focus on self-development and financial security that often took the form of marriage with the opposite sex. Other gay men turned to money as the only form of security in a neoliberal world. In her chapter titled “Avoiding T’ibu (Obvious Butchness)”, Layoung Shin shows that young queer women who used to cultivate a certain masculinity, wearing short hair and young men’s clothing to emulate the look of boy bands’ idols, reverted to a strategy of invisibility and gender conformity to avoid discrimination at school and on the job market. The choice of invisibility is rendered compulsory in the army, where the Korean military even uses “honey traps” on gay dating apps to root out and expel gay military personnel.


Fighting against homophobia and transphobia


In such a context, developing queer studies in South Korea is going against the grain of powerful societal forces, and this may account for the militant tone adopted by many contributors to this volume. John Cho concludes his article on “The Three Faces of South Korea’s Male Homosexuality” by stating that the homophobic backlash is “ushering in a new period of neofascism in Korean history.” Layoung Shin emphasizes that “we cannot blame young queer women’s avoidance of masculinity,” and formulates the hope that “our criticism may offer them the courage to not fear punishment and harassment or bullying at school, which an antidiscrimination bill would remedy.” Timothy Gitzen exposes the “toxic masculinity” of South Korea’s armed forces where, on the basis of an obscure clause in the military penal code, dozens of soldiers who purportedly engage in anal sex are hunted down and imprisoned, even though they met partners during sanctioned periods of leave and in the privacy of off-base facilities. An independent researcher and transgender activist named Ruin, who self-identifies as a “zhe,” shows that bodies that do not conform to strict boundaries between men and women face intense scrutiny and various forms of discrimination, consolidated by institutions and norms such as the first digit in the second part of national ID numbers which are used for all kinds of procedures like getting a mobile phone or registering for employment and social benefits. Zhe claims that “this problem cannot be solved by legal reform; on the contrary, abolishing these legal structures altogether may be a more fundamental and effective solution,” as ID numbers were introduced to exclude and persecute “ppalgaengi” citizens suspected of pro-Communist sympathies during the Korean War. Todd Henry, the volume editor, notes that homophobia and transphobia are not limited to South (and North) Korea and that queer and transgender people in the United States face the added risk of being brutally murdered by gun-toting individuals.


But the most transgressive moves in Queer Korea may be the attempt to reframe history and revisit the literary canon using queer lenses and critical approaches inspired by queer theory. Remember that some conservative critics pontificate that “homosexuality didn’t exist in Korea” before it was introduced from abroad. In a way they are right: the word “same-sex love” (tongsongae) was translated from the Japanese dōseiai and was introduced under colonial modernity at the same time as “romantic love” (yonae) and “free marriage” (chayu kyoron). Colonial society allowed certain groups, such as schoolgirls, to engage in spiritual same-sex love to keep young people away from heterosexual intercourse. Pairs of high school girls formed a bond of sistership (ssisuta) and vowed they would “never marry and instead love each other eternally.” But during this period, “love” had little to do with sexual and romantic desire, and society relied on conjugal and filial conventions that privileged men at the expense of women. High school girls were expected to “graduate” from same-sex love and to serve as “wise mothers and good wives” (hyonmo yangcho). Those who didn’t and who tragically committed double suicides (chongsa) or led their lives as New Women (shin yoja) attracted a great deal of contentious debates and literary attention. Meanwhile, namsaek (“male color”) and tongsongae (homosexuality) between men was medicalized and pathologized as an abnormal behavior discussed along the same lines as rape, bigamy, and sexual perversion (songjok tochak). Whereas male spiritual bonding (tongjong) and physical intimacy known nowadays as skinship were tolerated and even sometimes encouraged, there seems to have emerged a fixation on anal sex (kyegan, “chicken rape”) that is shared today by the military and conservative Christian groups.


Drag queens and cross-dressers


Traditional Korea also had its drag queens and cross-dressers. The male shamans and healers (mugyok, nammu, baksu), female fortunetellers and spiritists (mudang, posal), and the so-called flower boys (hwarang) practiced cross-dressing, sex change, and gender fluidity avant la lettre. Transgendered shamans passed as women by dressing, talking, and behaving as women, while women practitioners of kut ceremonies donned kings’ and warriors’ robes and channelled the voice of male gods and spirits. Despised by traditional Korean society, they formed guilds and associations under Japanese occupation and assimilated with official shinto religion to get political favor. Under their theory of “two peoples, one civilization,” Japanese scholars claimed that Korean shamanism and Japanese Shintō shared a common origin. Meanwhile, well-known historians such as Ch’oe Nam-son and Yi Nung-hwa exploited the precolonial traditions of these marginalized women and men to forge a glorious story of the nation, one that re-centered Korea and Manchuria in a larger continental culture of shamanism... (less)
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Buddhism in the modern world : Saunders, Kenneth J. (Kenneth James), 1883-1937 : Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming : Internet Archive

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Gotama Buddha: A Biography by Kenneth James Saunders | Goodreads

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Gotama Buddha: A Biography (Based on the Canonical Books of the Theravadin)

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ASIN ‏ : ‎ B00NDI0FF6
Publisher ‏ : ‎ HardPress Publishing (20 August 2014)

2022/03/18

Kenneth Saunders

 

The Gospel for Asia

Kenneth Saunders

1928. A study of three religious masterpieces: Gita, Lotus and Fourth Gospel. Contents: historical founder; environment of the three books and their aims; The Eternal Order, Logos, Brahman, Dharma; architecture and analysis of the books; goal in the three books; their ethical heritage; their ethical ideals; their doctrinal heritage and teaching.

the devas - Google Search

the devas - Google Search
A Deva in Buddhism is a type of celestial beings who share the god-like characteristics of being more powerful, longer-lived, and, in general, much happier than humans, although the same level of veneration is not paid to them as to Buddhas. Wikipedia
EnglishDeity
Chinese天人; (Pinyin: tiān rén)
Japanese天; (Rōmaji: ten)
Korean천, 天; (RR: cheon)
===
In Hinduism, Devas are celestial beings associated with various aspects of the cosmos. Devas such as Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva, form the Hindu trinity known as the Trimurthi and preside over the functioning of the cosmos and the evolution of creation.

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