Other
Books written or edited by Sulak Sivaraksa
Seeds ofPeace:A
Buddhist Vision for Renewing Society Siamese Resurgence.-,4 Thai Voice on Asia
in a World of Change A Socially Engaged Buddhism: By a Controversial Siamese
Siam in Crisis ENGAGED Demands
A Buddhist Vision for
Renewing Society: CollectedArticles by a Thai Intellectual BUDDHIST Dissent
Religion and
Development
Radical Conservatism.
Buddhism in the Contemporary World
Search forAsian
Cultural Integrity
Modern Thai Monarchy
and Cultural Politics
Buddhist Perception
for Desirable Societies in the Future
SULAK SIVARAKSA
Foreword by
His Holiness the
Dalai Lama
PARALLAX
PRESS
PARALLAX PRESS
BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA
Other Books written
or edited by Sulak Sivaraksa AUTOBIOGRAPHY
OFAI'J
Seeds ofPeace:A
Buddhist Vision for Renewing Society ENGAGED
Siamese
Resurgence.-,4 Thai Voice on Asia in a World of Change BUDDHIST
A Socially Engaged
Buddhism: By a Controversial Siamese Siam in Crisis
A Buddhist Vision for
Renewing Society: CollectedArticles by a Thai Intellectual
Religion and
Development
Radical Conservatism:
Buddhism in the Contemporary World
SearchforAsian
Cultural Integrity
Modern Thai Monarchy
and Cultural Politics
Buddhist Perception
for Desirable Societies in the Future
Loyalty
demands dissent: autobiography of an engaged Buddhist /
by
Sulak Sivaraksa.
Foreword VII
Editors'Introductjon
Ylil
Acknowledgments XIII
I Early Years 3
2 L?fèasa Novice Monk 16
3 School Days 24
4 An English
Education 30
S Living in London 57
C Back in Siam 72
V' 7 Working with the
Monks 07
1"J Forging
Relations 93
Clashes 101
Organizing 100
Getting Married 121
Political Unrest 134
In Exile 141
Back to Work 152
Interfaith
Connections 159
16 Lèse-majesté 165
17 Traveling 174
71 More Organizing 191
,19 Lèse-majesteAgain
192
20
SeekingAlternatives 207
21 Reflections 211
APPENDICES
APPENDIX I Siamese
Calendar 217
APPENDIX 2 Siamese
Government 210
APPENDIX 3 Regression
ofDemocracy in Siam 221
Ch2 LIFE
AS A NOVICE MONK 117
I'd always found
school oppressive. We were supposed to be on time
to line up and salute
the flag. The teachers never smiled, and I nat-
urally wanted to
outsmart them. If they asked me to write from A to Z for homework, I just wrote
"A to Z." At the Christian schools, they taught that Christ was the
Lamb of God, but I'd never seen a lamb, and it didn't mean much to me. I didnt
mind making friends, but the kids my age liked going to the movies, reading
comics, and other things I didn't particularly care for. I felt different. I
liked traditional music, dance, drama, and going to the temples to listen to
sermons. I liked being with older people; I could sit and listen to them for
hours.
Being in the
monastery was the first time I really enjoyed life. Once you were ordained as a
novice, a samanera, you were treated as an adult. In our culture, different
pronouns are used when talking to children. Kids are looked down upon. But when
I was ordained, although I was only twelve years old, twenty-five and
thirty-year-old monks used adult pronouns when they spoke to me. My master,
Phra Bhadramuni, had a strong influence on me. He was a great astrologer, and
his life was kindness itself. He was sometimes very stern to the other
students, but he was always kind to me. When I was a novice, I used to go and
massage him, and he would teach me. He told me that I must always do my best
and not settle for anything mediocre. Instead of seeking fame and riches, I
should
16
My teacher Phra
Bhadramuni
As novice monks (I'm in the center)
strive for
excellency. Other monks in the temple were also important influences on my
life. I loved the whole monastic atmosphere.
The temple gave me
liberty. I could study whatever I wanted, and I became addicted to reading.
Before, because I had been forced to read, I never got into it. But at the
temple I would pick out books, even large volumes, and read them from cover to
cover. I read all kinds of books—religion, history, literature. I've loved
books ever since. I also became interested in traditional medicine,
fortune-telling, and arts and crafts, which at school we'd been told were
old-fashioned. I learned to meditate from a lay teacher who was well known for
his insight-meditation technique.
As a novice you have
to be observant. I was very good in this way, and my teacher gave me the sort of
acknowledgment I never got at school. At school, if you learn your lessons by
rote, you are considered capable. But in the temple you have to observe
ceremonies and other monks' behavior in order to learn. You must be attuned to
your own culture. Most of my contemporaries stayed at the temple for only a few
months. They found the life too antiquated, but I felt like a fish in water. I
wanted to stay for good. In school I never got to the top of the class, but at
the temple my teacher felt that I was smart. I was the only one who dared to
ask the abbot questions. In our culture, children and even grown-ups are not
encouraged to ask questions, especially of an abbot. The abbot looked very
formal and severe, but I asked him all kinds of questions, and he liked that,
too.
Although I was the
youngest, the superior of my house felt that I was special, and of course I
liked that. In our temple, Wat Thong-
18 I LOYALTY DEMANDS
DISSENT LIFE AS A NOVICE MONK 19
nopphakhun, there
were thirteen houses, each headed by a superior, with five or ten monks, as
well as novices and lay attendants. Our superior, Phra Bhadramuni, later became
the abbot. When he was ill and had to go to the hospital, he gave the house key
to me. I was twelve years old and in charge. I got senior monks to help, and
together we had the house properly cleaned and everything carefully arranged.
When he returned from the hospital, my master was very pleased that I had done
as he would have wished.
At home, my father
had treated me specially, and I was spoiled. He always felt a little guilty;
that I was like an orphan because my mother had walked out on him. We slept in
the same bed, and he told me tales. I enjoyed his company, but I treated other people
badly. I never made my bed. I demanded whatever sort of food I wanted. My
father would consult with me and tell the cook what I wanted. If the rice was
too hard, I would complain and not eat it. If it was too soft, I wouldn't eat
it either. I was a terror. At the temple, there were no servants. I had to make
my own bed, wash my own dishes and clothes, and go out to beg for alms every
morning. The culture of the temple was wonderful, and we were very proud to
follow the rules established by the Buddha. Everyone was equal. Even my master
washed his own dishes.
I attuned myself to
the temple's system, but I also rebelled. Every morning and evening we were
supposed to go to the consecrated assembly hall for prayers and meditation. One
morning when we went, the hall was locked. The monk who was secretary of the
temple wasn't there to unlock it. Nobody complained openly, but they gossiped
about him. So I complained openly. I even wrote notices and posted them on the
temple—that this monk was no good, that he was corrupt. He was furious. I was a
troublemaker.
This life was
Buddhism with a capital "B." I began to understand the distinction
between Buddhism for educated people and popular Buddhism. I learned that a
spirit house, which is said to house the guardian spirit of every household, is
not quite Buddhism. In the temple, we are supposed to preserve the pristine
teachings of the Buddha. Of course, some monks also become astrologers and so
on—not for pay, just to help people. Buddhism and culture are intertwined.
During the Second
World War there was bombing all around the temple because of the Japanese
factory next door. Fortunately, bombs never hit the temple, but it was
dangerous. The abbot asked us, "Since there's bombing here, would you like
to leave?" One monk said he wasn't sure. Another lay attendant said he
might leave. The abbot asked me, and I said, "Wherever the master is, I'll
go along with him." He was pleased with my answer, but still decided that
I should evacuate first. He felt that the children should be safe, and he would
follow later. We moved about eight miles from our temple. In those days we had
to go by rowboat, and it seemed far away. Although this temple was just on the
outskirts of Bangkok, it was quite rural. The people were very devout. When we
went out for alms, they offered a lot of food. It was a different atmosphere.
On the full moon, new moon, and half moon, we walked all the way back to our
temple in the city to perform the ceremonies.
I came from an
upper-middle-class family and had only known people from that class. At the
temple I met people of all classes. Because Phra Bhadramuni was a well-known
astrologer, all kinds of people came to see him: princes, nobles, merchants,
rich, and poor. Although he treated them each according to their rank, he was
very polite and kind to everyone. At the end of the war, King Ananda Mahidol
returned from Switzerland, where he was educated. There were big ceremonies and
great joy. My teacher was invited to arrange the flowers for the altar in front
of one of the large Buddha images at Bangkok's Marble Temple, and he invited me
to help him. The king walked by to pay his respects. Had I not been a monk, I
would never have seen the king face to face like that. When you became a
Wat Thongnopphakhun school,
built by and named after my great-aunt Lom Hemajayati
20 LOYALTY DEMANDS DISSENT LIFE AS A NOVICE MONK 121
monk, all social
barriers were removed. I felt that I could go anywhere. I've felt very close to
the monkhood ever since.
In the early morning,
as soon as there was enough light to see the lines on the palms of our hands,
we went out to beg for almsfood, sometimes walking together in a long line,
sometimes walking alone or with a senior monk. There were many people offering
food then. Traditionally, the monks would eat together first, the novices would
eat after, and the boys who looked after the temple would eat last. We had
prayers and chants to promote mindfulness about the simple acts of daily life.
At mealtimes, we cultivated the awareness that meals are only to prevent hunger
from arising and to keep the body strong. The monks recited this in Pali at
every meal. Every time monks put on their robes, they recited "These robes
are not put on for beauty but to protect us from cold, heat, and insects. Do
not be attached to the robes." When going to sleep, the monks recited,
"This is our house. It is only temporary, just to protect us from cold,
wind, and rain. Do not be attached to its beauty." When taking medicine:
"It is only to keep us well so we may help others." Food, clothing,
shelter, and medicine—these are known as the four requisites.
When we finished our
meal, we would express our gratitude to all who offered food to help us
survive. In turn, we would help them by offering the teaching, the Dhamma. If
we didn't offer the Dhamma or if we misbehaved, we would be considered thieves,
and our food would burn like hot iron in our throats. But the merit of giving
and receiving was not just for ourselves. It was shared among all beings,
living and dead. Following the morning meal, we had prayers in Pali, taking
refuge in the Buddha, the Dhamma, and the Sangha. Then we would recite other
verses from the scriptures. Afterwards, we had sitting meditation. The novices
did cleaning work for a short time before the day's last meal at eleven in the
morning. Sometimes the monks were invited out. Since my master was well-known,
many people came to offer food at lunchtime. All of us at the temple benefited
from this, so that despite the war, we were not starving. After lunch, there
was a little time to rest. Then we had formal teaching. For several hours we
studied the life of the Buddha, Buddhist history, the discipline (vinaya), and
the discourses (suttas).
Pleasures of the
Rains Retreat
For the three months
of the rainy season, monks don't travel. This is called the Rains Retreat.
Throughout most of the year monks are encouraged to travel freely and to
propagate the teachings. Traditionally, monks walk everywhere, but in the rainy
season they might step on and harm the sprouting plants, so from July through
September we were not allowed to travel or to spend the night outside the
temple without special dispensation. And so, during the rains, all the monks
would assemble, and many laypeople would also come to the temple for the
preaching and ceremonies each night. Young men were often ordained while the
best teachers were in residence. The Rains Retreat is also called the Buddhist
Lent, because some laypeople would give up smoking, drinking, rude speech, fishing,
and so on for this time. Others would vow to do good things. It was a good
opportunity to practice Buddhism, to be mindful.
During the Rains
Retreat, we had a sermon every night. Usually we heard Jataka Tales of the
Buddha's earlier lives. In Buddhism you are not required to believe in previous
lives if you dont think it's helpful to you, but the stories are still
wonderful. Our culture is an oral tradition, and many people came to
listen—mostly older women and young people.
There was no
television in those days, but we had this preaching.
I went to listen to
sermons every night in the sala, the preaching hall. This is how I came to know
Buddhist culture at its best. There was
a nun, about eighty
years old, wearing white, who noticed me. She
said, "It's wonderful
how this twelve-year-old boy comes to listen every night. At the end of the
Rains Retreat we must invite him to preach." She proposed it to all the
ladies, and they accepted. The abbot said, "Okay, give it a try, but you
have to learn to sing and chant." So they gave me a small part in the
story of the Buddha's next-to-last life as Prince Vessantara, one suitable for
a young novice. I had to recite the verses telling how beautiful the forest
was, what kinds of animals and plants lived there. I learned all about ecology
and even some tricks to train the voice, like swallowing a whole boiled egg.
That year I collected
more money than any other preacher, not because of my ability—to be honest I
chanted very badly—but because
LOYALTY DEMANDS
DISSENT
I was so young. Most
boys my age hardly read, much less preached to the public. They had to carry me
up to the high pulpit. People offered all kinds of delicious fruit—bananas,
pomeloes, oranges, coconuts.
The end of the Rains
Retreat is followed by the Kathina ceremony. The village offers robes to the
whole community of monks. They offer other things as well and make donations to
repair monastery buildings. Often two villages would collaborate.
The monks go their
own separate ways at the end of the Rains Retreat. Those still in the temple on
the last day perform a ceremony known as Pavarana. Once a year, each monk must
come forward in order of seniority—beginning with whoever was ordained first,
not by age or rank—to request of the whole assembly: "Out of pity for me,
out of your generosity and kindness, if you have heard, or seen, or suspected
that I have done anything wrong, please speak so that I will have an
opportunity to change and behave properly." This was a helpful ceremony
for me. I have used it in some of our groups: "Please tell us what we have
done wrong so we can change." In the temples today, this sincere request
is often just a formality. The same with the Kathina. Now the abbot usually
receives the robes instead of the monks who are most skillful or whose robes
are in rags. The Pali Canon spells out the meaning of these ceremonies very
clearly, and it is wonderful when we can create the essence from the form.
Unfortunately, they are now often performed as empty rituals.
When schools reopened
in 1945 after the war, my brother left the temple. I stayed for one more year
even though my father wanted me to come home. I had needed his permission to be
ordained and leave home, but once one joins the monkhood, nobody can ask you to
leave unless you are expelled. I enjoyed life at the temple so much that I
didn't want to leave. I hated the thought of going back to school, wearing
shorts, and being treated like a child. My father said, "I have land for
you; I will build you a house." He would invite me every evening to see
the house being built. But I was not interested in houses. I was interested
only in the monkhood.
British troops came
to Bangkok after the Japanese. There were also lots of Indians and Pakistanis,
British and Dutch. There were bars for the foreign troops, and outside the bars
were noodle shops
LIFE AS A NOVICE MONK
23
for the taxi drivers
and chauffeurs who drove the officers. Each evening I had to walk back to my
temple past these shops. I had never been especially interested in food before,
but now it smelled so good. I began to think, "Perhaps going back to
school and my family might not be too bad after all."
My father continued
his pleas: "What happens if you want to leave the monkhood at the age of
twenty or twenty-five? What will you do for a living? In this competitive
world, you need to have some skills. By the time you are twenty, I may be gone.
Who will support you? After your education, if you want to rejoin the monkhood,
I won't object." Finally I agreed. I left the temple and returned home to
be with my father in the house he had built for me.
22
Our house on the
Bangrak Canal
86 LOYALTY DEMANDS DISSENT CHAPTER
in that style all the
time. I was more or less his unofficial secretary. He asked me to do some
writing for him. I would type things and send them to him to be edited.
Though Prince Damrong
died before I ever met him, he had twenty-five children by his eight wives, and
I had come to know his eldest daughter, Princess Jongjit, quite well, partly
through having published their correspondence. She was a woman of great
character. She was also a great cook. She invited me to have lunch with her
every Sunday, and I would bring along various friends—English, American, anyone
else. The only condition was that we enjoy her food. She was almost eighty at
that time. While we ate, she would talk about King Chulalongkorn and his
various queens, her father, the good old days, and life in the palaces.
Princess Jongjit's sister, Princess Poon, later complained that her sister
should not have told
me all the family
secrets. Princess Jongjit told me everything she
was very honest and sincere, and she trusted
me. At first I thought I would write about all this, but she trusted me so much
that I found it hard to write. I had become one of the family.
Ch7
Working with the Monks
During this period I
started working with the monks, aiming to make them more aware of social
issues, conservation, and peace. These included such radical monks as
Buddhadasa Bhikkhu and Bhikkhu P. A. Payutto. The Sangha was acquiring a more
visibly active role in the contemporary world. This work began in 1962, in
collaboration with Don Sweetbaum, a Peace Corps teacher at Mahachula-longkorn
Buddhist University in Bangkok I presented his idea to the Asia Foundation for
a training program to make monks more aware of social issues. But the Asia
Foundation had no money and recommended another foundation. I suspected it was
a CIA foundation but didn't know for sure. They gave us a lot of money to train
student monks up and down the country in social work We also invited monks to
attend courses at the university dealing with social injustice. The monks asked
me, "Is this CIA money?" I said, "I have no idea, but even if it
is CIA money, it doesn't matter, because we are left to do whatever we
want." Eventually, it was revealed to be CIA money.
There was a lot of
communist activity in the countryside, so I described Buddhism as the only
safeguard against communism. With this language, we got support even from the
supreme commander of the armed forces, General Saiyud Kerdphol, who was in
charge of the anticommunism unit. He was the most enlightened of all the
generals. When I wanted to take our donors from America to visit the young
graduates in the remote provinces, the army provided us with a helicopter. They
sent one colonel along with us, and as we talked, he became convinced of the
value of our work. He said, "You know, we've been fighting the Communists
and spend too much money on weapons; instead, at least a percentage of that
money should be given to you to help these monks. It would be much more
effective." Later on, I got money from the government to support the monks.
I was very ambitious.
I wanted all the monks to be concerned about
conservation, peace,
and society. I felt we should teach them at the universities where they
studied. I didn't want the training to be limited only to Mahachulalongkorn
Buddhist University but to include Mahamakut University, belonging to a second
Buddhist sect. The first time we sent the monks up to the northeast, those from
both sects stayed in one temple together. They became very friendly and began
to trust each other. Although these two Buddhist universities were teaching
modern subjects, I thought they were too big and too much in imitation of
secular institutions. I wanted to start a new college at our Wat
Thongnopphakhun to teach Buddhist philosophy, Sanskrit, and Pall. We would
study Mahayana Buddhism, integrate meditation with education, and help with
social awareness.
A bright, young
novice named Sathirapong Wannapok came to our temple. He was the first novice
to complete the grade-nine Pali examination during the reign of the present
king. Since 1782, only two novices before him had done so, and both eventually
became Sangharaja, supreme patriarch. Grade nine is a kind of doctorate. I
talked to the abbot of my temple, a great Pali scholar himself, and told him
that this novice was very bright, and that we should send him abroad to study
Sanskrit and get a college education in England. I argued that our monasteries
had to become more modern, and our monks needed to understand the West. We
can't keep Buddhism as it is. It has to change to meet the modern world. Young
monks should be encouraged to study abroad. Perhaps Sathirapong can help reform
the system of education and make the Sangha more active in the contemporary
world. The abbot agreed, and a friend of mine secured him
a place at Trinity
College, Cambridge. Sathirapong became the first Siamese monk to study in
Cambridge, get his degree, and return
home. I told him I
wanted him to help teach at our temple, but he wanted to disrobe and get
married. He became a lay professor at a university in Siam and a fairly
well-known journalist. He was also appointed a royal academician.
Buddhadasa Bhikkhu
At that time,
Buddhadasa Bhikkhu was the most important Buddhist thinker in Siam. I had read
some of his work as a student, but he was too advanced and radical for me since
I had been brought up con-
WORKING WITH THE
MONKS 189
servatively and my
temple was conservative. Buddhadasa was very
pro-democracy. He
wanted to rewrite the history of the Buddha without using royal language. That
was very progressive for the time, and
for me. He shocked a
lot of people. He was the first monk to stand
up at a podium and
use his hands when he lectured. Traditionally, monks must sit down and preach
quietly without emotion. They must
not try to convince
people by arguments or actions but merely make the teachings available for
people to take as they wish. That is the form, and I was very much for form and
formality.
One of Buddhadasa
Bhikkhu's lectures was a real bombshell. He said that the Buddha image could be
a hindrance to the Path, to the
Buddhadhamma, because
a lot of people become attached to the
image. He said that
the Buddha discouraged images. During the time of the Buddha, there were no
images at all. Images came much later,
from the Greeks. To
provoke people, he said that if he had absolute power, he would order all
images dumped into the river! I became upset because in our temple we paid
respect to the images every morning. A lot of people were attacking Buddhadasa
Bhikkhu, and I did-nt like him either.
After my return from
England, when I was more mature, I began reading his books in a new light. His
most important book was
Following the
Footsteps of the Buddha. It was very sensible and taught
me a great deal. I
went to visit him at Suan Mokkhabalarama, the Garden of Liberation. I was just
starting the Social Science Review
and was surprised to
find that Buddhadasa Bhikkhu had read my magazine. By that time he was a very
well-known and controversial monk, but he treated me as an equal. He gave me a
good interview, and we had a long chat. I barely knew him, but he invited me to
go with him to visit all the islands as a kind of pilgrimage. I thought he was
an intellectual and provocative monk, but when I followed him, I found him to
be very humble. He prostrated at all the images and said that the Buddha image
could also be a help if you paid respect not to the image but to the Buddha. He
also paid respect to the senior country monks, some of whom were illiterate,
prostrating to them as if he were prostrating to the Buddha image. He explained
to me that he did not prostrate to a monk as a man but as a representative of
the Sangha.
We traveled with
Khantipalo, the English monk whom I had been responsible for getting from India
to Bangkok. I was asked to be the interpreter. Buddhadasa encouraged the
English monk to speak, despite the fact that Buddhadasa himself was much more
senior and all the people had really come to listen to him. He even allowed me
to speak. He allowed everyone to participate. We went by steamer, and people
came out in canoes when they saw him. it was wonderful traveling with a famous
monk. Everywhere we went there was a beautiful reception. People came offering
food and fruit, and he would preach to them. He ate only one meal a day, of
course, and he ate very little, so we ate what was left over.
Buddhadasa Bhikkhu's
books, writings, and thinking became a great inspiration for me, in particular
his book on Dhammic socialism. He found socialism and even communism in Buddhist
teachings. Sangha means commune or community. The monks do not own anything
except one alms bowl, three robes, and one needle and thread. The rest they own
jointly, or it belongs to the community. I think if we used this model for
laypeople, it would be something wonderful.
Bhikkhu I? A. Pay
utto
Although my abbot had
been disappointed in Sathirapong, his adopted son who left the order, another
monk, Bhikkhu P. A. Payutto, became the second novice in the present reign to
reach grade nine in Pali before his higher ordination. This monk was very
humble. At the early age of twenty-five, he became deputy secretary general of
Mahachulalongkorn Buddhist University. He more or less ran it. I
WORKING WITH THE
MONKS 91
worked closely with
him from the time he was a newly ordained monk He was very active at the
university, and I realized he was very talented. I told him not to spend his
time on administration but to do more creative work. Buddhadasa was then the
only one doing creative work in Buddhism, and we needed more young monks to
capture the minds of the younger generation.
In the sixties,
Buddhadasa Bhikkhu had come to debate with the well-known writer Kukrit Pramoj.
Kukrit said that Buddhist thought is a good way to cultivate personal
happiness, but to develop the country, there must be greed. "Greed is a
wonderful ingredient in development. In Buddhism, you say greed is bad; that is
okay for monks. But in lay society, I want my bank to be bigger, my salary to
be higher." They debated. Although Buddhadasa was very good, he could not
outdo the wit of Kukrit, who was much more versatile. But in the seventies,
this young monk Bhikkhu Payutto was even sharper than Buddhadasa, in a humble
way. His remarks stirred everyone up. He used Buddhist terms to help us understand
things properly. In response to a book on development by American scholars
condemning Buddhism's attitude, he pointed out that they ignored the
destruction that development caused to the environment. He was very eloquent,
very scholarly.
In 1974 as part of
Prince Wan's eightieth birthday celebration, we asked people to write articles
for a book to be published in his honor. Bhikkhu Payutto wrote an article on
Buddhadhamma. It was the best of them all, and we invited him to give a lecture
at Thammasat University. His lecture captured the essence of the Buddha's
teaching and captivated the whole audience. His article was translated into
English and later expanded to ten times its original length. It could be
considered the whole corpus on Theravada Buddhism. It is very scholarly and
convincing, written in beautiful language. Since then Bhikkhu Payutto has
become a great Buddhist writer and inspiration to many people. Years later,
when I was working to organize monks around environmental and social issues, I
asked him to name our group. He chose Sekhiyadhamma, meaning "to make the
teachings of the Buddha relevant for the modern world." I got most of my
own ideas from him and Buddhadasa.
90
With Buddhadasa
Bhikkhu in 1991
92 1 LOYALTY DEMANDS
DISSENT
Abbot Dhammacetiya
I worked with the
monks via Mahachulalongkorn Buddhist University all through the 196os when
Bhikkhu Payutto was in charge, but I switched when he left the university. Phra
Dhammacetiya, the abbot of Wat Thongnopphakhun, which my family has supported
for five generations, was promoted to ecclesiastical governor of the Thonburi
Sangha across the river from Bangkok. I followed him, moving from an academic
involvement to a more practical involvement. Teaching at the university was
mainly theoretical and had no real power to direct the monkhood. The abbot, in
his new position, had the authority to tell the monks what to do.
I began working
closely with the abbot, acting more or less as his lay secretary. I gave him a
lot of ideas about administration. I told him we must look after the art in all
the temples; we must use our money wisely and keep a record of our expenses; we
must preserve the buildings, and any new buildings should have his approval;
and we must train the monks to be aware of social issues. Monks must understand
larger social issues and be involved in society. We were no longer living in
villages. He agreed, so we formed lay and monks' committees that were very
effective.
The 1971 coup
consolidated Thonburi and Bangkok into one big city, and the abbot lost his
position. He was asked to become governor general of the fourth region in the
center of the country. The patriarch of the entire northern region also wanted
him in charge of training and educating monks throughout this area. The abbot
asked me if he should accept. I said yes, and against the advice of many other
people, he did. I got money from a Christian foundation from Germany, Bread for
the World, to support his work on conservation within the Buddhist Sangha. The
Sangha had no conservation policy. The monks were not proud of their temples.
They liked building new ones. I felt we had to teach them about architecture,
art histo-
ry, and preservation.
We became very active. The abbot's work as a scholar and administrator was very
much appreciated. Unfortunately, he worked very hard—unlike most monks—and died
when he was only about seventy-one. I worked with the Sangha until his death in
'979.
Ch8
Forging Relations
It was the 1960s. My country was being
used as a base for doing
great harm in the name of
anticommunism. But I came from a mid-
dle-class background and could afford
to keep my mouth shut and be happy while other people were suffering. In fact,
British Quakers in my country had wanted me to demonstrate against the American
bases, but when I consulted my Buddhist advisor, the English monk Pannavaddho,
he said, "Sulak, if you take Buddhism seriously, don't get involved with
these people. We Buddhists should calm ourselves." So I didn't get
involved. But my Buddha-nature eventually made me feel that I must do
something. Communists are also human beings. I realized that for Buddhists
simply to keep themselves at peace within was not sufficient.
American Friends Service Committee
Through meetings hosted by the
American Friends Service Committee (AFsc), I became exposed to the political
issues. I got involved with the AFSC through Russell Johnson, who was running
their South Asian office in India. Their idea was to arrange seminars and workshops
to raise people's consciousness about peace and social justice issues in order
to cooperate internationally. He himself was not a Quaker but an outspoken
Christian minister from New England—very pro-Mao Tse-tung. The East Asian
office was run by Dewitt Barnett, a prominent Quaker, the child of missionaries
to China. He had a small office in Tokyo but no knowledge of Southeast Asia.
His first job in our region was to call a meeting in the Philippines. It took
place in 1966, and I was the new man from Siam.
The purpose of the seminar was
regional collaboration. We met in Manila but stayed in the countryside at the
headquarters of the Philippine Rural Reconstruction Movement (PRRM). (The Thai
Rural
93
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Reconstruction
Movement was later modeled after this group.) The governor of the province was
Benigno Aquino. He came to talk to us, and I found that the Philippine and Thai
systems were entirely different. A Thai governor behaves very properly and
speaks carefully but without much substance. He has to wear a necktie and
jacket or a uniform like Western colonial administrators in our neighboring
countries. By contrast, Mr. Aquino was very American and very informal. He
would challenge the presenters and wore just a shirt. He and another man we met
both said they aspired to become president. I was quite surprised. "Good
lord, I have met two persons aspiring to become president!" In our country
nobody aspired to become prime minister----or if someone did, one kept one's
mouth shut.
Although this was not
my first time in the Philippines, it was the first time I went to the rural
areas and really got to meet the Filipino people. Before the war, the
Philippines was a model for democracy and higher education, a kind of window
display for American activity in Asia. The Americans treated their former
colony very well. We used to send our sons to be educated in the Philippines if
we could not afford to send them to Europe or America. But by the time I went
there in the middle sixties I was shocked. I went to Forbes Park where the
superrich live. They had their own guards on big estates, their own islands,
their own troops, their own private yachts. And then there were the slums. The
gap between the rich and the poor was so great. My main fear was that my
country would follow that model. At that time we had no big gap between the
rich and the poor, and not even the king had a private yacht. We had no
absentee landlords. Unfortunately, within thirty years we have become just like
the Philippines.
The AFSC tended to go
out of their way to develop leaders from various walks of life through their
seminars or youth training camps. Many of the people who attended the meetings
eventually became recognized leaders in their own countries. I met quite a few
future leaders from Siam and other countries at this meeting. I also met former
President Magapagal at his official residence, the Malaganyang.
After our meeting in
the Philippines, the AFSC organized another meeting in Japan. It was at this
meeting that I became seriously committed regarding the Vietnam War. I was
already working to pre serve our culture and environment—to keep the American
troops from destroying our culture and creating more prostitution—but I had not
been very aware of the political issues because I tried to keep myself from
getting involved in politics. Not any longer.
The SoutheastAsian
Intellectual Exchange Program
Japan was now a
nouveau riche country. They wanted to show off their riches and establish a relationship
with other countries, including Southeast Asia. The International House ofJapan
was formed to promote internationalism and end their insularity, which America
felt had been a factor in the Second World War. A year after the AFSC meeting
on Vietnam, International House invited me to Japan as a cultural
representative for their Southeast Asian Intellectual Exchange Program.
International House had a good library on Japanese culture and history for
foreign visitors, as well as accommodations and wonderful Japanese gardens in
the heart of Tokyo. I stayed in Japan for a month. I wanted to know about
Japanese Buddhism, so I was taken to Mt. Koya, the sacred place of the Shingon
sect. I also stayed at a Zen temple. It was interesting culturally, although I
was disappointed not to meet a practicing Zen master.
During my stay at
International House, the Quakers were holding their own meetings on China. They
didn't invite me since I knew nothing about China, but I invited myself. I
found out about the situation in China. Although we didn't meet any Chinese, we
talked with people who had just come back from China. They gave us firsthand
reports. It was the height of the Cultural Revolution. At that time I was
publishing the Social Science Review, so when I got back to Siam, I wrote an
article arguing that we must recognize China. We should not simply follow the
Americans. Of course, we should keep China—and the Americans—at arm's length.
This was very controversial because we could not even import shirts, let alone
books, from China. Many of those who went to China in the fifties had been
arrested and were still in jail. People said I was very brave to write what I
did because I could have been put in jail for it even though I was known as a
royalist and anticommunist.
On my way home from
Japan, I stopped in Hong Kong for the International Press Institute (ipi)
meeting. I had been elected a mem-
96
LOYALTY DEMANDS
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FORGING RELATIONS 97
her. The IPI,
headquartered in Zurich, was supposed to be the guiding light of the free
world, promoting freedom of speech and freedom of the press. They wanted to
help the Thai people by training our journalists to present news in depth and
commit themselves to freedom and liberty. They felt we needed an Asian who
wrote well and had worked his way up from nowhere, so in 1965, they sent us
Victor Anant, an Indian. He had gone to London as a- boy and worked his way up
from porter at the British Railways to office boy in Fleet Street and later
columnist with the Daily Telegraph. When Anant came to Bangkok, he asked me to
be his interpreter, and through him I came to know many more journalists.
In those days, to be
elected a member of the IPI was very prestigious. Many Thai journalists were
jealous of me because in their eyes I was not even a journalist; I was only a
journal editor. I was elected partly because my magazine stood for what the
international press stood for— freedom of expression. Most of the Thai
newspapers of that time simply went along with the government, which was
understandable because we had a dictatorship.
I wrote a book on my
trip to Japan named after the Japanese classic, A Pillow Book. I continued
working with the International House of Japan and the Quakers. In fact, many
Japanese working against the Vietnam War eventually became my friends. They
worked on various peace projects and later protested Japan's exportation of
toxic waste to our part of the world. They also worked against the building of
Narita Airport and to preserve the tram in Kyoto. I often joined them. I even
bought land symbolically. Somçof my friends asked, "Why do you interfere
with other countries?" I said, "Some issues are universal. Trams
should be preserved everywhere."
Cultural Relations
for the Future
At the meeting in
Japan in 1970, I met a young assistant in the AFSC named Brewster Grace. He
came from a distinguished Quaker family in Philadelphia. He was selected to
open a new AFSC office in Singapore. He consulted me about having seminars in
my country and in other countries in Southeast Asia. We became good friends and
were quite active. He was also selected to attend a meeting in New York called
"Cultural Relations for the Future," funded by the
Edward Hazen
Foundation. Paul Braisted of the Foundation felt that since the Americans had
been all over the world educating people to develop according to the American
model, it should be a two-way street. Americans should be educated by others.
A very important man
at that meeting was Soedjatmoko, then the Indonesian ambassador to the U.S. He
was one of the best Southeast Asian intellectuals I had come across.
Soedjatmoko said, "You Americans have wonderful ideas, but you always
think of America as being at the center. Why don't you think globally? Why
don't you let other people think for themselves? You have the money. Set up
five or six committees in different parts of the world. Ask them to meet among
themselves and find out what they would like to do in their own regions, and
then vis-a-vis the Americans, the Europeans, and other regions." His idea
was adopted, and they set up six committees: in Southeast Asia, India, Japan,
the Middle East, the U.S., and Africa. Brewster Grace represented Southeast
Asia, and he proposed my name to lead the committee. Although I was fairly
unknown at the time, I became chairman of the Southeast Asian study group on
Cultural Relations for the Future.
With the Cultural
Relations for the Future committee, I could now conduct my own seminars. Our
first meeting was in Singapore in 1970- I felt that the Southeast Asian group
must not be limited to the countries in the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN), the successor to SEATO—Siam, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia,
the Philippines, and later Brunei. I said we needed to try to bring in Laos,
Burma, Cambodia, and Vietnam. (Later, Laos, Burma, and Vietnam joined ASEAN.) I
managed to get some Vietnamese, and I went to Phnom Penh to get a former
minister whom I had met in Manila. The idea was first of all to get to know
each other within our region. We would try to understand our own cultural
identity and think about our cultural relations. Nobody else was interested in
these things. The military was interested only in power, and businesses only in
money. Secondly, we wanted to understand our relationships vis-a-vis the other
groups. We met and made an agenda for the next two years, including what we
ought to learn from each other and where and when our next meeting would be.
The Hazen Foundation
gave me a small amount of money to tray-
88 1 LOYALTY DEMANDS
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FORGING RELATIONS
99
el around that part
of the world in the Quaker manner—no per diem, only airfare and expenses. We
met every nine months in a different place. We had local hosts to look after
us. At the end of two years, all the chairmen of the six groups met at the
Villa Serbelloni in Bellagio, Italy, to compare notes and talk about what we
should do in the future. Out of these meetings we produced two books. One had
the very ambitious title Reconstituting Human Society. This was published by
the Hazen Foundation and distributed free of charge to U.S. organizations and
various foundations. Later on, we produced Questioning Development in
SoutheastAsia. As far as I was concerned, it had been wonderful to get to know
my region of the world. I now had many good friends from each country. I got to
know all sorts of people involved in alternative development and alternative
education with many different religious and cultural backgrounds. With some I
still keep in touch.
After a few years,
the foundation money ran out. The study group wanted to stay together and carry
on even though the Americans would no longer support us. We decided we had to
link with another study group and contacted the Japanese. The chairman's
assistant, Mr. Yoshiyuki Tsurumi at the International House ofJapan, was my
good friend. He secured some money from the International House to keep us
going. The Southeast Asian group and the Japanese group kept meeting every
year. I did not want to be the perpetual chairman, so I asked my friend William
Lim from Singapore to succeed me. He is a well-known architect and intellectual
in Singapore. He was succeeded by Randy David, a young, very articulate
Filipino who ran the Third World Study Center at the University of the
Philippines. Unfortunately, he got very involved in other work, and the study
group is now more or less defunct. I feel sorry about this; however, everything
that grows will eventually die.
The PacficAshram
My role in Southeast
Asia did not end with the Cultural Relations for the Future study group.
Brewster Grace, after leaving the AFSC, became the Southeast Asian
representative of the American University Field Staff (AUFS). AUFS is a
consortium of American universities interested in worldwide exchange. He made
arrangements for stu-
dents who wanted to
study in the region. His predecessor in the AUFS felt that when American
students came to Asia, they should also study the spiritual tradition. When
Brewster took over, he was in charge of implementing these ideas.
A meeting was called
by the AUFS in Singapore. The upshot of the meeting was that the group would
get a small sum of money from
the Danforth
Foundation in the U.S. to collaborate with the AUFS to create what they called
a "Pacific Ashram." The idea was to experiment with young people
living together for three to four weeks to share spiritual traditions. If they
were to be our future leaders, they should get to know each other beyond a
purely intellectual encounter. Whereas our Cultural Relations for the Future
was more or less a forum for intellectuals in their late thirties and forties
who were already fairly well-known in their countries, this program was for
youth under thirty. I was just giving up the chairmanship of the Southeast
Asian study group on Cultural Relations for the Future and was asked to become
the secretary of this project. There was no pay involved, but AUFS would take
care of all my travel expenses. I accepted the challenge. It was 1973.
Being Thai, I did not
want to hold the first Pacific Ashram in my own country. We found a beautiful
site at Kuala Dungun on the east coast of Malaysia. At that time there were no
tourists, and it was quite undeveloped. We used a small hotel—not ideal for our
ashram—but there were also bungalows and campsites. We were there for three
weeks in 1974. As chairman of Cultural Relations for the Future for the last
four years, I had been exposed to a lot of people. We chose our participants
mostly through personal contacts. These budding leaders had been recommended to
me by their professors and interviewers. My job was as a kind of
guru-in-residence, and Brewster was there as the coordinator-administrator.
There were quite a number of leaders from all over Southeast Asia as well as
some Japanese and Americans. I remember one Filipino and one Thai quarreled
like mad.
We tried to combine
everything, both American and Asian traditions, and not be exclusively
Buddhist. We taught yoga and whatever else they wanted. Meditation was not
compulsory, and people could write or work on other things. I myself translated
Thomas
100 1 LOYALTY DEMANDS
DISSENT
Merton's book on
Chuang Tzu. It took me three weeks, and it became one of my bestsellers.
I thought the second
Pacific Ashram should be in my own country. We held it in Chiang Mai at a
beautiful monastery halfway up a mountain. This was more to my liking. I wanted
to make thgath-ering more spiritual. Mr. Karuna Kusalasaya was the
guru-in-residence. He had a deep understanding of Indian culture, he knew yoga
and Buddhism, and he was a very humble man. We invited the Buddhist Thich Nhat
Hanh and Swami Aganivesh from the Hindu tradition. We also invited Bhikkhu P.
A. Payutto and Bob Bobilin, chair of the Department of Religion at the
University of Hawaii. These four acted as senior advisors. Bob later wrote an
article entitled, "Three Men on a Mountain," a very moving account of
the one Hindu and two Buddhist monks at our meeting. We had a wonderful three
weeks together. That was in 1975.
The third gathering
was held in Japan. Unfortunately, it lasted only ten days. I didn't go. I felt
that this moving ashram had no roots and wanted a more permanent ashram. I
tried to get more money from the International House of Japan, but the director
wanted to set up a kind of International House of Siam instead of an ashram. He
put me in contact with one of his protégés, Dr. Saburo Okita, who later become
Foreign Minister. Dr. Okita agreed to help me with some money. From there I
went on to speak at the Smithsonian Institute and visit the Aspen Institute, a
kind of American ashram. Unfortunately, my idea for an ashram had to be put on
hold. The 1976 coup took place when I was on my way home.
CH9 Clashes
My work at this time
generated its share of conflicts. In fact, one episode involved the king
himself. It began when some of my
academic colleagues
and friends decided that the Social Science Association wasn't fulfilling its
function by producing enough textbooks. They claimed that I was spending most
of my time running the magazine when the Social Science Association was really
supposed to be a university press—that I only published what I wanted, instead
of representing the whole academic world. Of course, there may have been some
truth in this. In fact, I argued that a university press shouldn't produce
textbooks anyhow. So they went to the Rockefeller Foundation asking for money
to form a rival organization, the Social Sciences and Humanities Project.
The Rockefeller
Foundation representative in Bangkok was Bill Bradley, whose great-grandfather
had been one of the first American missionaries to Siam. He had also been a
famous doctor who introduced Western medicine to Siam, along with printing,
publishing, and newspapers. Bill Bradley said, "That's a wonderful idea.
If you people want to start something, the Rockefeller Foundation will help
you, but none of you academics knows anything about publishing. If you want to
start this new venture, you must have Sulak involved. With all his faults, he knows
about publishing." They were very angry, but they had no choice. They had
to take me. They also asked Dr. Puey Ungphakorn, who was a very honest man, an
able technocrat, and the governor of the Bank of Thailand, to help with the
project. Dr. Puey talked to me, and I agreed, adding, "But I'll just help.
I'll give you what advice you want. All I want is one vote in a
committee." They quite liked that.
The brain behind this
whole idea was Dr. Neon Snidvong. She was also a member of the royal family.
She had been my contempo-
101
Ch12
POLITICAL UNREST 13
134
Political Unrest
The
1971 coup
Nineteen seventy-one
was a very bad year for me. The coup d'etat came at the end of the year. The
prime minister, Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn, had succeeded Sarit Thanarat
as dictator in 1963. He had experimented with democracy in 1967, but by 1971 he
was fed up with the constitution and fed up with Parliament. He had to put up
with their questions and bribe them to get his work done. He'd had enough. He
dissolved Parliament and declared a state of emergency and martial law on
November 17.
I had just returned
from Italy, the U.S., and Mexico, but had planned a big conference before I
left. The Komol Keemthong Foundation was bringing together young people from
all over the country to meet in Chiang Mai. The coup occurred one week before
our meeting. What could I do? I called one of our board members who worked in
the Prime Minister's Office: "We have been planning this meeting for
months. To cancel it will be very difficult. Can we go ahead?" He said,
"Let me check with my boss." Eventually, we were allowed to go
ahead—it was educational, nothing revolutionary. I had planned a meeting of the
Cultural Relations for the Future study group to be held in Chiang Mai simultaneously.
I wanted the Thai students and the older people from Southeast Asia to meet
each
other.
While these meetings
were taking place, Chiang Mai University had invited me to speak.
Unfortunately, I lost my temper—I never liked coups or dictators. I made a
speech denouncing the coup leaders. I said, "These people treat the
soldiers as if they were in the zoo, giving them fruit. (The Field Marshal
himself had brought fruit and drinks to the troops.) What is this coup? You
staged a coup against yourself!" The tape was sent straight to Thanom. He
was furious.
The Special Branch of
the Police was sent to our meetings. When one speaker referred to credit
unions, they thought we were Communists. The next day, forty-five armed
policemen showed up. Had any of our boys run, they would have been shot. I went
to talk with them. "What's going on here? Why are we surrounded?"
They said, "You need special permission to call a meeting of more than
five people. You cannot talk politics."
"What do you
mean by 'politics'? If we came to plan to overthrow the coup leaders, I would
call that politics. Talk like this I wouldn't call politics. If so, all the
words in my vocabulary would have to be considered political, except what
people say in bed while making love." They didn't know what to say.
"Anyhow, you need special permission," they repeated. "I have
permission from the Prime Minister's Office," I said. "If you don't
trust me, call them. Besides, do you think all the principals, rectors, and
presidents of the government colleges would allow their students to be here had
I not gotten permission?" Again, he didn't know what to say. Finally, a
major or colonel came: "I'm very sorry. This young chap made a mistake. We
came to ask the students to return to their hostel since there is a curfew at
ten p.m." They didn't dare to call the Prime Minister's Office. They even
offered to take all the boys to the prostitutes to make up for it! I couldn't
believe how they made such a serious thing into a joke.
I continued to write
articles and speak out against the coup. I was invited to speak at colleges, my
articles appeared everywhere, and we had meetings at our bookshop every week.
The Field Marshal didn't know what to do with me. One day, the chief of the
Special Branch of the Police came to see me. I was sitting in the office of the
foundation, on the floor, as is our custom. The chief sat down with me. He was
very polite. He said, "Professor Sulak, you know we have a state of
emergency. The last Parliament was full of bad MPs. That's why Field Marshal
Thanom dissolved it. He wants to have a new Parliament with good, clean MPs. If
one's house is in need of repair, we must all help to repair it. But if unruly
children are running about and shouting, it's bad for the people to see. Mr. Sulak,
if you keep quiet and collaborate with us, we can repair the house much more
quickly. If you like, I can arrange for you to meet the leader of the
coup. He would love
to listen to you. If you're interested, we would like you to become a senator
and help draft the new constitution." I replied, "I don't like your
analogy. We are not children. The house belongs to all of us. We are not
misbehaving. We are shouting that you do not do the right thing. I don't want
to see him—I dörft want to be bribed or bought."
"I know you are
a man of principle. I ask you not to write articles attacking the coup leaders."
"My articles are
published by colleges, and those colleges belong to the government. If I write
anything illegal, you can put me in jail."
"You are too
clever. You are a lawyer. We can't put you in jail. Your writing hurts him—you
are always punching hard. Can't you stop speaking out?"
"How can I? I
don't like speaking, but nobody else will do it. Mr. Kukrit Pramoj has put a
notice up in front of his office: 'State of Emergency. I don't accept any
invitations to speak.' This leaves only me. Besides, it would be very easy for
you to stop me from speaking. Send a circular to all the colleges saying, 'Mr.
Sulak is a dreadful man. He should not be invited, and none of his articles
should be published."
"We can't do
that. We want to show that we respect freedom of speech. I must ask you,
however, to discontinue your weekly meetings here at the bookshop. You know it
is illegal. We can put you in jail anytime."
"You can put me
in jail anytime, but my meeting is not illegal. 'Political' to me means that I
am planning to overthrow you. But in our meetings we discuss situations like
traffic jams and pollution. We discuss the wrong goals of development and
propose alternatives. We discuss the conservation of trees and buildings. I
don't think that's political."
"Well, in that
case, may I have one of my boys come to listen to you?"
"Certainly, we
advertise in the newspaper. You're most welcome to come." They were very
fair. When they came, they announced that they were from the Special Branch of
the Police. Our boys enjoyed attacking the police department.
Dr.
Puey Ungphakorn's letter
Dr. Puey was in
England when the coup occurred. He had left the governorship of the Bank of
Thailand, but he was still dean of the Faculty of Economics at Thammasat
University. Thanom and Puey knew each other well and trusted one another, but
when Thanom staged the coup, Puey could not restrain himself He wrote a famous
letter called the "Letter from Mr. Kern Yen Ying." (When Puey was in
the Free Thai movement during the Second World War, he used the nickname Kern
Yen Ying.) He wrote as a humble man would write to the headman of the village,
instead of the former governor of the central bank writing to the prime
minister.
It was a very simple
letter saying, "You, headman, are wonderful, good, and honest. You have
rules and regulations for our village. After the long absence of a
constitution, you even gave us a new constitution. It is not perfect, but it's
better than having none. At least there's the rule of law. We have a
parliament. It's not great, but it's better than having none. Unfortunately,
only one year after the elections, you abolished it all, as if trampling on
something with your foot that you wrote with your own hand. It's a shame.
Please be sensible. Restore law and order, return the constitution as soon as
you can, hold elections. Keeping power within your clique is very bad for the
country. However good your intentions, abuse of power can take place
anytime." The letter created a big response, and people circulated it. Though
it was a humble, polite letter, Thanom was furious. His son, Colonel Narong,
said Puey was Enemy Number One. "Puey can legally come back, but I will
not be responsible if he is run over by a ten-wheel truck!"
The coup leaders used
all kinds of psychological warfare. Colonel Narong said about me, "Mr.
Sulak is very clever. What's white he says is black, and people believe
him." My wife was afraid for my life. When the postman came to our house,
her knees were trembling. She thought the police had come to arrest me. They
told my cousin Sala, then first secretary at the Embassy in Tokyo, "You
must talk to Sulak. He should kowtow to the powers that be or at least shut up
for the time being." Even my father-in-law became very angry with me. He
said, "You brought difficulty to my daughter. You have been very well
educated, and you have refused everything that has been
130 1 LOYALTY DEMANDS
DISSENT POLITICAL UNREST 1139
offered to you. You
have no security. In ten years you have not risen—you still make only six thousand
baht a month." But my wife, Nilchawee, was very supportive.
The
1973 uprising
By 1973, the students were becoming a
powerful force. They were upset about a case in which three MPs were jailed as
traitors merely because they took a case to court charging that the prime
minister's actions were unconstitutional. Scandals emerged among the leaders of
the universities. The rector of Ramkamhaeng University was Thanom's lackey; the
students attacked him. The vice rector at Chulalongkorn University was involved
in corruption; the students demonstrated against him. They also demonstrated
against Japanese goods. The Social Science Review became even more political,
attacking the Americans. (I was no longer the editor of the Social Science
Review, although I served as a member of the editorial board.) The dictatorship
wanted to preserve its benevolent image, so they did not act.
The students demanded democracy within six
months. They consulted with me, and I said, "This is silly. They won't
give it to you." They said, "Never mind, we want to make a
point." At first they planned to teach democracy at the Reporters'
Association, but the association was afraid of the dictator. The students said,
"Okay. We'll use the bookshop." They created a big flyer:
"Anybody that wants to learn about democracy, come to the Suksit Siam
Bookshop."
The vital incident of the '73 uprising is
still a mystery. On October 6, eleven people started distributing a leaflet
asking for democracy, a constitution, and elections. Some were students, some
professors. They were arrested on charges of obstructing traffic. Within two
hours the charges had changed to treason for Communist activities. The sentence
for Communist activities can be life imprisonment. That's why people protested.
This was during the university examinations period. Protesters at Thammasat
University refused to take their exams. They all demonstrated. The whole
university voted to demand that their friends be released. One of them was the
secretary of the Komol Keemthong Foundation. Many were former members of our
club. All were close friends of mine.
The government refused. Field Marshal Praphas
Charusathira, the second man, minister of the interior and former commander-in-
chief of the army, consulted an astrologer,
who advised the government not to yield to the students. If the government
stood firm for two weeks, they would win triumphantly. The thing dragged on for
a week.
The students started a big campaign, and many
people joined. Much of the country was fed up with the government because it
had been a dictatorship since '47. There had been no real elections since '57.
The same group of people—three generals and two field mar-shals—had been
running the country one after the other. The rich became richer, and the poor
poorer. More and more people—half a million—joined the demonstration. The poor
people fed the demonstrators and the students. Shopkeepers and fruit vendors
gave them free food. The shop next door to my bookshop toasted bananas and gave
them away. There was a wonderful spirit in the air.
One of the student leaders, a friend from our
club, Mr. Seksan Prasertkul, made a speech: "We want to walk peacefully to
the palace with a picture of the Buddha, the national flag, and photographs of
the king and queen. We want to demand that our friends be released and that we
return to democracy within six months." Supposedly, the government agreed
to release the thirteen people in jail and grant a constitution within six
months. Everything was settled.
But on October 14, something went wrong. The
king's words are still with me: "This is the darkest day, the most sorry
day in our history, because our own people were killed." Some
demonstrators had been attacked in front of the palace. First they were shot
with tear gas, then with real bullets. Some of them fled into the palace. Of
course, the king, the queen, and the king's mother were very nice, looking
after them. We don't know who started the incident—whether the demonstrators
had incited anything or whether it was a ploy by the army. It was said that
Colonel Narong had wanted to kill all of the demonstrators. Nobody has yet told
the truth.
I was at a meeting in Singapore at the time.
When I arrived home, things were very tense. I couldn't stay at my house—people
told me that it wasn't safe. My friends took me to my mother's home. Nobody
would know where I was, and there was no telephone. They said I
must pack and leave the next day, but by then
things had calmed down. The king announced that Professor Sanya Dharmasakti,
then rector ofThammasat University and president of the Komol Keem-thong
Foundation, would become the new prime minister. The king had persuaded the
three strong men—Field Marshal Thanorn, his son Narong, and the deputy prime
minister Field Marshal Praphas—to leave the country. The prime minister went to
Boston, his son went to Germany, and the deputy prime minister went to Taiwan.
It was announced that they had fled the country.
Aftermath
of the 1973 uprising
People had died, and
the dictator was gone, yet the army was still in power. In fact, the army was
delighted. These three men had wanted to control the whole army. Narong was
very arrogant and thought he had all the power. He was known to be corrupt and
outspoken in a bad way. He treated the generals very badly. They all hated him
and would not cooperate with him.
Of course, the
students thought that they had won. I told them that they hadn't really won.
"This is not your victory. Only three oppressive leaders are gone, and the
army is still a state within the state. Nothing has changed. The structure is
still oppressive to the people." I told them that we had been used as a
kind of convenience. I said, "Be careful, they will come back against
you." They didn't believe me.
Before I had been a
very popular speaker. I was the only one speaking out against the coup. But now
I became very unpopular because they said I only wanted the Buddhist way, the
Middle Way, the weak way. I had told them, "You must study our roots. The
Buddha's teachings are very radical—the Buddha left the palace to become a
beggar—but you have to change yourself first. Then you can change
society." They said we had followed the Buddha for 2,500 years, but it
hadn't changed anything for the better. We had also followed the Americans for
thirty years, and things had gotten much worse. Now we must march the Marxist
way. We must rebel against both Buddhism and the Americans. The students became
drawn to communism. They studied all the Marxist terms and imported the red
book of Mao Tse-tung. We got rid of the Americans, and we recognized China for
the first time. We also recognized Vietnam.
The king held a
"royal and people's assembly." He dissolved the old House of Assembly
appointed by the former premier to make way for a new Parliament. He selected
people from every profession—ten farmers from all over the country, ten labor
leaders, civil servants, and people from the military, journalism, whatever.
They met at the Royal Turf Club—a horse racing club next to his palace—so I
called it the "Race Horse Parliament." I was excluded. So was our
national hero, Seni Pramoj, Kukrit's elder brother. He was our minister in
Washington, D.C., before the Second World War; he led the Free Thai movement in
America all through the war; and he was prime minister a few times. Of course,
the thirteen people who had been in jail weren't invited either, although some
of them were invited later on.
There were over two
thousand people at the first meeting. Two hundred sixty people were elected to
the "constitutional assembly." Some of them would draft a
constitution; the rest would act as a kind of interim Parliament, with Mr.
Sanya as the prime minister, until we had elections and a new constitution. The
country was supposed to be a wonderful country now.
Unfortunately, the
king's good intentions were exploited. Kukrit Pramoj was elected number one. He
got the most votes partly because the people who came all knew him. He had been
outspoken until Thanom staged the coup against himself in 1974 but then he shut
his mouth right away. Again, at the October 14 event, he had been with the
people, but when he felt that the demonstration might be crushed, he said he
was ill and went to the hospital. I had been active and outspoken throughout,
but Kukrit was a man who was very slippery—what we call an "eel."
Eventually he became very unpopular. Dr. Puey Ungphakorn was elected the second
man.
There was much turmoil
during this time. The Communist Party of Thailand had recruited quite a number
of leading students. They felt that we had to revolutionize everything in
reaction against overly traditional approaches. On the other hand, the civil
servants who ran the provinces didn't want any interference by nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs) or universities who would challenge their author-
142 I LOYALTY DEMANDS
DISSENT POLITICAL UNREST 1143
ity. The system was
very corrupt, from the top down and the bottom up.
Poor Dr. Puey was
caught between these two poles. He was a national hero. But the students felt
he was too liberal and too Western. Although he managed to keep everything that
he directed clean of corruption, his projects always helped the rich. He saw to
it that the first Friendship Highway outside of Bangkok was not corrupt, but.
once the road was built, elite land owners on both sides of the road sold out
for profits, and the farmers became landless laborers. Dr. Puey felt that was
wrong, and that he had failed in working with the government. He turned to the
NGOs, but then he was accused of being pro-Communist.
I got involved with
Dr. Puey around this time. I introduced him to Mr. Alec Dickson, founder of the
British VSO. He was impressed by Mr. Dickson and said he wanted to do something
similar in our country. He said the Thai equivalent should be recognized by the
government—otherwise they would regard it as a Communist orga-nization—but it
should be run autonomously by the university. He started what he called the
Graduate Volunteer Service. He asked me and a few others for help. This program
sends middle-class university students to care for the poor and oppressed,
helping to broaden their awareness. It is still going on.
Beginning
a book distribution network
Around that time,
Klett Verlag, the biggest German textbook publishing house in Stuttgart, was
interested in Siam. They wanted to do something for the Third World and had
started a sister company in Indonesia. Now they wanted to start one in Siam. They
became partners with someone who had no experience in printing or publishing.
They gave a lot of money to him and started a big printing plant, second only
to my former employer, Thai Wattanapanich. Eventually, the Germans found out
that their partner was a swindler, and somebody recommended me to replace him.
I told them that they didn't need a printing house, because in Bangkok we had
over two hundred printing houses, and they were all very cheap. "If you
want me, start small—only me, my secretary, and an office."
They liked my
proposal, and we started a small office called Klett Thai—a kind of sister
company to Klett Verlag. I was the managing director, and I asked one of my
former colleagues to become secre-tary—Mr. Anant Viriyapinit, who is now very
close to me. I wanted high-quality books. I repeated my experience from the
Social Science Press, but made it even freer. I was the boss. I formed my own
editorial board. This was just before the '73 student uprising.
It had been over ten
years since I had started the Social Science Review, and I knew that publishing
was not easy. I had enough connections, and the Germans would supply me with
the money, but the difficulty lay in selling the books. It was easy to send
books to the bookshops, but it was very difficult to collect the money.
Hitherto there had been only five distributors, known as the "five
tigers." These "five tigers" distributed only books that were
within their control, only bestsellers, and they charged for it. It was difficult
for a small publishing house like mine to make money when we only had one or
two books to send to the bookshops. If they couldn't sell our books, they
wouldn't pay us. But after the '73 uprising, there were many new publishing
houses, particularly left-wing publishers. They could not find anybody to
distribute their books, so they came to us. I thought we should put all our
resources together, and then the books could go out regularly through a
distributor, and we could collect the money. If bookstores refused to pay, we
wouldn't supply them anymore. So I started a distribution network.
The
Pha Mong Dam
Another project I got
involved with was the Pha Mong Dam. During the Vietnam War, the Americans had
spent a lot of money on bombing, and many people had died. Kenneth Boulding, a
prominent Quaker, wrote to President Kennedy suggesting the Americans spend
money on development instead of war, that they use their resources for peaceful
purposes and build a dam on the Mekhong River. The Mekhong is an enormous
river, and the dam would have to be bigger than the Aswan Dam in Egypt. Four
countries benefit from the
Mekhong Siam, Laos, Vietnam, and Cambodia—all
with Com-
munist infiltration.
The president acknowledged that Boulding's idea was wonderful, and set up a
Mekhong Committee.
Another American
Quaker, Stuart Meecham, with the AFSC office
144 I LOYALTY DEMANDS
DISSENT
POLITICAL UNREST 1145
in Singapore, came to
my office in Bangkok. He said to me, "You know, if this big dam is built,
one province of your country will be entirely flooded. Hundreds of thousands of
people will have to be evacuated, and they have never even been consulted. What
can we do?" I said, "The least we can do is ask the people. We can
have a small seminar in the Quaker manner." He liked the idea. The AFSC
tried to encourage people to think differently—to work for peace and
nonviolence rather than war. This was in
We planned the
seminar to take place in the area where the dam would be built. We'd meet on
the Thai side, and then we'd cross over to the Laotian side. The Laotians would
come to join us, and we would go to join them. It was all planned, but the
American Embassy objected. They said, "No, you don't need to do that. The
decision has already been made. Why do you want to interfere? We don't need
your seminar. It will make no contribution." They thought it was a crazy
idea. Stuart told me, "Without the Embassy's blessing, I would find it
very difficult to work." I replied, "Well, then, you can work with
me. We'll do it through the Komol Keemthong Foundation."
Dr. Puey, the
president of Thammasat University; and Professor Saneh Chamarik, the vice
president, were involved in this seminar. So were many academics, specialists,
and ministry officials. Of course, we also invited farmers. It was the first
time farmers met with top officials. The first day of the seminar we met a
farmer named Thongpan. He had been affected by an earlier dam. He lost his farm
and was now a landless laborer. He and his wife were employed to spread
chemical pesticides containing DDT. We were shocked when his wife died the
second day of the seminar. We all contributed to her funeral. A very talented
man named Mike Morrow, a writer for the Far Eastern Economic Review, felt we
must document this, so we made a film called Thongpan, describing this man's
life and the seminar. The film has now become a classic.
At the end of the
seminar, we had a group photograph taken. The police got hold of this photo,
and it was published in a right-wing newspaper and in the Bangkok Post (a
mouthpiece of the military at that time). The Thai paper Dao Siam said that
this had been a meeting of the Communist Party of Thailand, whose chairman was
Dr. Puey. They circled his face on the photo. They also circled my face,
The so-called
Communist Party meeting (Dr. Puey is standing to thefar right)
saying that I was a
leading member of the Communist Party. Circling Stuart Meecham's face, the
Quaker organizer, they said he was a I Russian KGB agent. Stuart wrote a very
strong protest to the Embassy and the paper, but he got no acknowledgment. This
photograph 1 became a classic.
The
1976 coup
By this time, the
three exiled leaders from the '73 coup all wanted to come home. Thanom, who now
lived in Singapore, said his father was very ill, and he had to see him on
humanitarian grounds. The prime minister, Seni Pramoj, said, "We can't
stop him from coming; any Thai who wants to come home has the right to do so.
There is no case against him." Thanom's return made the unstable situation
worse. He had been ordained as a novice monk in Singapore, returning home in
yellow robes, and he wanted to have higher ordination as a fully ordained monk,
a bhikkhu. People put up posters against him saying that this man was using
religion and the sacred robes as a pretext. Two young workers in nearby Nakhorn
Pathom who put up one of these posters were found hanged. People were very
angry, and demonstrations took place.
The military had been
lying low for three years. With the current state of unrest, they wanted to
bring the country back to the "good
146 1 LOYALTY DEMANDS
DISSENT
old days" of
military rule. They felt the students were too Marxist. Dr. Puey had already
been accused of being a Communist. These things gave the military a good excuse
to have a coup. It came on October 6. Thousands of students were jailed; hundreds
were killed. Thousands more left for the jungle and joined the Communist Party
of Thailand. The right wing wanted to lynch Dr. Puey. He had to leave the
country and has lived in England ever since.
When the bloody coup
took place, I was not at home. The police came to my house, to my bookshop, and
to the office of the Komol Keemthong Foundation. The police who came to my
house were very nice. They talked to my wife, and they only took four books
away. In my bookshop the police were also very nice and only took a few books.
But at the Komol Keemthong Foundation, across the street from my house, they
were much more dramatic. They blocked off our small lane with two tanks. A
television crew climbed up to film the office, and they said: "This is the
national headquarters of the Communist Party of Thailand." It affected a
lot of my people. The police asked who was in charge. Everyone was afraid, but
my wife very bravely stepped forward and said she was in charge. They took her
to the police station and interrogated her. Luckily, we knew somebody who knew
somebody, so she was not put in jail. They took three or four truckloads of
books published by the Komol Keemthong Foundation and S athirakoses-Nagapradipa
Foundation. They even confiscated poetry books. Anything that had a red cover
was taken away to be burnt. I lost quite a bit. I wrote to the United Nations
Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), giving them all
the details, telling them my rights had been abused. UNESCO sent my letter to the
Thai government. They never replied.
But that was not the
only place where my books were taken. At that time I was working at Klett Thai.
Afraid of the Communists, when Laos fell, Klett Verlag, our German parent
company, withdrew, and I bought the company from them. By '76, most of the
books we distributed were leftist books. The police confiscated all of them.
The company went bankrupt as a direct consequence. Luckily, I was not there
myself Otherwise, I think they would have tortured or killed me. The military
thought I was a Communist, and most leftist students thought I was a CIA agent.
Ch15
Interfaith Connections
I had been educated
in a Catholic secondary school, and although I
was never tempted to
convert to Christianity, I was very much influ-
enced by the good
teachers at the school. At Lampeter, I was interested in the Christian way of
thinking. I read St. Thomas Aquinas, St. Augustine, and all the church fathers
in philosophy courses. I was also fascinated by the intellectual endeavors of
Anglican theologians like Richard Hooker and John Henry Newman.
Later, I became
interested in the ideas of some leading Catholics such as Paulo Freire of
Brazil. I was deeply affected by his idea of consciousness raising through a
literacy campaign empowering the poor. Ivan Illich was another. Eventually, I
got to know him personally. He came to see me at my bookshop in Bangkok, and I
visited him twice in Mexico. I was instrumental in getting his book translated
into Thai, and he became popular in my country. I like Thomas Merton's books
and ideas on contemplation and action—that religious people should take a
social stand on issues of war and peace and on social justice. I came to admire
Dorothy Day and felt that she was working not only for social welfare, but for
social revolution. I also admired the Berrigan brothers, two leading American
Jesuits. I came to feel close to Hans Kung because of our similar
predicaments—accusations against me oflèse-majesté and against him of lese
popery. My Singhalese friend Tissa Bulsuriya was also outspoken against the
Vatican.
These are the people
I feel close to. Though we come from different religious traditions, we take a
similar stand on social issues and our work for peace. We are committed to our
own tradition, but we are on the fringe and want to radicalize the tradition.
Projects
with Catholics
After Pope John =I's
Second Vatican Council, the Catholic Church in Asia became more open,
particularly the Jesuits, with their headquarters in the Philippines. The
church wanted to change people through education, so they held a big workshop
called the Educators' Social Action Workshop (ESAW) in Kyoto, Japan, in 1971.
About fifteen educators were invited from each country in Asia and the Pacific,
both Catholics and non-Catholics. These included officials in the Ministry of
Education and people from Catholic and government schools. They happened to select
me. I was not really in the schools, but I suppose they thought of me as
somebody useful.
I went to Kyoto for
three weeks. In the workshops, it was the first time I came across so-called
group dynamics and group process to change people's outlooks. It was
fascinating. I learned a lot about Asia and the Catholic way of thinking. One
of the organizers, Father Bulatao, a Filipino Jesuit, said, "We apologize
to all you non-Catholics. We have been haughty, on our high horse all these
years, and we must now ask for forgiveness from our brothers and sisters."
That had a profound effect on me. It helped me to see the Catholics in a much
better light. When I had been a student, Catholics were not allowed to attend
Buddhist ceremonies. All their rites were in Latin, and the priests and nuns
always wore their habits. Now, Mass was being said in the vernacular, and many
priests and nuns dressed like everyone else. I felt that the Catholics had
become more broad-minded and were willing to listen to people of other
religions.
At this meeting I got
to know the Thai Catholics and educators. When we came back, we wanted to
change things at home, so I formed a sort of Thai ESAW group. I got to know the
Thai priest Father Boonluan Mansap, who was very active with credit unions in
Catholic circles. I had never heard about credit unions—a kind of savings
scheme empowering the poor to run their own affairs. I helped him try to move
the credit union movement beyond the Catholic pale to include the Buddhists.
Through my
development work in Siam, I was involved with quite a number of Catholic
development organizations. The Asian Partnership for Human Development is a
consortium of Catholic organizations, mostly in Europe, Asia, and the Pacific.
They asked me to give one or two keynote addresses from a Buddhist perspective
to challenge them on their development. Through the Catholic Comité Contre la
Famine et pour le Développement (CcFD), from France, I came to know quite a few
French Catholics and became fairly well known in France. I became a partner of
Misserior, a Catholic development organization in Germany.
More
connections
My dealings with
Catholics and Anglicans are understandable given my early schooling and years
in Britain, but I hadn't had much connection with Protestantism. In my country,
there are only about thirty thousand Protestants out Of 56 million people, and
they have been there for only 150 years. Through the Social Science Review, I
met Dr. Kosol Srisang, who eventually became secretary-general of the Church of
Christ in Thailand. My relationship with the World Council of Churches (wcc)
began through Kosol's predecessor, Ray Downs, and he introduced me to many
leading Christians. I was invited to their interfaith meeting in Sri Lanka in
1974—in those days it was still called Ceylon. The meeting didn't inspire me,
but I met a lot of religious leaders—Protestants, Hindus, Jews, and Muslims.
Strangely enough, it
had been at this meeting that I first met the Vietnamese Buddhist leader Thich
Nhat Hanh. He has since become a good friend. His work and thought have
influenced me a great deal and expanded my outlook on engaged Buddhism. My
concern about the suffering in Vietnam became more real and intense when I met
him. Vietnam was then in turmoil, and Thich Nhat Hanh wanted the Singhalese
bhikkhus to issue a statement supporting peace in his country. He was from the
Mahayana tradition, and he hoped to get all the Buddhist traditions to join
together. But they refused. They were awful, very insular. Thich Nhat Hanh was
very disappointed, since he was desperately in need of international support. I
have had all his works translated into Thai. Some appeared in Thai first,
notably The Miracle of Mindfulness. The first English edition was also
published in Bangkok.
When my own society
was facing a lot of violence between the right wing and left wing in 1976, I
proposed to the general secretary of the Church of Christ in Thailand that we
of different religions
162 1 LOYALTY DEMANDS
DISSENT INTERFAITH CONNECTIONS 1163
come together to
appeal for nonviolence. Women's foundations got together and put up posters
everywhere: "In the name of mothers, wives, and daughters, we ask you not
to use violence." It was very effective. I called a meeting in Bangkok at
the women's department of the Church of Christ in Thailand. The Buddhist
abbots, Catholics, Muslims, and Protestants all got together. I said that
students and women were leading, and we religious people were far behind. We
should come together and issue a statement. This was my commitment. Eventually,
it became the Coordinating Group for Religion and Society (CGRS). This became
the only viable group actively doing reconciliation work. After the '76 coup,
they were the only ones brave enough to visit the students in jail. Even the
students' own parents were afraid to visit them, because all the students were
supposed to be traitors. They also gave flowers to the soldiers who killed the
students.
Buddhist-Christian
dialogue
After the World
Assembly of the wcc that I attended in Vancouver, we felt we needed more
Buddhist-Christian dialogue. I was often involved with this at Bad Boll Academy
in Germany. I was invited by an organization called Diakonia, "dealing
with neighbors," to attend meetings in Crete and Cyprus. I traveled to
Spain to prepare catechism for youth in the postmodern age. The first
American-organized Buddhist-Christian dialogue that I attended was at the
University of Hawaii in 1980. These meetings brought me many friends, friends
who call themselves both Buddhist and Christian. They were genuine and very
concerned about social justice. We treated each other as equals and had a
lively intellectual exchange, challenging one another like friends. In our
Buddhist-Christian dialogue, the idea that one religion is better than the
other simply doesn't exist, at least among these groups.
One of the most
significant events for me took place in 1989. I was at a meeting of the
Buddhist-Christian Theological Encounter at Hsi Lai Temple near Los Angeles.
This group is known as the "Cobb-Abe" because it was started byJohn
Cobb, a leading Christian theologian from Claremont College, and Masao Abe, a
leading Zen scholar and chief disciple of D.T. Suzuki. It is a group of only
about twenty-five "hard-core" people. One has to be invited. I must
have been the first to join from the Theravada tradition in Southeast Asia. On
Palm Sunday, during our meeting, Hans Kung celebrated Mass for us. He made it
so informal and welcoming. He invited all of us to take the bread and wine with
him if we wanted to be Christ's friends and remember Christ. This was the first
time that I ever took Holy Communion. When I was at the Catholic school and
Anglican college, if you were not baptized and confirmed, you could not take
the bread and wine. There was a sense of separation. But when Hans Kung invited
us to take the bread and wine, we were so pleased. For me, it was wonderful.
Among the Christians
closest to the Buddhists are the Quakers. We both regard friendship as very
important. They call themselves the Religious Society of Friends. Similarly,
the Buddha said the most important element outside each of us is a good friend,
kalayanamitra, a voice of conscience to develop critical awareness. We
Buddhists can learn from the Quakers' social awareness, commitment to change,
and nonviolence. My encounter with them has helped me to reexamine my own
Buddhist upbringing. They don't make their beliefs compulsory, not even for
their own children. A person must himself be convinced. For me, this is great.
The simplicity of their worship—no ceremony, very Zen—also appeals to me.
Two people who stand
out are George and Lillian Willoughby. George is a real pacifist. During the
Vietnam War, anyone who wanted to resist the draft would go to George, and he
helped them with all the technical details. He challenges his country by
refusing to pay taxes. He was once arrested for taking a boat out into the
Pacific where they were going to test a bomb. He walked all the way from New
Delhi to the Chinese border on a peace march. (He wanted to march to Beijing,
but the Chinese would not allow him.) George and Lillian were helpful in
creating ACFOD. We have become good friends. They are instrumental even today
in helping our young people with training in nonviolence. Their lifestyle is so
simple. They don't live for money or fame, but for peace, for principles. They
have a rebellious spirit similar to mine.
V
164 I LOYALTY DEMANDS
DISSENT
World
Conference on Religion and Peace
In 1989, I attended
the World Conference on Religion and Peace (WCRP) at Monash University outside
Melbourne, Australia. John Taylor, then Secretary of the WCRP, invited me as
one of the keynote speakers. A lot of people suggested His Holiness the Dalai
Lama also be invited, but the Chinese said no Of course, if the Chinese say no,
the Japanese usually say no, and the WCRP funding came mostly from the Japanese
religious organization, Rissho Koseikai.
The local Australian
chapter pressed the issue, so as a compromise, His Holiness was invited to send
an observer. He sent a senior monk, Amchak Rinpoche—a very learned and humble
man. Amchak Rinpoche brought a brief written message of goodwill from His
Holiness, but the Chinese objected to his reading the message because he had
been invited simply as an observer. The Buddhists and local people were unhappy
because they wanted to hear His Holiness' message. Some of them asked my
advice. I said, "Give the message to me. I will read it before my own
speech."
Mr. Chao Pu Chao,
president of the Buddhist Association of China, was furious when I read the
statement. He walked out. When he walked out, Mr. Niwano, president of Rissho
Koseikai, walked out, too. John Taylor, the secretary of the conference,
reprimanded me. He said, "Sulak, you must know that at this kind of
international gathering, we must behave and not divert from the text." I
said, "I have been to many international gatherings, and nobody has ever
censored me. I speak my mind, and I'm willing to go to jail for what I f say.
If you don't like it, then don't invite me again." Later on, John Taylor
apologized to me. He said he had no choice but to reprimand me because he was
pressured by the Japanese and their money.
Afterwards, I tried
to talk to Mr. Chao. During an earlier visit of his to Bangkok, I had arranged
a private meeting for him with the president of the World Fellowship of
Buddhists, even though they recognized Taiwan instead of China. I said to him,
"I helped you when you came to Bangkok even though no one recognized
China. That's what Buddhists should do for each other. His Holiness may be
condemned by your government, but as a Buddhist you should not tow your
government's line." He didn't reply and walked away. I felt very sad. We
Buddhists compromise too much; we often put our national interests above
Buddhist principles.
CHAPTER
18 More Organizing
Pacjfic
Youth Forum
After my visit to
Tibet in 1984 we held the first Pacific Youth Forum in Japan. I had renewed my
relationship with the International House ofJapan. Mr. Michio Kato was director
of programs there and agreed to help me financially to create a permanent youth
ashram based on our earlier Pacific Ashram, as I had begun to do back in 1976.
It would be primarily for Japanese and Southeast Asian youth. Since Mr. Kato
felt the word "ashram" was a problem for the Japanese, we changed the
name from Pacific Ashram to Pacific Youth Forum. He wanted me to run it from
Bangkok because of all my connections in the region, but he felt it would be
easier to hold our meetings in Japan.
Our first meeting was
at Kiyosato Village, not far from Tokyo, and it was beautiful to see young
people of so many backgrounds—Japanese, American, Southeast Asian. We discussed
social and economic development in Asia and the Pacific. They liked it, so they
invited me to do it again the next year. In 1985, we went to Morioka City and
Takizawa Village and met around the theme "Participation, Development, and
Peace." During our third meeting in 1987, we gathered in Hiroshima in
connection with the fortieth anniversary of the Second World War bombing of
that city. Soedjatmoko, my old friend and the rector of U.N. University,
attended. My whole family was invited, and it was wonderful to have my wife and
two daughters join me. My son was studying in America at the time.
We organized one more
youth forum in Japan in 1991. Our theme was "Asia-Pacific Community in the
Twenty-first Century: Challenges and Opportunities for Youth." In the end,
the Japanese changed the name to Asian Cultural Forum so they could include
people beside youth. They wanted to invite young entrepreneurs to encourage
them
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to develop a more
holistic view of life. They asked Soedjatmoko to become chairman of this group.
Wang Kang Wu, the vice chancellor of the University of Hong Kong and Frankie
Jose' from the Philippines also got involved, together with Yeneo Ishii from
Kyoto University. They planned to meet in Japan every year or two. They thought
a week was enough for the young people, and for more senior people one long
weekend would be enough. I did not think it would work, and I stayed with the
idea of starting an ashram.
Wongsanit
Ashram
This idea of
establishing a permanent ashram had been with me since beginning the Pacific
Youth Forum in 1973. My vision was to provide a place for social activists to
take time to read, think, write, and reflect on their work for as long as they
wanted—a place for people to synchronize their head with their heart and
develop themselves in a serious, spiritual way. It would be a new kind of temple
run by laypeople.
I'm sure my ideas
were influenced by my own life. With my many activities taking so much time and
energy, I needed to go on retreats every now and again. I would go to temples.
Unfortunately, these traditional Thai spiritual centers were disappearing.
Those still remaining taught traditional meditation concerned only with the
heart, not the head. They had so many rules and regulations and preserved only
the Buddhist tradition. Many have not adapted to the modern world and don't
serve the people who use them. Religions have to adapt their wonderful
teachings to the modern world.
I wanted a place
where people could opt to live an alternative lifestyle, grow their own food,
weave their own clothes. The idea was to live in community, both for personal
growth and social commitment. "Work locally, think globally," because
we are all interconnected. The ashram would contribute meaningfully to society.
It would offer training and meditation for social activists to help them gain
skills and understand the structural problems in society. It would be a kind of
international, alternative training center to empower people through practical
and spiritual training. I wanted to get scholarships to support people to come,
particularly people from our neighboring countries of Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia,
and Burma.
I saw many different
types of centers to prepare for starting our own ashram. My German friend
Michael Baumann took me to see German "ashrams" in the Black Forest
run by Karfield Graf von Durkheim. I also went to see Christian academies in
Germany and Italy. The German Christians started these academies after the
Second World War because they felt that ministers and priests had been too weak
to resist Hitler and stop the Nazis from killing Jews. The idea was to make the
priests and the lay church leaders more aware of
social injustice and
learn ways to confront it through Christian ethics and theology. Practicing
Christians could develop the moral courage
to challenge the
government and society. But I thought that the Protestants stressed too much
the head and not the heart. At the Catholic monasteries I visited, it was the
other way around—too much prayer and not enough social concern. I thought it
was out of balance.
In India I saw the
Gandhian ashrams. Unfortunately, these have become a kind of religious
institution, and Gandhi has become something like a god. The ashrams were a
nice place to do a little bit of spinning, to weave your own clothes, and to
eat simple food. Many of these ashrams are subsidized by the government. They
have become just like some of my country's Buddhist temples—wholly irrelevant
to the larger society. Thich Nhat Hanh's Plum Village in France, on the other
hand, was much more to my liking than any of these places. He enlivened traditional
Buddhist teachings to be relevant to the modern world, stressing our
interconnectedness with one another and our environment. He teaches mindfulness
as the basis for nonviolent social change.
I had been looking
for land and money for some years. When the karma was right, I thought, someone
would give me a plot of land. It finally happened in 1984. The land I ended up
getting was just a rice field on a canal, seventy kilometers from Bangkok. One
hundred years ago there had been elephants living there. It was cleared by Dr.
Yai Sanidvong, the first Siamese medical man to be trained in Europe. It was
passed down through his family to Princess Samur and her husband Prince
Subhasvati Wongsanit. Samur wanted the land to be used for something spiritual,
a Buddhist contribution to world peace and personal growth. When she died, her
daughter Saisawadi persuaded all her sisters to give this land to the
Sathirakoses-Nagapradipa
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Foundation. Saisawadi
was a good friend of mine. We founded the Mitra Thai Trust together in 1976.
The S-N Foundation's board agreed to take charge of the property and use it for
an ashram. We called it Ashram Wongsanit in honor of her parents, Prince and
Princess Wongsanit.
Wongsanit Ashram is
only about ten Or fifteen acres, but this is fairly large by Bangkok standards.
Unfortunately, the land was not very good, and things did not grow well. Two or
three people came at the start to try it out. We assigned them a plot of land
to see if they could grow something. Although it was difficult to grow rice,
they did grow some vegetables and caught enough fish to live on. One family
lived on part of the land for a few years. In another area, a group of young
people formed a small project to look after street children from Bangkok. Our
land was an ideal place for them—not too far from Bangkok and with a nice,
country atmosphere. The children stayed from two or three days to a few weeks
or months. They learned how to fish, raise chickens, and grow tobacco.
The center of the
ashram, I felt, should be a hail where we could run seminars and retreats. It
was through our activities for the Phya Anuman centenary celebrations in 1988
that we raised enough money to build this hall, which we located in a special
area named for my
The main hail
atAshram Wongsanit
teacher, Phya Anuman.
In the time of the Buddha, this kind of multipurpose hail was called a
santhagara, a meeting hail. You could dine or sleep there, and monks could
preach there. I tried to embrace the whole tradition and put it in the modern
context. The santhagara became our main building.
For improving the
grounds I used the old custom of "Thot Pha Pa. "In our Buddhist
tradition, forest monks typically do not take robes offered to them by anyone
directly. Instead, people leave robes in the jungle, hanging them on trees and
letting the monks find them. Nowadays, we use this tradition to raise money for
building or repairing a temple. I adapted the tradition into a big celebration
and asked for trees to reforest the ashram. The ashram had only rice fields.
People gave trees, or if they didn't have trees, they gave money to buy trees.
As we continued to
grow, many other people supported us. The Green Party in Germany agreed to fund
buildings and programs through the Heinrich Boil Foundation, which supported
our concern for environmental issues, spiritual and intellectual growth, and
social justice in a nonviolent and ecumenical way. A German friend, Reinhard
Schlagintweit, who had been a counselor at the German Embassy in Bangkok back
in 1967, helped us gain this support. We were able to build the library, and we
had money for publications and programs for the next three years. We received a
little help from a Protestant organization in Sweden called Diakonia. Although
we didn't get any official Buddhist money, some Japanese and Thai Buddhists
also helped.
The ashram has
contributed at the local, national, and international levels. We have used it
for International Network of Engaged Buddhists meetings and many workshops and
training programs. Out of our training for Khmers, we planned a peace march
from the Thai border to Phnom Penh in 1992. Venerable Maha Ghosananda, the
leading Cambodian monk, started off the march by circling our santhagara three
times. They began the march on the traditional Cambodian, Siamese, Burmese, and
Laotian New Year of April 13. They went slowly, and along the way people came
offering food and talking with the marchers. They planted bodhi trees along the
road. It started out as a small group but ended up with thousands. With
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these sorts of things
happening, I think my dream for the ashram has finally come true.
Buddhist
connections around the world
The term
"engaged Buddhism" was coined by Thich Nhat Hanh in the 1950s. The
idea is that Buddhism is for social as well as personal
liberation. This was
in direct contrast to the Buddhism I encountered
at the Buddhist
Society in London in the 1950s- I was told that Buddhism was for meditation,
and that Buddhists had nothing to do
with society. That
shocked me. It seemed very selfish, as if Buddhism were being used solely for
one's own ends. Meditation alone may have been relevant for the British
Buddhists at that time, but I felt it was not quite right. It entirely
contradicted my upbringing in traditional Buddhist society.
Even so, I also
encountered this attitude back home. The World Fellowship of Buddhists (WFB)
had established their headquarters in Bangkok. Dr. Malalasekera, their founder,
wanted it to be an organization in which Buddhists could develop a social and
ethical message. I attended one or two of their meetings, and I found that it
had become a sort of club for Buddhists from around the world to come together
to pat each other on the back and say, "We Buddhists are wonderful people.
But they did nothing. When it was proposed that we discuss the Buddhist stand
on military conscription, many members said, "That's a political issue. We
can't talk about it." "What about capital punishment?" They
said, "Ah, that's political, too." It reminded me of the Buddhist
Society in England. Again, I felt there was something wrong.
By the time I came
home from England, Buddhism was being destroyed in the villages in my country.
In South and Southeast Asia, the heart of Buddhism is the village temple, and
the present model of development was destroying villages. I felt my role was to
restore Buddhism at the rural level. Those of us who had been educated abroad
could help people understand the larger social realities and how they relate to
the villages. A few friends and I began working with village people, helping
them at the grassroots level to preserve the environment, to make them feel
proud, to empower them nonviolently.
We have been working
with the villagers for the last twenty years, joining not only with Buddhists,
but also with non-Buddhists who work with the poor for their liberation. We
formed the Thai Interreligious Commission for Development, the Coordinating
Group for Religion in Society, and other groups, all at the local and national
levels. But we saw that our work at the national level was not sufficient and
began trying to work with our neighbors, the Burmese, Laotians, and Khmers,
while working with the grassroots people in our own country. This was an
important step, since we Thai tend to look down on our neighbors for having been
colonized. We regard the Laotian people as very backward, the Burmese as very
poor, the Khmers as nobodies. The Buddha taught that we are all equal, and that
we must respect each individual and each culture. That is how our international
network started to grow.
Many more connections
were developed together with a friend named Pracha Hutanuwatra. He had spent
eleven years as a monk, and, when he left the monkhood in 1986, I sent him to
live among the poor Buddhists and non-Buddhists in India, Nepal, and Sri Lanka.
In India, he met a group of newly converted Buddhists. They really wanted to
understand Buddhism, but many didn't know even the basic Buddhist precepts. We
started a program to bring these Buddhists from India to be trained in Siam.
Pracha also talked with Buddhists among the tribal people in the north of
Nepal. They had been Buddhists since the time of their ancestors, but as a
minority in Hindu society, they were in a desperate situation. We tried to find
some concrete ways to work together in the future. In Sri Lanka, he was
involved in a peace mission to Jaffna, a Tamil area, with another
interreligious group. This was the first time that Buddhist monks from the
south had come to visit Jaffna. We tried to provide them with international
encouragement and support.
In 1987, I sent
Pracha to Japan as a visiting scholar at the Institute for Religion and Culture
at Nanzan University. I had talked to the
Japanese before, but
I didn't get very far until Pracha went there. He
was much better than
I at making connections. He spent a lot of time with radical priests, many of
whom were former Marxists like him-
self. He brought them
to talk with me. They also saw the need for some kind of international group so
that we could work together. Our
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main concern was not
only for those of us in Asia and the Third World but to make people in the
First World aware of people's suf-
fering as well.
Back in the late
seventies I had heard about the Buddhist Peace Fellowship (BPF) from Nelson
Foster, who had helped found it with the American Zen teacher, Robert Aitken
Roshi. I felt that BPF could help us form a link between Western and Asian
Buddhists. We made links with the Japanese, Americans, English, and Germans. I
also became involved in Mongolia and the former Soviet Union. We had other
connections in Asia and the Pacific through ACFOD. It was a
large network.
International
Network ofEngaged Buddhists
When the chapter of
the Buddhist Peace Fellowship in Britain contacted us, we felt it was
appropriate to formalize this international network. That's how the
International Network of Engaged Buddhists (INEB) came into being. Although I
am supposedly the founder of INEB, it was really more Pracha Hutanuwatra?s work
than my own. We organized our first INEB meeting in 1989. It was held in Siam,
in the town of Uthaithani, my wife's birthplace. We met on a houseboat owned by
a temple that had been headquarters for Buddhist education at the time of King
Rama V. The supreme patriarch during the reign of King Rama VT was also very
active here. It was a very auspicious meeting place to begin INEB.
Two men almost
prevented INEB from getting off the ground. A German fellow wanted INEB
membership to be very strict: no smoking, no drinking, no superstition, no, no,
no. I told him, "It is wonderful if you yourself want to take these
precepts seriously, but the strength—and weakness—of Buddhism is that we do not
place prohibitions on such things." He didn't like it, but he remained. A
British man was even worse. He wanted things his way. He insisted we use
voting, while the
rest of us wanted to use consensus in the Buddhist manner. This caused a
leading Japanese man to suggest to me, "Sulak-
san, let's not make
this an international network but simply an Asian network. Western people will
never understand us." I had to tell my English friend, "Please, shut
up." He was very nice, he shut up, and
INEB came to be.
All along, we have
received a lot of help from the Japanese chapter of INEB. They have provided
much of the funding to run the office
and INEB activities.
We have very little structure, and, as I learned
from my experience
with ACFOD, it is best not to have too much money or power. I also learned that
we need a strong spiritual ele-
ment, and so we
include meditation and spiritual practice at INEB meetings. We started very
small. Pracha was paid as a part-time executive secretary, and a volunteer
helped him. We couldn't take on very much and had to work on things one by one.
First, we organized a
human rights campaign for the Buddhist minority in the Chittagong Hill tracts
in Bangladesh. These tribal people were being killed or forceably relocated to
India. The Japanese took this issue quite seriously and invited the Bangladeshi
representative, Venerable Bimal, to speak all over Japan. Japan was a major
source of foreign aid for Bangladesh, so our efforts had a great impact.
Next on our agenda
was to work with the students and minority groups living along the Burmese
border. This was just after the 1988 uprising in Burma, in which a lot of
people had been killed. They had been fighting in the jungle, generation after
generation, for forty years and had very little communication with the outside
world. This was our first chance to get to know them. Since other organizations
were already helping with clothes and medicine, we concentrated on the
students' requests for education and training. We arranged basic health and
medical training because many of them were dying from malaria. Our most
important work was to expose them to the world outside Burma. With our help,
they set up a "jungle university" right across the border. We
arranged for teachers from Bangkok and the international community to visit the
university and run training sessions for a period of time. The Buddhist Peace
Fellowship and Greenpeace helped arrange a communication system for the border.
After the third
annual INEB conference, we focused on Sri Lanka. Historically, there's a very
close link between Sri Lanka and Siam. Buddhism had been imported to Siam from
Sri Lanka eight or nine hundred years ago and exported back to Sri Lanka during
the eighteenth century after the monkhood had disappeared there. On their
request, we arranged a six-week conflict resolution training for thirty Sri
Lankan monks. The trainers were the American Quakers George
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Lakey and George
Willoughby and Tord Hovick from the International Peace Research Institute in
Oslo, Norway. The whole approach was very Western—how to solve conflicts from
the viewpoint of modern sociology and political theory.
When we were invited
to do a similar reconciliation training with the Khmer monks and lay community
in Cambodia, we used a Buddhist approach. All the factions involved in the
Cambodian conflict came except the Khmer Rouge. We tried to understand their
country's situation within a Buddhist framework using the concepts of upadana
(attachment or clinging), right speech, and so on. At the end of the training,
one of the Cambodian patriarchs, a faction leader, noted, "All the
factions in this conflict are under the illusion of upadana." It was a
very good experience for us all.
INEB has worked
closely with the International Fellowship of Reconciliation, War Resisters
International, and Peace Brigades International. We also work on more
theoretical issues such as Buddhist social analysis and women in Buddhism. Our
annual INEB conferences have been an inspiration to everyone. These conferences
are only possible because our members in the First World often pay double so
that members from the poorer countries can be invited. We have received
donations from friends in the U.S. to help us continue our work. After much
initial support from Christian organizations, INEB decided that for the
organization to survive meaningfully it must be supported by Buddhists. From
then on, we have received support from Buddhists throughout the greater
international community. Rev. Teruo Maruyama, INEB's cofounder, said of our
group, "We must do everything possible to maintain the international
network. It is the only really viable network we have in the Buddhist
world." I am very proud of INEB. It does wonderful work.
Reviving
our democracy
In 1988, I founded
the Santi Pracha Dhamma Institute. The name came from Dr. Puey's well-known
book, Santi Pracha Dhamma (Peace, People, Righteousness) that I had published
at Klett Thai in 1973. This name and the book's ideas had become well-known
among many progressives during the 1970s. With this organization, I wanted to
carry on both Dr. Puey's and Dr. Pridi's ideas for democracy and social
justice. I began it
with Dr. Puey's blessings. The institute does research and arranges public
forums on social justice and Buddhism under the umbrella of the
Sathirakoses-Nagapradipa Foundation.
In the early 1990S,
some of us worked to have August 16, 1995, recognized as the fiftieth
anniversary of Peace Day. The first Peace Day had been declared by Mr. Pridi,
then regent of King Ananda Mahidol, on this same date in 1945. It signified the
end of the state of war between Siam and the Allies. As the military is still a
state within the state in Siam, the civilian government did not want to tread
on the military's toes. They were reluctant to commemorate Peace Day because it
celebrates the power of nonviolence and the wartime Free Thai Movement, the
clandestine but popular freedom movement headed by the regent himself.
Nonetheless, we
managed to gain approval from HRH Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn. She agreed
to preside over a Peace Day ceremony at Thammasat University. We arranged a big
gathering. Adam Curle, the Buddhist Quaker from London, delivered an opening
address before Her Royal Highness. We named Dr. Puey Ungphakorn the "Man
of Peace." In the evening, Lady Phoonsuk Banomyong led a peace march from
Thammasat to the Democracy Monument on Rajadamnern Avenue. There, hundreds of
people joined us. We had a minute of silence amidst the Bangkok traffic to
honor all who had died for peace. We prayed that there would be no more war,
that justice and peace would prevail in the world. Two years later on this
date, the City of Bangkok dedicated a large, beautiful park—Suan Seri Thai—to
the Free Thai Movement. This has become a significant day for all of us, a
reminder of the meaning of nonviolence.
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Monks and laypeople
offer their support
on false witnesses.
That was fifty years ago, and the police had still not changed. Fortunately,
the judges have changed, and when judgment of the court came, I was acquitted.
Even more, I was praised for defending democracy, defending the monarchy, and
alerting students to the dangers of consumerism. This was a first in Thai legal
history. The judgment was quoted in the law report of Thammasat University. I
hope my case has set a new trend.
To top it off, the
new public prosecutor did not appeal. He had the right to appeal within one
month, and he even extended the period of appeal for another month. But in the
end, he was very brave and did not appeal. Normally, the case would have gone
through two more courts. It could have lasted at least three more years. Of
course, there had also been international pressure. The International Commission
for Jurists wrote a nice letter to him asking him not to appeal and praising
the judgment. Legally, my case ended on June z6, 1995.
CHAPTER
20 Seeking
Alternatives
On December 8, 1995,
I received the Right Livelihood Award in the Swedish Parliament. The award
committee cited the judgment from my recent acquittal in which the court
stated, "He warned the students not to live a luxurious, consumer
lifestyle, not to worship being rich, not to admire people in power, and to be
concerned about justice and righteousness." The Right Livelihood Award is
widely considered the alternative Nobel Prize (an award I'd been twice
nominated for but didn't win). I felt very privileged to receive the Right
Livelihood Award on the same day the Japanese Buddhists celebrate the Buddha's
enlightenment. In fact, "right livelihood" is itself a Buddhist term
meaning a livelihood that is nonexploitative to oneself or others. A group of
four Buddhist monks chanted in Pali at the ceremony—probably the first time
there was Buddhist chanting in any Western parliament.
Alternatives
to Consumerism
This award reflects
my recent concern for developing an alternative to consumerism—the new, demonic
religion. It reduces life to only one purpose—to acquire money in order to
consume, to put it very crudely. This new religion is very powerful. Even the
churches and temples are building more and larger buildings, and the monks are
leading a more luxurious lifestyle. The media teaches people to be aggressive,
offering violence, crime, and sex. People learn to look down on their own
family and cultural heritage. We are urged to consume more, and this leads to
the destruction of the environment.
My main work has
always involved alternative development because I believe the present model of
development is wrong. The rich get richer, the poor get poorer, and the rich do
not even become happier. I have come to see that alternative development will
not work
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unless we tackle this
core of consumerism. Of course, we cannot match their promoters with money or
technology. But they dont have spiritual depth. That's why I created a project
on Buddhist, Christian, and Muslim alternatives to consumerism. I feel that
these three leading world religions should collaborate to wrestle with this
issue.
I planned the
Alternatives to Consumerism project ten years ago with Chandra Muzaffar, Uthai
Dulyakasem Chaiwat Satha-anand, David Chappell, and George Willoughby. It was
not funded back then, but just like anything I start, I kept pushing for it all
these years. A small Swiss and French group called Foundation for the Progress
of Humanity agreed to support us as part of their commitment to environmental
balance and social justice. The Catholic Comité Contre la Famine et pour le
Développement, also supports us, and we have the collaboration of quite a
number of friends from the three religious traditions. The project tells the
stories of simple, self-reliant, spiritual, and harmonious lifestyles that
confront consumerism.
We bring people
together in Asia, Europe, and America. It is a more or less practical forum to
meet people. In 1997 we held a big "Alternatives to Consumerism"
conference. We invited all kinds of people—Native, African, and European
Americans; Europeans; Africans; and Asians. The whole gathering was about
spiritual reflections. We need spiritual force for social justice and
environmental balance. There are many people around the world seeking something
beyond the usual development model or the usual intellectual approach. We are
seeking something that reaches deep down into our common roots. We all need the
earth, the water, the clouds, the sun. If our organizations can learn something
spiritual, we will cultivate more love and less hatred. In fact, I think the
world should concentrate on peace and the spiritual dimension of life
throughout the next century. Although we have some differences, we can work
with each other to do something for the benefit of all beings.
We have also been
working on alternative media for the past few years, since the mainstream press
and media promote violence, greed, and lust. Our friends Chee and Sok Nai from
Malaysia are producing alternative images. The so-called primitive people in
India; Christian communities such as L'Arche in France; and the Muslim Baan Krua
in Bangkok and Luang Pho Nan in Northeast Siam are all struggling within their
own religious traditions against consumerism, although they don't call it that.
We hope to televise some of these struggles.
The
Spirit in Education Movement (SEM)
At home in Siam I
recently began the SEM. The idea for SEM arose out of the need to counter a
mainstream education that promotes a compartmentalized, "head"
learning. Education has become a means to a certificate or a job. It doesn't
matter whether that job is a right livelihood or a wrong one. The only thing
that matters is how much money you make. Education has lost its ethical
dimension. SEM is based on Buddhist principles, encouraging teachers and
students to learn from each other and the environment. We work to develop and
strengthen meditation practices and artistic creativity. We must all find our
inner strength and learn who we are in order to cultivate inner peace.
Education, for us, is building friendships and having time for more than
intellectual pursuits.
We try to integrate
alternative politics and alternatives to consumerism into our courses. Our
first course, Alternative Development from a Buddhist Perspective, ran for
three weeks. It was open to everyone and was very successful. We had professors
from Canada, Germany, and India, and maechi (nuns) and monks with almost no
education. They all loved it. We do not limit ourselves to Thais and Buddhists.
We have Quakers, Mennonites, and Maryknoll priests. We run courses for
Cambodians, Sri Lankans, and Bangladeshis. We recently trained thirty Baptists
from Burma. Most of our SEM courses are very small. They are intensive and
allow deeper discussion. The subjects are all interrelated and
non-compartmentalized. We do not address the usual issues taken up by academic
institutions. Our courses always include meditation practice. We try to link
the heart and the head.
We are developing
dialogues with existing educational institutions and alternative thinkers and
educators who believe in inner spirit and environmental balance. Some of these
have included The Naropa Institute in America, Schumacher College in England,
and the Institute of Total Revolution in India. I often teach at these places,
and their teachers and students come to us. We hope to link with institutes in
Japan and Taiwan. Mainstream educational institutions
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are also linking with
us. They have asked us to teach courses for them. Some business groups have
asked us to run courses on conflict resolution because they feel they lose too
much time on infighting.
As part of our work,
we have revived the Pajarayasara magazine started by Bibhob Dhongchai over
twenty years ago. He started it to give voice to new ideas in education, but we
focus now not only on alternative education but alternative economics,
politics, and environmental issues. We have a related project focusing on
alternative politics. The prevailing politics promotes hatred and violence.
Most political regimes around the world, especially in Asia, are a heritage of
the colonial past. I'm looking for alternatives. We Buddhists are working with
like-minded people from different cultures and religions. Luckily, there are a
lot of people thinking in these terms—Maurice Ash in England, Chandra Muzzafar
in Malaysia, Helena Norberg-Hodge in Ladakh, Abdulrahman Wahid of Indonesia,
Bishop Labayan and Walden Bello from the Philippines, and Satish Kumar of
India, now living in England.
Lately we have been
fighting the gas pipeline coming from Burma into my country: As the local people
become aware, they want to fight for their own safety: Then, they want to fight
to preserve the forest for their children and grandchildren. Finally, they
realize that they are fighting not only for the local people in Kanchanaburi
but for the entire country: the region, and even the world. They are concerned
about the ethnic Burmese who have been deprived of basic human rights and
forced to work without pay, for the villages that have been uprooted, and for
child laborers. It's a fight for human dignity all over the world.
I only play a small
part because ultimately people have to empower themselves. Perhaps I can help
them by reminding them not to hate the oppressors. I speak with fellow
Christians and Muslims, as well as Buddhists. I don't have the ability or
network to destroy consumerism, globalization, the World Bank, the World Trade
Organization, or the International Monetary Fund. But if these things don't
change to serve the people, they will destroy themselves. They have no moral
legitimacy but only greed to drive them, and this will be their downfall.
Meanwhile, I hope that the small people, with alternatives, can survive.
CH21
Reflections
These memoirs are
being published for my sixty-fifth birthday. Sixty-five is old by Asian
standards, where you're an old man by the age of sixty. The average life
expectancy in Siam is fifty-seven for men. I feel I have lived eight surplus
years already.
When I reflect on my
life and my achievements, I see that I have managed to make many good friends.
The Buddha said, "Good friends are the whole of the holy life." Good
friends become your other self. They help you, encourage you, and are critical
of you. For me, encountering new people and strengthening old friendships has
been a wonderful part of life. I have many good friends who, like me, are
critical of the mainstream, especially friends in the West. More people
misunderstand me in my own country because I am a challenge to them, but I am
gaining more Thai friends among the younger people.
Some people might ask
if I am not wasting my time attending so many meetings and talking with so many
people. We waste a lot of fuel flying to and from conferences. We eat junk
food. Sometimes we use too much paper, wasting the trees. But I want to expand
my work to include more people who think alternatively: We must come together
to speak out. The more you talk with people in power, the more chance that they
will eventually listen. Eventually they will be fair. We can make good friends
and listen to each other. When I go to talk with the Archbishop of Canterbury
or the president of the World Bank, I don't think they can change things
overnight. But it is always good to talk. It is a sign that they are ready to
listen. That kind of exchange is essential. Sometimes you can change things for
the better. That is why I develop and maintain my international connections.
One of my
contributions to this process is that I can bring the best from the various
traditions. I recognize that my people are not really just the Thais. My
ancestors came from China. We are in debt to
212 1 LOYALTY DEMANDS
DISSENT REFLECTIONS 1213
the Indians and to
the Sri Lankans for our Buddhism. I try to look profoundly into my own cultures
with all their positive and negative elements and to bring them into the modern
world. My aspiration is to help my people discover their roots—our spiritual
and cultural heritage. Our most fundamental starting place for this project is
the breath. There is no denying that this is one thing we all share. If we can
begin here, many beautiful things will grow. With breathing, 1 feel we can even
overcome consumerism. "I breathe therefore I am" means that everyone
is important, not only human beings but animals, trees, rivers, the land.
In the Buddhist
tradition, development toward happiness is an important aspect. We develop
towards bringing our body and mind into harmony with our heart, with our
environment, with society. This is not development at the expense of the
environment or of the poor. It means development in a useful fashion. This past
July we had an economic crisis, and the value of our currency dropped
drastically. Many people were unhappy. They didn't realize it is all an
hallucination. Even the dollar might become scratch paper within a few decades.
So why worry? Our ancestors existed on fish, rice, water, the fields, and the
trees. These are our roots. We should look to the poor, to the people who are
self-reliant. Why concentrate on money?
The West cut off its
roots the year that Columbus claimed to have discovered America. Of course,
people had already been there for hundreds of years, living with their own
local wisdom. But when the West claimed superiority, they began to look forward
without ever looking back I am very critical of the mainstream Western approach—technology,
capitalism, consumerism. Even so, I learned a great deal from my Western
education. I am indebted to writers of Western literature for their social
commitment and analysis of society. My tradition alone would have made me very
conservative, even as an engaged Buddhist. English writers really helped me to
become concerned about the poor. While our Buddhist roots are very important,
these roots must spring into contemporary society. In much of our forest
tradition in this country, there are wonderful monks. However, they have no
idea about social justice. They don't know that the forests are being
destroyed. I think the West has that awareness of social justice.
But ultimately, for
me, Buddhism has always come first. We Buddhists must not only become aware of
unjust social structures. We must try to eliminate or overcome them with
awareness and nonviolence. We must be mindful. We must see suffering with
understanding, and with that understanding, perhaps we can be skillful in doing
something. Just this past New Year's Eve several of us were on our way to a
party at my in-laws' house. On the way, the car spun out of control and went
straight into a ditch. Fortunately, no one was hurt. As we were waiting for a
truck to come haul our car out, a neighbor came out of her house and told us
this is called "death corner." The tow truck driver was amazed that
no one was hurt and wanted to know if I had a special amulet. I said,
"Yes, I have the Buddha. The Buddha kept me alive. If you know the Buddha,
you have mindfulness, you have peace." This is the message I am always
sharing with others. I guess it's not time for me to stop yet.
APPENDIX
ACCEPTANCE SPEECH
39
Acceptance
Speech for the Right LivelihoodAward
December 8, 1995
I feel very
privileged to be here at the Swedish Parliament to receive the Right Livelihood
Award—especially today. Everyone knows that the awards are widely considered
the Alternative Nobel Prizes.
What everyone may not
know is that December 8, according to some traditions, is Buddha's
enlightenment day—the day an ordinary human
being awoke from
attachment to greed, hatred, and delusion to become fully enlightened and
compassionate. Selfishness was transformed into selflessness and intellectual
arrogance into a real understanding of the self and the world—the kind of real
understanding necessarily accompanied by loving kindness toward all sentient
beings.
Right Livelihood
itself is a Buddhist term, a key element in the Noble Eightfold Path, or Middle
Way, the Buddha taught as a way
for all of us to
transcend greed, hatred, and delusion—or at least to
lessen them. The
stages on the Path are Right View, Right Intention, Right Speech, Right Action,
Right Livelihood, Right Effort, Right
Mindfulness, and
Right Concentration. Right Livelihood means a
livelihood which is
nonexploitative to the self or others, and, as a Buddhist, I am happy to be
recognized as one who tries to lead this
kind of life. In my
own country I am usually known as a troublemaker or rabble-rouser, one who
challenges the economic and technological "development" destined to
make Siam the fifth "Tiger" among the newly industrialized countries
modeled after Japan. This "Gang of Four" already includes Taiwan,
South Korea, Hong Kong, and Singapore.
This model of
development has no ethical or spiritual dimension, and its technological
advances involve massive ecological devastation
while its economic
progress widens the abyss between rich and poor, even while subjecting whole
populations to the voraciousness of the
barely masked greed
called consumerism. There are no human rights within it, especially economic,
social, and development human rights, even as it sometimes pays lip service to
civil and political freedoms. This model of development is called "progress,"
which comes from the Latin root meaning madness. Since I want to be sane and to
live in a saner world, I have spent my life attempting to offer alternatives,
not only in my country but throughout Asia and beyond. To paraphrase Shumacher,
my efforts are "small" but attempt to be "beautiful."
The Thai authorities
do not always find my criticism of the status quo beautiful, however,
especially when we have military coups, which we do quite often in my country.
The powers that be become very angry with me; sometimes they burn my books, and
sometimes I am forced into exile lest they put me in jail. I have been persona
non grata with the Thai authorities since 1967, and in 1976 the Thai military
junta wanted to arrest or perhaps kill me. Fortunately, I was in England at the
time, so they only drove my business into bankruptcy. Many of my contemporaries
and students were murdered, maimed, or imprisoned. The lucky ones managed to
flee abroad. I remained abroad for two years. I wish to thank the Swedish government
and people who were most generous to Thai refugees. The Swedish Ambassador in
Bangkok took personal risks to help Thai intellectuals reach Sweden, and
then-Prime Minister Olaf Palme was friendly and helpful to many of us.
In 1991 my open
criticism of the military junta again drove me into exile. Unofficially the
junta tried to kill me; officially they charged me with lèse-majesté, an
extremely serious crime in Siam with a maximum penalty of 15 years. I was
fortunate in that the German Ambassador in Bangkok helped protect me. When I
was able to escape abroad, my first destination was, of course, Sweden. My
Swedish friends did not disappoint me. We have now formed a Thai Studies
Association among my Thai friends in Sweden and elsewhere in order to help
people within Siam work for social justice and social welfare. Friends provided
me with hospitality and arranged teaching work in Europe, North America, and
Japan. Among other positions, I was a Distinguished Visiting Professor at the
University of Hawaii and received the Naropa Institute Founder's Award, as well
as giving cours-
38
240 LOYALTY DEMANDS DISSENT
es there. My alma
mater, the University of Wales, Lampeter, also provided me with an honorary
fellowship. Both International PEN Centres in London and Toronto elected me
their honorary member. Not only did the Thai PEN Centre ignore me, ten years
ago its former president was the instigator to bring the case of lèse-majesté
against me.
I remained in exile
for fourteen months this time before being able to return to face court
hearings on the charges oflèse-majesté. Compared with my friends from
Indonesia, Burma, Tibet, Sri Lanka, Cambodia, and elsewhere, this is very
light. Yet exile can be miserable; only friendship, hope, forgiveness, and the
practice of mindful deep breathing helped me to keep my head above water. I
must admit that when I see senseless killing and human rights abuse, I
sometimes become angry. But Thich Nhat Hanh, my Vietnamese Buddhist teacher,
taught me to become aware of anger in order to surround it with mindfulness. He
says that anger is like a closed flower which will bloom when the sunlight
penetrates it deeply. If you keep breathing mindfully, shining compassion and
understanding upon it, your practice will penetrate the anger, and you will
look into its depths and see its root. When this happens, the anger cannot
resist. The flower will bloom and show its heart to the sun. The same is true
of greed, lust, and delusion.
With this mindful
practice of breathing, I learned not to hate the
military junta, nor
the corrupt politicians, nor even the executives in the multinational
corporations. I became more aware of the unjust social, political, and economic
structures as the source of injustice and violence. The rich and powerful benefit
economically and legally from the system, but they are also trapped by it, and
neither they nor their
families are made
happy.
My court case on the
lèse-majesté charges lasted almost four years, during which time many friends
and organizations assisted. They
included Amnesty
International (London); the International
Commission of Jurists
(Geneva) and the Human Rights Desk of Bread for the World (Stuttgart), among
many others. My attorneys
were wonderful,
fighting the case patiently, courteously, and courageously; and my colleagues
gave me much encouragement. My wife has always been and continues to remain a
tremendous support to me.
ACCEPTANCE SPEECH 41
I was acquitted on
the charges oflèse-majesté, which is very unusual. My acquittal made me proud
of our judiciary system, making me believe that our progressive judges no
longer blindly follow oppressive laws, many of them decrees of the military
junta, but now care more for justice and mercy. The judges went so far as to
praise me in court stating, which is unprecedented within living memory, that,
"It is clear that the defendant aimed at teaching the students to be
conscious of the essence of democracy. He warned the students not to live a
luxurious, consumer lifestyle, not to worship being rich, not to admire people
in power, and to be concerned about justice and righteousness." I was
pleased when the Right Livelihood Award Committee cited this part of the
judgment and encouraged me to go forward with new projects.
My latest projects
concern interfaith Alternatives to Consumerism and the Spirit in Education
Movement (SEM). The Foundation for the Progress of Humanity (France,
Switzerland) has helped initiate the first project which calls for Buddhists,
Christians, and Muslims to work together in developing awareness of the
problems of consumerism and demonstrating viable alternative ways of living.
The second project, SEM, has already begun with assistance from the Sharpham
Trust (England) and the Heinrich Boll Foundation (Germany). We have already
given courses and will initiate SEM formally with a public event on December
12, with the Head of Shumacher College (England) as keynote speaker. I hope SEM
will provide an alternative to prevailing educational trends which concentrate
on the head rather than the heart and reward cleverness without regard to
ethics. The Naropa Institute (Boulder, Colorado) already attempts to introduce
engaged Buddhism as part of its curriculum, that is, to teach its students how
to confront suffering and be mindful of ways of overcoming it nonviolently both
at the personal and the social, economic, and other structural levels. The
Institute ofTotal Revolution (Vecchi, Gujarat, India) also trains in a Gandhian
method of education.
At SEM we try to
develop friendship in the Buddhist sense of kalayanamitra, among students and
teachers—to learn from each other and from the environment; to develop
meditation practice and artistic creativity; to understand and respect
indigenous cultures; to
242 LOYALTY DEMANDS DISSENT
plant seeds of peace
within ourselves and our world; to develop beauty, goodness, and critical
self-awareness in order to become transformed personally. This, in turn, will
lead us to care less for ourselves and more for others; to combine
understanding and compassion; to work for social justice and ecological
balance; and to develop Right Livelihood as part of our Buddhist practice.
SEM participants will
not avoid contact with suffering or become separate from our awareness of
suffering in the world but will find
ways to alleviate
suffering wherever it is found. Above all, they will try to understand the ways
in which prevailing economic, social, and political systems contribute to
suffering, to violence, and to the culture of violence that surrounds us, in
order to provide a countervailing force of nonviolence, compassion, and
understanding.
At the deepest level,
the causes of suffering are always greed, hatred, and delusion. At the more
immediate level, these causes have become
embodied in
consumerism, militarism, compartmentalization of thought and practice (e.g.,
the use of such strategies as "social engineering"), and the
separation of efforts to resolve social problems from the process of personal
transformation.
In SEM we hope to
understand that the knowledge we presently possess is not changeless so that we
can learn and practice nonat-
tachment to views, to
become open to receive the truth that resides in life and not simply in
conceptual knowledge. I hope SEM participants will be able to learn throughout
their entire lives and to observe the reality of the world and within ourselves
at all times.
In order to do this,
and not to lose ourselves in dispersion in our surroundings, we need to
practice mindfulness, especially the breath-
ing which brings us
back to what is happening in the present moment—with what is wondrous,
refreshing, and healing both within and around us. We hope to continually plant
seeds of joy, peace, and understanding in ourselves in order to facilitate the
ongoing work of transformation in the depths of our consciousness.
I am very grateful to
be in this wonderful company, to be accepting this Right Livelihood Award, and
to be able to share with you
some of my work, my
hopes, and my dreams. I welcome all participation in our projects, especially
in the new work on Alternatives to Consumerism and in the Spirit in Education
Movement. It would
ACCEPTANCE SPEECH
1243
be wonderful to
welcome any of you as teachers and/or students in our SEM courses.
Before I thank you
all, both for this wonderful award and for your interest in our work and
projects, may I ask the four Buddhist monks—constituting the Sangha—from Burma,
Siam, England, and Germany,
to chant words of the
Buddha for peace and happiness of all sentient beings.
Sulak Sivaraksa
Stockholm, Sweden
December 8, 1995