2018/08/31

마르쿠스 아우렐리우스 - 나무위키





마르쿠스 아우렐리우스 - 나무위키







마르쿠스 아우렐리우스



최근 수정 시각: 2018-08-30



분류

로마제국 황제

고대 로마/인물

121년 출생

180년 사망







로마의 역대 황제





네르바-안토니누스 왕조





15대 안토니누스 피우스







16대 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스







17대 콤모두스





16대 루키우스 베루스









5현제 목록





네르바



트라야누스



하드리아누스



안토니누스 피우스



마르쿠스 아우렐리우스



















마르쿠스 아우렐리우스 안토니누스

(Marcus Aurelius Antoninus)





한자명



안돈(安敦)[1]





출생지



로마 제국 라누비오





생몰 년도



121년 4월 26일 ~ 180년 3월 17일





재위 기간



161년 3월 7일 ~ 180년 3월 17일











신격화된 피우스가 죽은 뒤 원로원에 의해 국정을 떠맡게 된 마르쿠스는 동생에게 루키우스 아우엘리우스 베루스 콤모두스라는 이름을 주고 카이사르와 아우구스투스 칭호를 수여하여 제국의 공동 통치자로 했다. 그들은 동등한 위치에서 제국을 통치하기 시작했다. 그는 자신에게 맡겨진 제국을 다른 사람과 공동으로 통치하면서 로마 제국은 처음으로 두 명의 황제를 갖게 되었다.



ㅡ 로마황제열전 ㅡ









내가 안토니우스 가의 한 사람인 한에서는 내 도시와 내 나라는 로마이지만, 내가 인간인 한에서는 내 조국은 세계이다.







1. 개요

2. 재위기간

2.1. 고난의 연속

2.1.1. 시오노 나나미의 비판과 반박

2.2. 후계자 문제

2.3. 열렬한 그리스 문학자이면서 철저한 생활인이라는 이중적 면모

3. 기마상을 남긴 황제

4. 미디어믹스

-------------





1. 개요[편집]





흔히 철인 황제(哲人皇帝)로 많이 불리는, 네르바-안토니누스 왕조의 다섯 번째 황제이자 로마 제국 제16대 황제. 스토아학파의 대표적 철학자.[2]



철인 황제이자 선정(善政)을 베푼 현제(賢帝)로서 동시대인의 존경과 사랑을 받았을 뿐만 아니라 후세 사가들에게까지 율리우스 카이사르, 아우구스투스, 티베리우스, 트라야누스, 하드리아누스와 더불어 훌륭한 지도자로 평가받고 있는 명군.



2. 재위기간[편집]



2.1. 고난의 연속[편집]













어린 시절의 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스.[3]







재위기 동안 힘든 삶을 보내야 했는데, 일단 철학을 논하고 사색에 잠기는 것을 좋아하던 사람이 재위기간 내내 이민족과의 전쟁에 시달렸고 황제가 된 이후 계속해서 전쟁터에 나가야 했다. 게다가 당시 로마 제국에는 유행병이 퍼져서 제국은 혼돈으로 빠지고 있었다. 그리고 결국 가장 치열한 전장이었던 도나우 강 방어선에서 그 유행병으로 병사하며 삶을 마감했다. 황제의 무거운 책임을 조금이라도 나눠볼까 하여 친구이자 하드리아누스의 첫번째 후계자 케이오니우스의 아들인 루키우스 베루스를 공동황제로 삼았지만 루키우스는 향락에만 젖어 있다가 일찍 죽어버려 전혀 도움이 되지 않았다. 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스 본인은 득본 건 하나도 없고 의동생 덕에 골머리만 더 앓았지만, 이런 선례가 있어 후기 로마 제국은 황제를 여럿 두어서 산적한 난제에 유기적으로 대처할 수 있었다.



하지만 오현제의 이름에 부끄럽지 않게 추위에 덜덜 떨며 쿨럭거리면서도 최전선에 항상 나갔으며, 틈틈이 로마로 돌아와서 국정을 돌보고, 전장에서도 사무처리를 하는 등 성실하면서도 근면한 태도를 유지하였고, 학문에 파묻힌 서생이었고 건강 때문에 전술지휘능력은 없는 것이나 다름 없었지만 의외로 전략적 식견으로는 군사 분야에서조차 유능했다. 그래서 그가 죽기 직전의 로마군은 도나우 강을 건너서 보헤미아 지역을 평정하고 있을 정도였다.



여기에 더해서 전임황제인 안토니누스 피우스 시절에 태평성대가 지속됨에 따라 약해진 로마군의 체질을 다시 개선하였다. 워낙 위기가 많아서 그런지 최전선으로 많이 달려나갔기 때문에 이루어진 듯 하나, 이런 개혁이 있었기 때문에 그가 죽고 무능하고 해악한 콤모두스가 즉위해서 나라를 개판 5분 전으로 만들어도 국경선은 튼튼했고 외적의 침입도 거의 없었으며, 국경선을 지키는 장군들은 다 제자리를 지켰다.[4] 대규모 내란이 일어난 것은 콤모두스가 측근에게 암살당한 뒤라는 점을 생각한다면 아들 그 자체를 빼놓고는 나름대로 자신의 사후를 대비한 황제이기도 했다. 그리고 그 어떤 황제도 시도하지 않았던 노예해방을 지시한 황제이기도 했다. 다음 노예해방은 서로마 말기의 플라비우스 스틸리코 장군이 병력을 증강하기 위해 시행한 고육지책이었다.



파르티아 전쟁에서 돌아온 군사들은 파르티아의 전리품과 함께 전염병을 가져왔는데 이 전염병은 유행처럼 번져 167년에는 주요 거주지인 로마가 특히 전염병으로 큰 타격을 입었다. 이러한 종류의 전염병은 몇 세기 만에 처음 발발한 것이였고, 콤모두스의 치세 중에도 빈번히 발생했으며, 10년 후까지도 창궐했다. 그를 죽인 이 유행병은 황제 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스 안토니누스(즉 이 항목의 주인공)가 그 병으로 죽었다고 해서 안토니누스의 역병이라고 불렸는데, 이 병의 정체는 천연두 혹은 홍역으로 추정되며, 총 사망자 수는 400만 명에 달한 것으로 보인다. 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스 시대부터 로마가 혼란에 빠지기 시작하면서 국방력이 약화된 주요 이유 중 하나로 이 '안토니누스의 역병'을 꼽는 사람들도 있다.



2.1.1. 시오노 나나미의 비판과 반박[편집]





시오노 나나미가 카이사르형 리더가 아니라는 이유로 지나치게 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스에게 박한 평가를 한 면이 여기서 불거지는데, 당연히 이 부분은 문제가 있다. 단순히 카이사르가 갈리아 전쟁 당시 병사들을 다루던 태도와 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스의 그것이 다르다고 문제 있다고 하는 게 아니라, 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스가 카이사르는 쉽게 다루었던 게르만 전역에서 카이사르만한 성과를 내지 못한 걸, 그의 시대에는 카이사르만한 명장이 없었고 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스의 역량이 그 정도도 아니라는, 받아들이기 어렵다 볼 수 있는 의견을 내는데 있다. 군사적 역량만보면 좀 떨어질 수도 있지, 물론 어디까지나 군사적 역량만보면 메시보다 못한다고 축구선수 다 까려나보다.



당시에는 게르만족 사회의 전투력과 동원력 그리고 전략적 안목이 성장해 있었다. 일례로 카이사르만 못지 않을 당대 최고의 명장이었던 콘스탄티누스조차도, 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스 이래로 대 게르만족 격퇴에 여러 황제의 손을 거치며 백수십 년 동안이나 개편을 거친 로마군 갖고도, 확고한 우위로 통제할 수 있었을 망정 영구히 복속시키진 못했다.



로마 문화와 자신의 정략에 대한 절대적인 우월감을 바탕으로 일을 진행하던 카이사르와, 이상과 현실의 괴리에 괴로워하며 책무를 수행한 마르쿠스를 서로 비교하기 위한 측면이 있다고 해도, 이런 부분은 카이사르 시대의 게르만족과 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스 시기의 게르만족 자체에 어떤 차이가 있는지도 모르는 무지에서 비롯된 것이다.



마르쿠스 당시와 트라야누스 당시에는 차이가 또 있기에 트라야누스와 비교해보는 시각도 대단히 문제가 크며, 카이사르의 전쟁 수행 이야기는 전대 황제들의 게르만 정책들을 논하는 연장선상에서 하는 얘기라면 앞서의 이유로 더욱 무리한 서술이 된다. 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스가 게르만족들에 대해 빌빌댄 것을 그의 군사적 경험 부족으로만 보는 것은, 게르만족 사회의 변화와 로마 체제의 변화에 대해 거의 무지한, 시오노 나나미의 사심만이 반영된 부당한 평가라고밖에는 볼 수가 없다.



물론 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스 이후 시대에 등장한 지휘관 중에서도 벨리사리우스와 같이 설명하기 어려울 정도로 소수의 병력으로 이미 전술적, 무장수준으로 비등할 다수의 적을 격파한 뒤 정복을 이루어낸 장군이 등장하기 때문에, 단순히 게르만족의 기량 상승 때문에 어떤 이가 와도 정복의 지지부진을 피할 수 없었을 것이라고 단정하기는 어렵다.



당대에 로마가 보인 물량과 자원, 시간 투입을 본다면 전선의 교착상태는 황제가 일개 소대도 지휘해본 적 없는 상태로 대규모 전선을 맡아 군대를 지휘한 반면, 적 게르만족의 사령관은 군사 경험이 풍부하였기에 일어난 일이라 볼 수 있다. 일례로 시간이 지나면서 황제의 지휘 기량이 능숙해지면서 승전을 거듭해 갔으며, 전쟁말년엔 죽음으로 인해 이루지 못했을 뿐 정복을 거의 확실시 할 수 있는 상태로 바꾸어 내는데 성공하였다.



그러나 그렇다고 해서 당대 게르만족 사회 및 그 군대의 동원 능력, 무장도, 편제, 예비대 운용 등을 비롯한 군사적 운용 능력의 향상 등을 마냥 도외시하고, 황제의 기량에만 모든 원인을 귀속시켜서는 안된다는 것이다. 앞에서 예로 든 벨리사리우스의 경우에도, 벨리사리우스 시대의 로마군은 다름아닌 훈족 및 사산조 페르시아군을 대상으로 철저하게 벤치마킹했던데다, 당대 로마 제국의 군사학은 여전해서, 적에게 맞는 여러 맞춤형 전술이 가능해졌기에 그런 전과도 낼 수 있었다. 바로 그렇기 때문에, 카이사르나 트라야누스와 같은 사령관이 부임했더라면 반드시 제패가 가능했을 거란 가정은 그들이라도 결코 불가능했을 거란 가정 못지 않게 IF의 영역에 불과하다.



물론 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스의 부족한 군사 경험과, 이를 초래한 안토니누스의 황제 수업에 의구심을 보이는 것은 어느 정도 일리가 있다. 시오노 나나미가 창안한 개인의 주관적 견해가 아닌 그의 일생을 다룬 서구의 다양한 서적과 문헌에서 많은 저자들이 비슷한 입장을 보이는 건 사실이다. 단, 그들은 시오노 나나미처럼 이런 부분에서 구태여 "카이사르"를 들먹이진 않는다. 즉 카이사르는 게르만족을 쉽게 박살냈는데 마르쿠스는 못했으니 무능하단 소리는 안 한다는 것이다.



게다가 카이사르는 갈리아를 정복했을 뿐이지 게르마니아를 정복한게 아니다. 카이사르가 정복한건 수에비족 일부와 우비족 일부 뿐이다. 게다가 전투를 벌여 승리한 수에비족 조차도 그들을 정복 한게 아니라 전투 몇번 승리하고 그들의 분파들 중 하나를 흡수했을 뿐이었으며 우비족은 카이사르와 전투를 벌여 정복을 당한게 아니라 처음부터 우호적이던 부족 이었다. 카이사르는 게르만족과 전면전을 하지도 않았다. 스스로 갈리아 전쟁기에서도 밝혔듯이 전쟁을 회전으로 일거에 끝맺기 어려운 숲속에서 사는데다 순순히 로마화될 가망도 없기 때문이었다.



애초에 카이사르는 게르마니아는커녕 갈리아조차 정복하는데 실패할 뻔하지 않았던가? 카이사르는 갈리아에서 철수하려던 것을 베르킨게토릭스의 전략적 실책 덕분에 갈리아 정복을 완수할 수 있었다. 보다시피 원래 정복이란 것이 실력이나 국력만으로 성공할 수 있는 영역이 아니다. 정복하기 어려운 지형은 굳이 정복할 필요가 없고, 해봤자 딱히 도움이 되지 않는 과제에 불과하다.



문제는 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스 시대에는 방위전략상 그런 무리한 전면전을 할 강력한 필요가 생겼다는 것이다. 그리고 카이사르도 단념한 게르만족을 상대로 현지에서 그만큼 했으면 상당히 선방한 거라고 봐야 한다. 당장 초대 황제 아우구스투스가 무리하게 게르마니아 정벌을 추진하여 군단을 날려먹은 것과 비교하면 오히려 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스가 장할 지경이다.



2.2. 후계자 문제[편집]





자질 있는 자를 양자로 삼아 자리를 물려준 선대 오현제들과는 달리 아우렐리우스는 무능력하고 불초한 친아들에게 제위를 물려주었다는 점이 자주 비판받는다. 그리하여 아우렐리우스 시대를 끝으로 오현제 시대가 막을 내리고 그의 아들인 콤모두스 시대부터 로마는 쇠락의 길로 접어들기 시작한다.



하지만 다른 황제들은 친아들이 없었기에 양자에게 물려준 것이지 일부러 다른 의도가 있어서는 아니었고, 이런 이유로 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스를 '다 잘했는데 그것만 못했다'는 식으로 씹은 세베루스 황제도 결국 제위는 친아들에게 물려줬다. 제위를 물려받지 못한 친아들의 존재가 로마의 정치 구조를 어디까지 파탄으로 몰고갈 수 있는 지는 다름아닌 디오클레티아누스 은퇴 후의 일이 증명한다. 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스가 이런 이유로 비난 받는 건 콤모두스가 대단히 책임감이 박약하고 무능했던 황제여서이고, 이러한 문제는 세습을 통해 정국을 안정시킨다는 제정(帝政), 그리고 전제군주제라는 시스템 그 자체에서 기인하는 것이므로 이런 걸로 그를 비판하는 학자는 적어도 오늘날에는 없다.

다만, 자식의 부족함을 꿰뚫어보지 못했다는 것 자체는 부정할 수 없다는 비판도 있다. 그래서 이에 대해 아우렐리우스가 알면서도 아버지로서의 정 때문에 어쩔 수 없었던 것이라는 변호도 있다.



하지만 콤모두스에 대한 평가의 실수라는 비판도 따지고 보면 결과론적인 관점이다. 콤모두스가 황제 자리에 오를 당시 그는 십대 소년이었다. 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스가 죽을 당시 불과 만 19세에 불과했다. 당시만 해도 큰 말썽은 피우지 않고 단지 놀기 좋아하는 청년에 불과했던 콤모두스가 아버지가 죽고 나서 그렇게까지 막장을 달릴거라고 상상하기는 힘들었다. 게다가 콤모두스가 본격적으로 일탈하기 시작한 때는 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스가 죽고 단독황제가 된지 2년 후인 182년에 암살 위협을 겪고나서부터다.



어린 시절부터 두각을 나타내는 극소수의 인물(알렉산더 대왕 등)을 제외하면 어떤 인물의 19세까지의 시절만 보고 이 인물이 위대해질지, 형편없어지는 걸 감별하는 건 불가능에 가깝다. 오히려 어린 시절에는 막장이었다가 뒤늦게 정신 차려서 재능을 꽃피운 인물도 역사속에서 흔해 빠질 정도이다. 따라서 콤모두스의 실체를 알지 못했다고 아버지를 탓하는건 지나치게 가혹한 기준이다. 게다가 걸핏하면 전선에서 골골대던 아버지와 달리, 콤모두스는 체격이 건장하고 건강했으며 무술 또한 뛰어났기 때문에 어쩌면 아버지보다 더 군무에 적합한 인물로 보였을 수도 있었다. 문제는 그 재능으로 검투사 짓이나 했다는 거지만, 그것까지 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스가 파악하리라고 기대하는 건 지나치다.



게다가 백번 양보해서 '자식의 부족함을 꿰뚫어봤다'고 쳐도, 이미 친자식이 있다는 점에서 아우렐리우스에게는 선택의 여지가 없었다. 멀쩡한 자식을 놔두고 다른 사람에게 제위를 양보한다? 그날부터 그 자식은 다른 야심가들의 유용한 쿠데타 도구와 명분이 될 것이다. 거기다 설령 다른 유능한 인재를 고른다고 해도 정통성에서 훨씬 앞서는 친자식이 있는 마당에 과연 제대로 황제 노릇을 할 수 있을까? 군주제 국가에서 친자식이 있는데, 그를 제치고 다른 사람을 제위에 앉히려면, 그리고 그것을 만인에게 인정받으려면 딱 두 가지뿐이다. 하나는 아우구스투스가 티베리우스에게 그랬듯이 그 자식이 장성할 때까지 징검다리 역할로 선포해버리는 것, 둘째는 영조처럼 그 자식을 죽여 없애는 것이다. 아우렐리우스는 당시 그런 선택을 할 상황도 아니었고, 콤모두스가 그 정도로 결함을 드러낸 것이 아니었기 떄문에 그런 극약처방을 택할 이유 자체가 없었다.



즉 당시 정세를 봤을 때 정국안정을 위한 친자세습은 불가피했다는 것을 알아야 한다. 특히 영화 글래디에이터처럼 유능하고 충성심강한 장군에게 승계하는 형태는 실제로는 불가능했다. 정복전쟁은 해야 하는데 명목상 최고 사령관인 황제가 전장에 직접 못나가면 결국 전술지휘를 대행하는 장군들의 영향력이 커질 수밖에 없다. 신망있는 장군일 수록 당시 유권자 즉 로마시민이기도 했던 휘하 군단병들의 지지도 모이고, 당시 로마군에 이런 장군들이 한 둘이 아니었만큼 장군들 중 누구 하나가 후계자로 지목된다고 해서 나머지 장군들과 군단병들이 그대로 승복하리라는 보장도 없었다는 것은 로마제국의 내전사, 특히 삼황제시대만 봐도 증명이 된다. 콤모두스가 아무리 무능했다 해도 그 훌륭하고 존경받아 마땅한 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스 황제의 아들이 제위에 오른 것 만으로도 장군들의 준동을 억제할 수있었던 걸 보면 콤모두스 자체는 무능하고 나쁜 인물이었다 해도 그에게 제위를 세습시킨 자체는 제국의 평화를 어느정도 연장하는 효과는 있었다고 봐야 하는 것이다.



2.3. 열렬한 그리스 문학자이면서 철저한 생활인이라는 이중적 면모[편집]





상술했다시피 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스는 어려서부터 그리스, 특히 학문 분야에 빠져있었다. 그는 유모의 보살핌을 받는 나이가 지나자마자 뛰어난 교사들에게 보내져 그리스 철학을 터득했다고 한다. 참고로 그의 저작이자 훌륭한 철학서라고 인정받는 《명상록》은 사실 전쟁터에서 그리스어로 쓴 것으로 그의 개인 '덕질'의 정점이다.[5] 현대에 와서 이 명상록은 자기 개발서적인 명언집으로 잘 팔려나간다.



그리스에 가서, 이왕이면 아테네나 로도스 섬에서 서늘한 지중해 여름밤바람을 쐬며 동무들과 철학적 담론을 나누거나 그리스 비극을 감상하기만 바라는 사람이, 현실에선 맨날 비가 주룩주룩 오는 게르마니아 야만족 깡촌의 최전선에서 전쟁하느라 추위와 감기에 시달리며 칼 맞아 죽어 진창 위에서 썩어가는 야만족 시체 냄새나 맡고 살아야 했으니 짜증이 안 날 턱이 없다.[6]



차라리 역시 열렬한 그리스 추종자였던 네로처럼 시원하게 한판 했으면 또 모르겠지만, 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스는 일단 그런 건 모조리 뒤로 제쳐두고 황제로서 해야 하는 일부터 모두 철저하게 했다. 국가 재정이 부족하면 황실 창고를 열어서 재정을 보강했고 몸이 건강한 편이 아니었음에도 필요하다면 게르마니아까지 가서 전쟁을 진두지휘했으며 심지어 전장에서 건강이 악화되어 죽었다. 특히나 그 바쁜 와중에도 최고 재판장으로서 제국 시민들의 민사/형사 최종 재판도 심리하여 이런저런 현명한 판결을 많이 남기기도 했다. 그를 높이 평가하지 않는 시오노 나나미도 몇몇 판결을 인용하며 과연 상식적이라고 평했을 정도.



더군다나 스토아 철학에서는 '공동체의 선'(스토아 철학은 개인주의와 공동체주의의 성격을 동시에 가지고 있었으므로 공공에 대한 개인의 헌신을 강조하지는 않았다.)을 중시하였으며 이는 로마의 지도층을 이끌어가며 로마 제국이라는 거대한 시스템을 지탱해온 철학이라고 할 수 있다.[7] 《명상록》의 주된 내용 또한 다른 사람들과의 갈등에서오는 짜증, 죽음에 대한 두려움과 극복과 같은 개인적인 내용도 있지만 공공에 대한 헌신 또한 굉장히 중요한 주제로 등장한다. 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스가 이상적인 황제로 여겨지고 후세에도 유명하며 당대에도 많은 황제들이 그의 정치를 이어 받겠다고 한것도 그가 로마 제국을 지탱해온 '스토아 철학'의 완벽한 구현자로 여겨졌기 때문일 것이다. 그 자신은 철학적인 두뇌에 허약한 육체를 타고났음에도 자신에게 맡겨진 황제라는 직책에 맞게 공공을 위해 허약한 몸을 이끌고 전장에 나가 수많은 전투를 지휘했으니까.



이런건 누군가가 말하는 "단순한 이미지 관리"가 아니다. 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스는 당대에도 덕(德)으로 유명했고, 심지어 그에게 반란을 선포한 자도 그가 덕이 있는 황제라는 것은 부인하지 못했으며, 고작 내세운 명분이 그가 눈이 어두워서 간신을 써서 나라가 혼란에 빠졌다라고 할 정도였다. 일반 백성들의 이미지도 산사태처럼 쏟아진 위기를 연약한 몸을 가졌음에도 불구하고 불굴의 의지로 다 해결하고 하얗게 다 타서 쓰러진 황제일 정도였으니...후대의 군인 황제들이 즉위할 때마다 "마르쿠스 아우렐리우스의 통치를 본받겠다"고 선언할 정도로 이상적인 황제상으로 여겨졌다.



3. 기마상을 남긴 황제[편집]







그의 생전 모습을 묘사한 작품으로는 마르코만니 전쟁을 기둥에 묘사한 부조화[8]와 청동 기마상이 남아있는데, 이교도 문화 척결로 수많은 황제들의 청동상이 파괴되었으나 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스의 기마상은 교회가 기독교를 공인한 콘스탄티누스 대제의 기마상인줄 알아서[9] 라테라노 대성당 옆에 있었음에도 녹이지 않고 내버려두었다 한다. 르네상스 시대에 들어와 미켈란젤로 부오나로티로마 캄피돌리오 언덕을 정비할 때 아우렐리우스의 기마상을 캄피돌리오 광장 가운데에 갖다 놓았고, 그 후로 수백 년 동안 광장을 지키던 기마상은 현대의 대기오염으로 인한 부식을 피하기 위해 진품은 인근의 카피톨리니 박물관으로 옮기고 복제품으로 교체했다. 그런데 아우렐리우스도 잘 알려지지 않은 기독교를 박해한 황제중 한명인데 정작 기독교인들 덕분에 기마상이 보존된 아이러니... 콘스탄티누스: 이게 다 제 덕 입니다 선배님.



4. 미디어믹스[편집]





영화 글래디에이터에서 등장하는 늙은 로마 황제가 바로 이 인물이다. 로마 공화정의 전통 부활을 논하는 인물로 나오는데 명상록에서 그의 공화주의적인 성향이 일부 드러나기는 하지만, 공화정 부활을 꾀했다는 것은 어디까지나 영화의 설정이다. 제정 시기에도 공공연히 공화정 복고를 주장하는 회고주의자들은 꽤 있었지만, 시대착오적이고 현실감각이 없는 바보들 취급을 면하지 못했기 때문에 건전한 상식을 가진 철인 황제가 그런 황당하고 반동적인 주장에 전면 동의했을 개연성은 매우 희박하다. 영화에서는 오늘날의 민주주의 국가의 관객들이 제정이 가진 독재적 요소에 대해 부정적 감정을 가지고 있음을 이용해 제정을 악의 체제로 설정해놓은 것 뿐, 실제 역사에서 제정을 그런 이분법적인 시각으로 볼 수는 없다. 당연한 얘기지만 영화에서 콤모두스가 사망한 후에 로마가 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스의 유지를 받들어(...) 과거 좋았던 시절의 공화정으로 되돌아간 것도 실제 역사가 아니다. 사실 리들리 스콧 감독의 다른 역사영화들에서도 과거 인물의 관점에서 현대 민주주의를 찬양하는 듯한 묘사가 많다. 로빈 후드라던가, 킹덤 오브 헤븐이라던가.. 이 감독이 만든 광고도 민주주의 만세로 점철된 영상물이다



만화 테르마이 로마이에서는 소년 시절의 모습으로 등장한다. 하드리아누스 황제도 인정할 정도로 매우 현명한 인재로 등장하며, 본래는 황제 자리를 물려줄 생각까지 했으나 아직 나이가 어려서 세습은 포기하고 대신 중신으로 기용할 생각을 가지고 있다. 물론 실제로는 황제 자리까지 올라가지만. 만화에선 안토니누스 피우스가 즉위하는 장면까지 나오는 관계로 그 이상은 나오지 않는다.



넷플릭스 오리지널 드라마 Roman Empire Reign of Blood에서 등장. 아들을 다들 보는데 앞에서 훈련시키고 정치적 문제로 아내를 죽이는 냉혈한 모습을 보인다.





[1] 후한 환제 재위기였던 서기 166년에 ''서방 대진국 왕 안돈이 사신을 보내 조공을 바쳤다'라는 기록이 있다. 단 로마 쪽에서는 중국에 사신을 보냈다는 기록은커녕 중국에 로마와 맞먹는 한나라라는 대국이 있다는 것조차 모르고 있었던 정황이 많다. 따라서 로마 상인이 교역을 요청한 것을 한나라에서 조공 사신으로 이해한 것이라는 주장이 유력하다.[2] 허나 그의 치세 동안의 행적을 본다면 정말 강철 같은 인생을 살다 갔다는 사실을 알 수 있다.[3] 그리스 철학자처럼 헌옷을 입고 마룻바닥에서 잠을 자는 것을 좋아해서 어머니의 골머리를 썩혔는데, 그리스 문화 애호가로 유명한 하드리아누스는 오히려 좋아라 했다고 한다.[4] 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스의 통치기간 동안 지겹게도 게르만족과 싸운 탓에 게르만족 또한 전력 소모가 심하긴 했다.[5] 당시 로마 상류층은 사무용 그리스어 정도는 할 줄 알아야 했지만, 그걸 철학서를 쓸 정도로 마스터하는 것은 별개의 문제다.[6] 명상록에 "당신은 잘려 나간 사람의 팔과 다리를 본 적이 있는가?"라는 식으로 암시되어 있는 내용이다.[7] 시오노 나나미는 로마 제국의 지도층이 공공건축 등에 심취한것도 스토아 철학의 영향이 아니라 그냥 그 사람들의 성취욕이라고 주장했지만 공공건축, 공공에 대한 봉사등이 성취할만한 위업이 된것 또한 당연히 스토아 철학의 영향이다. 시오노 나나미가 간혹 스토아 철학이 로마의 지도층들에게 얼마나 큰 영향을 끼쳤는지 틈만 나면 강조하는 것과, 필요한 언급을 안 하는 건 전혀 상관없는 얘기다.[8] 마르쿠스 아우렐리우스의 기둥. 현재는 키지 궁전 앞 콜론나 광장에 위치.[9] 콘스탄티누스 대제는 수염을 기르지 않았다

Presence in a world of duality | The Friend



Thought for the Week: Presence | The Friend



Thought for the Week: Presence



23 Aug 2018 | by Alex Thomson


Alex Thomson reflects on Presence in a world of duality
We live in a world of duality, of opposites and extremes. I find myself moving between these, trying to be one thing to discover I am the other. I have my weaknesses, my darkness, though I prefer to live in the Light. All the past and present conditioning doesn’t just disappear, it requires a practice to bring it into the Light and be healed. Life seeks equilibrium, a balance, and so do I. If you cut a stick in half there is still a right side and a left side. One side cannot exist on its own and that is the reality of the world. We are all learning, we are all one, and all different – the opposites cannot be eliminated, they need to be embraced.

I cannot live a purely spiritual life; I am a body in a physical world. I cannot live just as a body because I am also a spiritual being. The physical and the spiritual are one; the physical is an expression of Presence. Yet most people have little awareness of Presence. My understanding is in my life. I need to give time to both body and spirit, and awareness to both in order to bloom as a person and as a soul.

To know Presence is to know the way of the heart. The way of the head is needed for our everyday life, but it can make us cold, turning us into a robot, or a puppet. We also need to be in touch with our heart to know Presence. We need to sit in stillness and let go of our ordinary knowledge to experience Presence.

What is this Presence? There are aspects of Presence we can experience in stillness. The first is Awareness. Without Awareness there is no sense of Presence. Presence includes everything – a oneness without separation. Things arise and pass within Presence, yet they are part of that Presence. If it is fear, then fear is present, but it is embraced by Presence – an infinite vastness that is beyond words. The realisation of this interconnectedness, of everything embraced by a Presence of unconditional Love, is transformative.

This Presence is dynamic, forever changing; new patterns emerge, old patterns pass – all within Presence. Without change there is nothing to be aware of and there would be no life. Change can lead us to the experience of Presence – for Presence is always there, waiting to be revealed. When you realise Presence you recognise your true nature. Presence is knowingness, a direct knowing that is before thoughts, a knowing experience of God, a knowingness that you are within God and that nothing can hurt you, even though the physical appearance may be very different from that. You know you can never be separated from this Presence that is God.

Yet, here I am with all my faults from a lifetime of trying – sometimes fighting, sometimes struggling, to survive as a separate being. The source of my life is Presence, but how I manifest that Presence is very much up to me. So, I need a practice that keeps me in touch with Presence, with God, otherwise I become lost in the physical world, becoming conditioned by it and capable of causing all kinds of suffering. Yet, God is. When I am ‘being still’ and all kinds of things arise, I offer up to Presence all the things I cannot handle and that are too big for me. I sit in stillness, listening and watching for whatever takes shape. It is a different kind of knowing – the knowing of Love.


한국기독교사에서 퀘이커주의와 함석헌의 위치



Sejin Pak
30 August 2016


[퀘이커] 함석헌과 퀘이커 - 사상보다 사람
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한국기독교사에서 퀘이커주의와 함석헌의 위치

김 성 수 (2005)

1. 머리말
2. 사상사적 입장에서 본 퀘이커주의
3. 함석헌과 퀘이커주의
4. 맺음말 - 한국기독교사에서 퀘이
커주의와 함석헌의 의미
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(3.3) 왜 퀘이커가 되었나?

서구 퀘이커들은 이런 절박한 상황에 있는 함석헌을 따뜻하게 맞아주었고, 기꺼이 그의 친구가 되어 주었다. 그러므로 함석헌이 퀘이커 주의와 극도로 가깝게 된 동기는 퀘이커 사상에 어떤 큰 동감을 느껴서라기보다는, 그가 절박한 상황에 처해 있었을 때 퀘이커들이 다정한 그의 '친구'가 되어 주었기 때문이었다. 점차적으로 퀘이커들과 직접적인 만남을 통해 함석헌은 또한 사상적으로도 퀘이커주의에 많은 공감을 느꼈다. 함석헌이 기존 교회조직이나 제도에 대하여 상당히 회의적이었음에도 불구하고, 350년이 넘는 역사를 가진 또 다른 종교조직, 퀘이커교도가 되기로 결심한 배후에는 또 다른 이유들이 있다. 함석헌은 퀘이커들의 주요 관심이 죽은 후에 하늘나라에 가는 것보다는 지금 이 세상에서의 세계평화와 사회정의에 집중된 것에 공감을 느꼈다.
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함석헌의 서구 퀘이커에 대한 관심은 그만의 짝사랑이 아니었다. 서구 퀘이커들도 흰 수염, 흰 두루마기, 흰 고무신을 신은 ‘신비한 동양의 현인’ 같은 함석헌의 모습에 깊이 끌려들었다. 그들은 아마도 6·25전쟁 후 누더기가 되다시피 한 나라에서 해맑은 영혼의 소유자를 만나며 무더운 사막 한 가운데서 시원한 오아시스를 만난 것 같은 환희를 느꼈을 것이다. 함석헌은 서구 퀘이커주의가 얼마나 동양적인 종교인가를 재삼 강조한 바도 있다.
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"서양사람에게서 나온 종교 중에서 동양사람에게 제일 가까운 사상이 바로 퀘이커주의라고 할 수 있어요.
하워드 브린톤이 [퀘이커주의를] 서양에서 난 종교 중에서 가장 동양적인 것을 가진 종교다 그랬는데……하여간 비슷하게 동양적인 그런 게 있는 것은 사실이오. 신비를 인정하는 거지요."
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그래서 아마도 함석헌이 서구 퀘이커주의와 동양 고전사상 사이에 많은 일치성을 보았던 것 같다. 그리고 동아시아의 함석헌과 서구의 퀘이커리들이 왜 그리도 급속한 ‘열애’에 빠졌는지를 이해할 만하다.
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1962년, ‘열애’에 불붙은 미국 퀘이커들은 필라델피아 펜들힐 퀘이커연구소로 10개월간 함석헌을 초대했다. 다음해인 1963년 봄, 영국 퀘이커들도 그를 버밍험 우드브룩 퀘이커 연구소로 초대했다. 그로부터 약 30년 후인 1990년 봄, 필자는 우드브룩에 3개월간 머물며 함석헌이 그곳에 남긴 발자취를 되밟아보았다. 1963년 우드브룩에 머물면서 함석헌은 영국 퀘이커들에게 한번 한국사에 대한 강의를 영어로 했는데 그는 그의 영어발음때문에 고민을 많이 했던 것 같다. 그럼에도 그는 영국 퀘이커들에게 충분한 감동을 준 것으로 보였다. 그때 한 영국 퀘이커는 함석헌의 영어강의가 ‘언어의 장벽을 무너뜨리는 감동을 전했다’고 술회했다. 1990년에 우드부룩에서 필자가 만난 나이가 지긋한 한 영국퀘이커는 필자에게 “함석헌의 영어발음이 당신의 영어발음 보다 좋았었던 것 같던데요”라고 일침을 주기도 했다.
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이렇게 펜들힐과 우드브룩에서 함석헌은 퀘이커주의를 본격적으로 공부할 수 있는 소중한 기회를 가졌다. 구미 퀘이커연구소에서의 생활을 통해서 그도 퀘이커들의 자율적 원칙에 깊이 매료되고 많은 공감을 느꼈을 것이다. 그러나 함석헌이 서구 퀘이커들과 많은 사상적 공감을 느꼈음에도 불구하고, 이 당시 그는 특별하게 퀘이커 회원이 되고 싶은 마음이 없었다. 이것은 아마도 그의 1953년「대선언」 이후 함석헌이 어떤 특정종교 조직에 가입하는 것을 꺼려했기 때문이었을 것으로 추정된다. 그의 ‘조직 기피증’은 퀘이커회에도 예외가 아니었다. 이때 함석헌은 그 자신을 외딴 들판의 고독한 방랑자로 묘사했다.
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"나는 소속된 집이 없는 승려처럼, 밤에는 시원한 뽕나무 아래서 한숨 자고, 다음날 아침 길을 계속 가는 나그네 같은 삶을 살았습니다."
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그러던 중 1967년 그는 태평양 퀘이커 연회 초청으로 미국 북캐롤라이나의 세계퀘이커대회에 참석하게 되었다. 이때 함석헌은 비로소 퀘이커회의의 공식회원이 되기로 결심하게 되었다. 그럼 무엇이 '종파기피증'에 있었던 함석헌을 퀘이커회의 공식회원이 되도록 만들었을까? 그는 당시 자신의 심정을 이렇게 토로했다.
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"나는 퀘이커들의 우의에 대해 책임감을 느꼈습니다. 나 자신으로 하면 새삼 교파에 들어가는 것도 아니요, 회원이 되고 아니 된 것을 따라 다름이 조금도 있을 것 없이 나는 나지만 그들이 나를 대해주기를 아주 두텁게 대해주는데 내가 언제까지나 옆에서 보는 사람으로 있는 것은 너무도 의리상 용납될 수 없는 일, 너무도 무책임하고 잔혹한 일이라 생각했습니다.……퀘이커주의는 신비파운동에서 일어났지만 다른 모든 신비파들이 빠지는 극단의 주관주의에 빠지지도 않고, 그렇다고 다른 모든 큰 교파들이 하는 것처럼 권위주의에 되돌아가지도 않습니다.……퀘이커가 완전한 종교란 말은 아닙니다. 가장 훌륭한 종교란 말도 아닙니다. 내가 지금 나가는 방향에서 그렇게 하는 것이 마땅하다. 그 다음은 모릅니다."
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이렇게 불확실하지만, 열린 태도로 함석헌은 퀘이커회의 공식회원이 되었다. 퀘이커주의는 신비주의적 신앙체계를 지니고 있으나 신비주의가 간과하기 쉬운 사회·윤리적 실천을 중시하므로 퀘이커주의를 ‘윤리적이고 상식적 신비주의’의 양상을 강하게 띠고 있다고 한다. 그리고 퀘이커주의의 이러한 면에 함석헌은 매료되었던 것이다.
----
세진:

- 퀘이커의 사상보다 서구의 퀘이커의 사람들에 끌렸다. 너무 잘 해주었다.
- 서구의 퀘이커 들도 함석헌에 끌렸다.
- 서로 좋아하는사람들의 뒤에는 사상이 있기는 했다. 그러나 이 관계는 사상만으로 된 것은 아니다.

The Best Books on Stoicism | recommended by Massimo Pigliucci





The Best Books on Stoicism | Five Books Expert Recommendations









PHILOSOPHY » ANCIENT PHILOSOPHY



The best books on Stoicism

recommended by Massimo Pigliucci





The Stoics offer us valuable strategies of thinking about and dealing with hardships that remain relevant for modern society, says the philosophy professor and author Massimo Pigliucci. Here he recommends the five books that best express the essence of Stoicism and how it might be applied to real life.



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Massimo Pigliucci





Massimo Pigliucci is a professor of philosophy at CUNY City College, the author of ten books and the former editor-in-chief of Scientia Salon. He organises Stoicon, an annual meeting of people interested in exploring Stoicism as a philosophy of life.

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Stoicism, in contrast with a lot of contemporary philosophy, puts a great emphasis on living well: the person who studies Stoicism, if sincere, will also practise it. I know you’re both a theorist and a practitioner. Could you say a little bit about how you came to Stoicism?



We’ll get back to the theorist part because I’m definitely not an ancient philosophy scholar, so I’m not a theorist in that sense, but I’m interested in Stoicism as both theory and practice for today’s world. How did I come to it? It was a long circuitous route. A few years ago I went through a midlife crisis and switched from my first academic career as an evolutionary biologist to become a philosopher. Within philosophy I’m interested mostly in the philosophy of science, but you can’t switch to philosophy and start studying it seriously and just be limited to your own technical field of expertise; at least you can, but I don’t think you should.



I began reading more broadly, and—coming to philosophy in the second half of my life—I had a lot to catch up with. I started reading about ethics. I read Kant and Mill, and looked at modern ethics in terms of deontology and utilitarianism in all their forms. I found those ways of understanding ethics wanting. They are wonderful authors, but it didn’t click with me. Then I remembered studying philosophy back in high school – I grew up in Italy where it is mandatory to study three years of history of philosophy. I remembered reading about the ancient Greeks and Romans, and had vague recollections that these people had a very different conception of ethics.



The first stop there was obviously Aristotle. I rediscovered virtue ethics, and that really did appeal to me immediately. Then I went beyond Aristotle and read what little there is available on Epicureanism and some of the other Hellenistic schools of virtue ethics. All this interested me because it clearly embodied a much broader conception of ethics. Most contemporary ethics is focused on answering narrower questions such as: ‘Is this action right or wrong?’ and: ‘Under what circumstances is this permissible or not permissible?’


“For the ancients, ethics was the study of how to live a good life”

The ancients had a much broader conception of ethics. Ethics, for them, was the study of how to live a good life. That is what really appealed to me. After reading Aristotle, I moved on to explore other post-Socratic philosophers. Of course I also went back and read the Platonic dialogues to look at the source of all of this. Then I heard about an event that takes place in the UK called Stoic Week; I remembered Stoicism from studying it in high school. In fact, I grew up with that tradition because Stoicism was the dominant philosophy in ancient Rome, and I studied Roman history at school.

I had a vague idea that it was the attitude Mr Spock takes in Star Trek: going around life with a stiff upper lip, or something like that. So the first time I heard about Stoic Week I thought, ‘that’s weird’, and I didn’t pay much attention to it. I read an article about it. The following year, the same thing happened, and in the meantime of course I kept reading about virtue ethics. Eventually I said to myself, ‘you know, maybe it’s time to take a second look at Stoicism and see what it is that these people are actually doing. Why did they choose to hold Stoic Week as opposed to Epicurean Week, or Aristotelian Week, or whatever?’ Then I got hooked.


As soon as I read the Modern Stoicism blog on the University of Exeter site, I started exploring on my own, and all of a sudden things started clicking and fitting in, and the puzzle was coming together. So that’s how I got started. The very first book that I read after this renewed interest in Stoicism was The Discourses of Epictetus.







That’s your first choice of books. 


Epictetus, famously, was a slave in his early life, wasn’t he?



Yes. He was a very interesting figure. He was a slave, born in Hierapolis, which is modern Pamukkale in Turkey, which at that time was a Greek city and became a Roman colony in the late 1st century/early 2nd century. He was born a slave and badly treated when he was young: his master, through either carelessness or viciousness, broke his leg, and as a result he was crippled throughout his life. Then, at around age 15, he was bought by a much better master, who turned out to be Nero’s personal secretary.



Epictetus was brought to Rome, and for a while lived at Nero’s court. Then Nero became more unhinged both in life and in the way in which he was running the business of the empire, and eventually that led to revolt. Nero committed suicide—well, in fact Nero botched his attempted suicide and it was his secretary, Epictetus’ master, who helped him in the end, so he’s the one who killed Nero.



“Domitian kicked out all philosophers from Rome and sent them into exile”



As a result of those events, Epictetus then started having his own quasi-independent life in Rome. Eventually he became a freedman, which was not unusual for bright slaves in ancient Rome. In the meantime he had, under the tutelage of his second master, started reading and learning about philosophy, and became the pupil of Musonius Rufus. Musonius was a major Stoic philosopher in ancient Rome. Epictetus studied with him for a number of years, and eventually started teaching on his own.



In the meantime, several political events happened in Rome: there was one emperor after another. One was Domitian, who was a little unhinged himself and wasn’t particularly fond of philosophers: all this talk about virtue and how you should do things as opposed to how you actually do things I guess didn’t agree with him. Domitian kicked out all philosophers from Rome and sent them into exile.



Really? I’d never heard that.




Yes, this is something that few people hear about. When we think about Rome, we think about persecution of the Christians, but actually philosophers, and in particular the Stoics, were persecuted by several Roman emperors because they really didn’t like this constant reminder that you should be doing better than you are doing. A number of philosophers were put to death and a number exiled. Musonius Rufus, Epictetus’ teacher, was twice exiled. Epictetus was also exiled by Domitian. He went to North West Greece to a place called Nicopolis and he established his new school there. He was about 40 by that time. Later on he was recalled to Rome, but refused to leave. He lived in Nicopolis to a ripe age of 80, which for the time was remarkable.



That’s the equivalent of 200 today presumably.



Yes. It was really amazing. He kept teaching and he built a reputation so that fairly wealthy people sent their kids to Nicopolis to study with Epictetus and one of the later emperors, Hadrian, became a good friend of his. Hadrian was impressed by Epictetus and went to visit him, and they met a few times and became friends. Epictetus, by the end of his life took a wife of about his own age, apparently so she could help him raise a child fathered by a friend of Epictetus’. The child was destined to be exposed—which was the euphemism in Rome for being left to fend for himself in the elements, and probably die.







“Epictetus was a slave who became a prominent philosopher and teacher, and became a friend of emperors”



Epictetus’ was an interesting life: a slave who turns prominent philosopher and teacher, who becomes friends with emperors and is kicked out by other emperors: it’s fascinating. Epictetus didn’t write any books; he was a teacher, in the same vein as Socrates, who made a point of not writing his ideas down. The two books we have by Epictetus are called the Discourses, and the Enchiridion—‘enchiridion’ means ‘handbook.’



Both the Discourses and the Handbook were put together by one of Epictetus’ most brilliant students, Arrian. Arrian was probably about 23 or so when he did this. After a few years as Epictetus’ student, he became a historian and a writer in his own right. He wrote the definitive account of Alexander the Great’s expedition. Arrian was very well known in the ancient world.



Do many of his works survive?



Some of his works survive. He put together eight volumes of the Discourses—basically these are his handwritten notes from Epictetus’ lectures. Of those eight books, unfortunately only four remain. The other four got lost somewhere during the Middle Ages. The Enchiridion, the Handbook, is the short version that Arrian put together by picking the best bits from the Discourses. So that’s all we have from Epictetus today: the surviving four volumes of the Discourses and then the Enchiridion, which is very short.



What’s the main thesis of the Discourses? Why is it so interesting?




It’s interesting because it guides you on how to live your life from a Stoic perspective. The chapter titles are topics that Epictetus debated with his students, and these topics were often very practical. There’s very little theoretical philosophy in Epictetus. He wasn’t interested in metaphysics. In fact, he explicitly told his students that whatever the nature of the world turns out to be doesn’t make any difference to human life. If the universe is made up of atoms, or it’s made up of something else, those are interesting questions but they’re not going to affect your life. In that sense he’s an unusual Stoic because most Stoics were into system-building, especially the early ones: the Greek Stoics before the philosophy moved to Rome, made major contributions to logic, they wrote a lot about metaphysics. Epictetus was focused on ethics, which is the third Stoic concern.



So he’s agnostic on metaphysics?




That’s right. He says whatever turns out to be turns out to be. There are people interested in that stuff and they’ll figure it out, but really when you have to deal with your daily life and the challenges that it brings, that’s not going to be particularly helpful.



Am I right that many of the Stoics grounded their ethics on metaphysics, so the metaphysics actually shaped the ethics?




Yes. That’s an interesting question. The early Stoics thought that there were three areas of philosophical inquiry. What they called ‘physics’ is what today we would describe as a combination of metaphysics and natural science. Their ‘logic’ we would still call logic today, but for them it included epistemology, cognitive science, and psychology. And then there was the ‘ethics’, which was the study of how to live your life. Their idea was that in order to figure out how to live your life, you needed to understand how the universe works and what your place in it was—that would be the ‘physics’—and you also needed to understand how human beings reason and fail to reason well; that’s where the ‘logic’ came in.



Now, Epictetus didn’t necessarily reject this, he just said there were many different alternatives, many different ways of doing or understanding physics and understanding logic that would support the same way of living your life. So, in modern terms, we would say that Epictetus thought that the physics and the logic were relevant at some level to the ethics, but they underdetermine it. It’s not as if you need to know all the details about how the world works in order to figure out how to live your life.

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Is that almost an injunction not to get het up about metaphysical questions at the expense of living well?


Correct. Exactly. In fact Epictetus says just this in several places in the Discourses. There are a couple of places, for instance, where he says that we can have interesting discussions about metaphysics or logic, but those discussions have to bear on specific ethical issues. If you’re just going off splitting hairs in logic, then you’re doing something different that’s not particularly interesting or particularly relevant to living your life.

“Some things are under your control and other things are not under your control”

Broadly speaking the Discourses are about how to live your life: they present the basic principles of Stoicism over and over, from different angles and exploring the consequences in different contexts. Arguably the most basic one, which Epictetus insists on several times, and is also how the Enchiridion starts, is his famous dichotomy of control: he says, some things are under your control and other things are not under your control. Then he lists the kinds of things that are under your control and those that are not:


things under your control are your behaviour, your decisions, your rational thinking processes; the things that are not under your control are all the externalities: your health, your wealth, your education, your stature in life, your reputation.

It’s not that you can’t influence the things not under your control, of course you can. He says so explicitly. But they’re not entirely under your control. You can only try to be healthy, and wealthy, and educated, and have a good life in the sense of externalities, but, you know, shit happens, so to speak—that’s not a direct quote—and Stoicism in the great part, especially Epictetus’ Stoicism, is about how to deal with situation where shit does actually happen. What do you do then? How do you react in life when things don’t go your way? The dichotomy of control is crucial in Stoicism, particularly to Epictetus’ philosophy.



When I began reading Stoic works I started making furious notes and highlighting things and then going back to quotations one after another. I just want to read you one which is right at the beginning of the Discourses, volume 1, chapter 1.32, it’s an example of the dichotomy of control, but it’s also an example of something that immediately endeared Epictetus to me: his sense of humour. He has a very wicked sense of humour, a very interesting sense of humour. Here’s the quotation:



I have to die. If it is now, well then I die now; if later, then now I will take my lunch, since the hour for lunch has arrived – and dying I will tend to later.



When I read that I started laughing. Ok, sure—death is inevitable. Is it coming now? If it’s now then I’m ready, let’s go, let’s do it, because everybody has to die; but if not now, then I’m going to do other things, and of course when death comes, it’s not under your control, so you just accept it, whenever it is.



It could be under your control if you commit suicide, couldn’t it?




Yes. Suicide is a big deal for the Stoics, and for Epictetus in particular. Epictetus referred to it as “the open door.” He says to his students several times not to take it lightly: suicide for the Stoics was a serious business and he was not saying jump out of the window at the first problem; but, he says, if you do get yourself into a situation where there really is no way out and life really does become insufferable, or so painful, or you realise that you cannot contribute any longer to society in any meaningful way, then the door is open, you can leave of your own accord. He also adds, which is crucial I think to understanding the whole thing, that it is that fact that the door is open that gives meaning to what you do. The very reason why you can keep on going, struggling on, and living your life, and trying to do your best, is precisely because you know that if it becomes unbearable, you do have another option.



I can see why Epictetus is so attractive. He led a fascinating life, and put forward a very interesting practical philosophy. But what about this caricature of Stoicism that the way you achieve independence from the contingencies of life is by somehow extirpating your emotions?













That is, as you say, a caricature of Stoicism; but it’s a very common one, and it’s not going to go away anytime soon. The second book that I recommend, William Irvine’s A Guide to the Good Life, deals with this in some detail. There are several chapters in which Irvine goes into these ideas about the Stoics and emotions. The basic idea is this: yes, Stoics do have that reputation, but if you look at what they wrote and the way they actually behaved in life, they were far from emotionless.



We have excellent accounts of the lives of ancient Stoics: we know a lot about the Greek Stoics, beginning from Zeno, the founder of the philosophy, through Diogenes Laertius’ Lives of the Philosophers, which includes several mini-biographies of Stoics; and of course we also know a lot about Epictetus, Marcus Aurelius, Seneca, Musonius Rufus, and others too. We know what these people did, and how they practised their philosophies. There is nothing in any of these biographies or in any of their writings that suggests that they behaved in a Spock-like way and suppressed their emotions in order to think about things rationally. What they did, and they were very explicit about this, was recognise that there are different types of human emotions.







“Epictetus referred to suicide as “the open door””







The first emotional reaction you have to something, they called an impression. So for instance let’s say that you are walking in the street by yourself at night and you hear a sound that doesn’t feel right. Your first impression, your first reaction might be one of fear, and the Stoics said there’s nothing you can do about that. There are natural reactions, and you cannot and you should not, in fact, suppress them. But what you should do, if it is at all possible, is examine them, step back for a second and say: ‘Why am I afraid? Is there really something to be afraid of, or not?’ If there is something to be afraid of, a real danger, by all means deal with the danger; but a lot of the time the first impression is actually misleading.


 If you get angry, for instance, at something, think: ‘Why am I getting angry here? Am I being insulted? What is an insult? What is this person who is insulting me trying to tell me? Is there some truth perhaps in what he’s saying? Should I even pay attention to an insult to begin with? Why am I reacting this way?’ The aim was to examine your emotion and to manage or gradually eliminate the negative, destructive ones. The obvious example of a destructive emotion, particularly in Seneca’s writing, was anger. Seneca calls it a ‘temporary madness’. If you do things in anger, you’re very likely going to do things that you regret.



Even if you have anger and indignation at injustice?




I’m so glad you brought that up because indignation at injustice, a sense of injustice, those are positive emotions. The Stoics believed that good character is made of the practice of four fundamental virtues, we call them the cardinal virtues. One of those virtues is justice, and yes, a sense of justice needs to be cultivated because it is a positive emotion. The contrast between anger and justice is exactly this: that anger will cloud your judgement, even if it is justifiable anger, even if there is a good reason to be angry at something. If you react just on the basis of anger, you’re very likely going to make wrong decisions or act rashly; but on the other hand there are situations where you do want to cultivate a sense of indignation, a sense of justice being violated, and you do want to do something about it, and that’s a positive emotion—that’s something that the Stoics would definitely say you should do.



William Irvine’s book is part of the recent resurrection of Stoicism. It strikes me that there was this big movement in philosophy to reinstate virtue ethics, starting in the 1950s with Elizabeth Anscombe and various others saying that we’ve been caught up in an impoverished view of what ethics is, so let’s go back to the ancient Greeks, and particularly to Aristotle.



But it strikes me that the virtue ethicists, although they’ve theorised virtue, aren’t necessarily striving to be more virtuous. It’s not obvious that there’s a school of neo-Aristotelian people practically trying to be more virtuous. The really interesting thing about Stoicism is that, in its modern form, there are large numbers of people trying to practise Stoicism with a view to becoming better people. I may be doing virtue theory an injustice here, but I haven’t been aware of an increase in the number of virtuous people as a result of this philosophical study, but there are definitely people behaving stoically now.



I think what you’re getting at there is this separation between academic philosophy and practical philosophy. There was a series of studies a few years ago showing that academic moral philosophers are actually no more moral than the average academic.



They’re less moral when judged by a set of conventional critiera. Eric Schwitzgebel did that research.




So there’s solid empirical evidence that that’s the case. The response by many academic philosophers has been: ‘What did you expect?’ But that’s like a mathematician, let’s say, or an economist, who’s caught badly managing his bank account and his personal finances, and who responds when challenged about this incompetence: ‘I’m interested in the theory here, not the practice’.



My response would be: well, maybe you should be interested in the practice, to some extent. I find that sort of study very disturbing. As I said before, I came to philosophy late in life, other than my early bout in high school, and I love the field. I’m very happy that I switched and I’m very interested in what I’m doing, but it is disturbing when you hear things like that, especially the rationalisation. You would hope that somebody would think it’s time to do something about this.







“It’s a sort of philosophical judo, what Bill practises”







One of the things I find interesting about the modern Stoic authors is that those people really do try to live their life that way. They’re not just writing about it; they’re not just theorising about it; they really practise it. Bill Irvine has become an expert, a virtuoso I would say, in dealing with insults, which is one thing that Stoics receive a lot. Let me give you an example: one day he was in his department and he met a colleague who said ‘Oh Bill, hi, I was thinking of citing one of your papers in my book’, and Bill was thinking, ‘Oh, that’s interesting—I’m glad that one of my colleagues thinks my work is worth citing’. But the colleague immediately added ‘Yes, I’m trying to decide on whether your work is just mistaken or downright evil’. Obviously that’s not a compliment. The way that Bill responded was straight out of Epictetus: he almost quoted Epictetus verbatim. He said: ‘Oh, well that’s because you only read one of my papers: if you’d read the other ones you’d see that I’m really evil.’ So he turned things around; that’s exactly what Epictetus did.



There is an anecdote in the Discourses where somebody, one of his students, tells him: ‘I heard so-and-so speaking ill of you.’ And Epictetus’ response is: ‘Well, that’s because he doesn’t know me well, because otherwise he would be saying much, much worse things.’



That’s like a kind of martial art: if you imagine in judo, somebody moving in a certain direction, well you help them carry on a bit and trip them up in the process.




Exactly, it’s a sort of philosophical judo, what Bill practises. As a result, he tells me, he’s been a much happier person, because a lot of things that were stressful for him, like his colleagues not thinking well of his work now just washes over him, and he’s even amused by it. Now, that comes with a caveat, because whenever I tell this kind of story, the objection is: ‘Ah, but that way you run the risk of not actually learning from criticism’. That’s not the point. The point is to ignore the insult, not the criticism. So the intelligent Stoic would react with humour or simply just ignore the insult, but then he or she would go back and think: ‘Why did my colleague object to that paper? What can I learn from that reaction?’



Epictetus is very specific about this, that you should do this, that you should analyse the problem with a calm eye; but what you shouldn’t do is react to the insult, because reacting to an insult is something that is under your control. The insult itself is not, but how you react to it is up to you. You can step back and say, ‘Well this guy is trying to hurt me, I’m not going to let him, I’m just walking away.’



Or you could just walk away altogether… You suggested that Bill is much happier as a Stoic, but is that the purpose of Stoicism, individual happiness? Is that the driving motivation for this kind of behaviour?




Excellent question. So, here’s the thing, the reason there was a shift between Greek Stoicism and Roman Stoicism. Just briefly, from a historical perspective: Stoicism started in Athens in the year 300, or 301 BCE in a school established by Zeno. It thrived in Athens until the Athenians made what turned out to be a fundamental political mistake siding with Mithridates against the Romans. As a result of that the Roman general Sulla marched on Athens and laid siege to the city, destroying both Mithridates and many of the Greeks. Now, after that event, we are talking about 1st century BCE here, there was no relevant school of philosophy left in Athens. The philosophers left.



This is referred to as the ancient philosophy diaspora: the philosophers from different schools went out into different places. Some of them went to Alexandria, some of them went to Rhodes, many of them went to Rome, including most of the Stoics we know from afterwards. This is referred to as the Early Stoa, which is the Greek version, and then the Late Stoa, which is the Roman version—there is also the Middle Stoa, which is the transitional period.



They went to Rome which was basically the enemy headquarters. Did they go as prisoners?




No they went of their own accord. They figured out that the heyday of Athens was over and the new power was Rome. So the reason I am telling you this is because it does go back to your question about the purpose of Stoicism, whether it is to live a happy life. For the early Stoics, the emphasis was on what the Greeks called the eudaimonic life. The eudaimonic life, which is often translated as ‘the happy life’, doesn’t really translate very well—it’s more like ‘the flourishing life’. For the Stoics in particular the eudaimonic life was a moral life. It was the kind of life where you are on your deathbed, you look back and you say: ‘Yes, that was worth it: there is not much that I’m ashamed of, that was a life well-lived, not just in the sense that I thrived in terms of material possessions, but mostly I was a good person.’



So that puts the emphasis on the virtues. Externalities, practical goods and things like that, are OK. There is nothing in Stoicism that says you cannot pursue wealth, health, education and all those sorts of things. There was nothing wrong with material possessions, as long as you never, ever traded those for virtue. So if, in order to acquire or attain health, or wealth, or education, you did something that was morally questionable, morally wrong, then you would be doing the wrong thing from a Stoic perspective. That was the view of early Stoics.







“There is nothing in Stoicism that says you cannot pursue wealth, health and education”







The later Stoics, such as Epictetus, based in Rome, added a second component to this. They retained this fundamental idea that it’s about practising virtue, it’s about having the good moral life, but they also added what they call apatheia, which of course is the Greek root for the English word ‘apathy’, and yet has nothing to do with it. They didn’t counsel apathy. What they did counsel was apatheia. The best way to translate this word is as ‘magnanimity’ or ‘great soul-ness’. So the idea was that you achieved tranquillity in life, you achieved what the Epicureans, who were rivals of the Stoics, called ataraxia or tranquility of mind, if you developed a magnanimous attitude towards the world. That’s why I gave you the example of the way Bill Irvine responds to insults. Bill’s response to insults is magnanimous. If someone insults him he uses humour to deflect the insult, and through this achieves inner calmness.



Just in passing, that strategy of turning insults into humour could result in a broken nose in certain contexts.




Yes. Funny you should say so. Epictetus says exactly this in the Discourses, he says: ‘I used to go round responding humorously to people and then I got my nose broken.’ And he adds: ‘— so I don’t do it anymore, I just walk away.’







Buy








We’ve been talking about Roman Stoics, the most famous by far of the Stoic works is Marcus Aurelius’s Meditations, which is your third book choice.



This is probably the most famous book written by a Stoic. It has been in print ever since there have been printing presses. The same can be said about Epictetus’ Enchiridion incidentally, though Epictetus is far less well known than Marcus.



You could study philosophy to a high level without studying Epictetus. You could do two or three degrees in philosophy and never hear his name mentioned—in fact I think I did.




This is a recent thing, a 20th century phenomenon. Up until the 19th century, Epictetus was one of the most prominent philosophers studied. You’d find references to him everywhere: Descartes, Spinoza, many of the major philosophers you can think of were influenced by the Stoics and particularly by Epictetus and by Seneca, and the Enchiridion was used as a training manual in Christian monasteries throughout the Middle Ages.



Going back to Marcus’ Meditations, that book was never meant for publication. The Meditations initially did not have a title at all and it was known during the Middle Ages by the title To Myself because this was the Roman emperor’s personal diary.



That’s a better title.




Yes, it is a better title, I agree. It later became known as the Meditations, but it really was his personal philosophical diary. Marcus Aurelius had studied philosophy when he was young and in particular Stoicism. He had a major Stoic for a teacher who gave him a copy of Epictetus’ Discourses. You can see Epictetus’s influence in the Meditations. The Meditationsconsists of twelve short books. If you read them through you will see that there’s a lot of redundancy there. He comes back over and over to the same themes, and he repeats the same sorts of concept again and again. It is not so great to read through from beginning to end for this reason. Marcus wrote this over the course of a few years when he was on the German frontier fighting the Marcomanni revolt against Rome.







“Marcus Aurelius was the most powerful man in the world at the time, yet his wife was cheating on him, and his advisers who were treacherous”







The reason the Meditations have endured is because you really get a very clear sense of an interesting man who is struggling with his own limitations, as well as with the environment that’s surrounding him. Marcus Aurelius was the most powerful man in the world at the time, and yet he was dealing not only with major events like revolts throughout the Roman Empire, but also with his wife who was cheating on him, and with some of his advisers who were treacherous. Yet the first book of the Meditations opens with a long list of people whom he thanks. It’s an exercise in gratitude which is a basic Stoic practice: you have to remind yourself of the people you are grateful to because they are important in your life. The very first person he thanks is his grandfather: “From my grandfather Verus I learnt good morals and the government of my emperor,” and then he goes on to thank his mother, his teachers, his brother, and so on. If you read this the first time, you don’t really expect it. But then if you bear in mind that it is the most powerful person in the world writing this, and in his own personal diary—not done for show to other people—he starts out by thanking people who had made a good impact on his own life: it’s a very humbling exercise.



Often people say that the Meditations come across as preachy—and that’s true to some extent—but they forget that he is preaching to himself. He is not telling other people here’s what you should do and should not do; he’s telling himself, he’s reproaching himself. For instance, he says—this is one of my favourite quotations from the Meditations, from book two, chapter one:

Begin the morning by saying to thyself, I shall meet with the busy-body, the ungrateful, arrogant, deceitful, envious, unsocial. All these things happen to them by reason of their ignorance of what is good and evil… I can neither be injured by any of them, for no one can fix on me what is ugly, nor can I be angry with my kinsman, nor hate him


This struck me as really profound. A lot of people who surrounded the emperor would have wanted favours, and many were treacherous; but he says: ‘Remember, they do this because they don’t know better. They don’t have the advantage of your education, they don’t have the advantage of your self-reflection so they’re just doing this out of ignorance, ignorance of what is good for them or what is good to do: ignorance of virtue.’ And then he goes on, ‘but I cannot be injured by them, and nor can I actually hate them because they’re my fellow human beings, I am just as imperfect as they are: I also lose my temper, I also do things that I may regret or I’m not proud of, and we are all in the same boat together.’ I find these very down to earth observations of human nature and Marcus’ way of dealing with it both very refreshing, and at the same time actually very insightful.



But isn’t this an incredibly high ideal to live up to? The way you’ve described Marcus Aurelius, he’s trying to tell himself that he’s not going to be bothered by these people, but you sense, reading between the lines, that he probably will be.




That’s an interesting point about Stoicism: is it an impossible ideal? There, I think, a good comparison can be made between Stoicism and Christianity. Despite the fact that Christianity, early Christianity, adopted quite a bit of Stoicism, the early Christians rejected Epicurus because of his emphasis on pleasure—that’s why still today the word ‘epicurean’ is almost an insult: simply because the Christians completely rejected this worldview, and we have inherited the Christian disdain for Epicurus. But Christians did learn from Stoicism—not only from Epictetus’ Enchiridion but also Saint Paul knew Seneca’s brother, Lucius Junius Gallio Annaeanus, and so was aware of Stoic writing.



That’s really fascinating.




There was even a medieval forgery of an alleged correspondence between Seneca and Paul. You can find reactions to Stoicism in all the major Christian Church fathers beginning with Augustine, too, and then all the way to Thomas Aquinas. Now, the reason I’m bringing this up, in answer to your question, is because there is a good, interesting distinction between Christianity and the Stoic approach. For Christians, if you think about it, they have their role model—Jesus—who is, by definition, an impossible role model to emulate: he’s a god. I can aspire to behave as much as possible like him, but I’m never going to achieve that fully because he’s an immortal and I am not the son of God. I simply cannot be perfect, and that of course is part of the Christian doctrine of repentance for your sins.



For the Stoics, in contrast, they have a similar figure, a role model to whom they aspire and they call him the ‘sage’. The sage represents an ideal to aspire to, but is an achievable role model. The sage is a human being. It’s difficult, but not impossible to emulate the sage. Stoics are clear that there haven’t been many sages throughout history, but there have been some, and they point to some examples, the obvious one being Socrates, who was not a Stoic because he pre-dated the school. Many of the Stoics referred to Socrates as a sage. There were other examples too: Cato the Younger, for example, who was a famous political opponent of Julius Caesar during the Roman Republic; Seneca refers to him as a sage and as a role model. The Stoics also had fictional role models, ancient heroes and demigods like Hercules.



They may not have thought of them as fictional…




That’s debatable, though a good point. It’s hard to imagine that Seneca actually took stories about the Olympian gods seriously.



Well, it’s also hard to imagine that people do that in the contemporary world, but they do.




True, but the basic point is that even when the Stoics refer to demigods, if you look at the story of Hercules, for instance, the actual ancient myth, it doesn’t end well: for one thing, Hercules ends up dying of a horrible death. He makes mistakes, he’s a human figure, he’s somebody you can relate to but who constantly strives to do better: he constantly strives to do the right thing. This is the Stoic idea of a sage, which has some affinities with Buddhism. Buddha allegedly achieved enlightenment in his lifetime. In the Buddhist tradition that’s not easy. It’s not something that everybody can do—the fact that he as a man achieved enlightenment, however, shows that it is achievable. In Stoicism you have an ideal model, and, yes, most of us will fall short of that, but it is an achievable model. Seneca explicitly addresses this in his letter to a friend ‘On the Firmness of the Sage’ where he writes: ‘Don’t think that we mean by this just an unachievable ideal, just a theoretical thing. We think there are people who actually are sages, and those are our role models, and we try to do as they did’.










Now since you’ve mentioned Seneca, maybe we should move onto book four? This is described as Letters to Lucilius. Were they literally letters?




They literally were letters. The reason I picked this book is because a great deal of writing by Seneca has survived, more than that of other Stoics. Seneca was a playwright: he wrote tragedies, and even influenced Shakespeare. He also wrote long essays and epistles—a lot of epistles. There is a particular collection of epistles, normally referred to as either The Moral Epistles or the Letters to Lucilius. This book consists of more than a hundred letters. Many of them are short, just a few pages long. We know that Seneca wrote them late in life, during the last two or three years before he was ‘invited’ to commit suicide by Nero after he had fallen out of favour with the emperor. They’re written to his friend Lucilius, who was probably a real person living in Sicily at the time.



But they were written to be published, weren’t they?



Yes, they were.



So in that respect this book is very different from Marcus Aurelius’s Meditations.



Yes. Unlike the Meditations, these were not meant just as personal correspondence. They were personal correspondence, but when scholars look at the way the text is structured, they are convinced they were meant for publication. A lot of people, not just Seneca, wrote letters that were meant both as personal letters to friends or acquaintances, but also for broader circulation. The Moral Epistles is in some ways Seneca’s philosophical testament because it conveys his mature thought. Of course he didn’t know he was about to die prematurely, but he was an old man already, he was in his sixties, and he knew he wouldn’t live that much longer and was frank about it.



Seneca is often criticised, even by modern Stoics, as a somewhat ambiguous figure because despite being a self-professed Stoic he was preaching virtue at the same time that he oversaw Nero’s first five years in power. It was during those years that Nero became unhinged: he killed his mother, several of his wives, and his stepbrother.



So Seneca had dirty hands?



Exactly. Not just because he was there, but because he was Nero’s principal advisor, and in a couple of cases he wrote public letters defending some of Nero’s actions. On top of that he was immensely wealthy. He was a senator, and owned land all over the Roman Empire. As I mentioned earlier, there’s nothing intrinsically wrong with that for a Stoic. Stoics are not Cynics (in the ancient sense), so they’re not against wealth. But, one can make an argument, as Seneca himself does, that too much wealth becomes obscene because you become focused on the externalities at the expense of virtue. If you can use your wealth for good, you’re fine from a Stoic perspective, there’s nothing wrong with that; but if you keep accumulating wealth for the sake of it, then you’re definitely not a good Stoic.







“Throughout the Renaissance, for example, Seneca was thought of as close to being a secular saint”







These are some of the reasons why Seneca is criticised even by modern Stoics. There are two recent biographies of Seneca that take that kind of attitude towards the man. But there’s more to be said. First of all, this is all very debatable, since we don’t really have a lot of independent historical evidence on his life; and secondly, it’s a very recent development in the way we look at Seneca. Throughout the Renaissance, for example, Seneca was thought of as close to being a secular saint because he tried to do the best that he could do in the impossible situation of having to deal with Nero, and because in the end he did the right thing, by committing suicide, partly to save some of his properties for his family. If he’d refused to commit suicide then he’d have been killed anyway, and on top of that his family would have lost his property.



So that was quite a practical decision.




It was a practical decision, but on behalf of others. I’m talking to you from Rome where I’m on my sabbatical, and I’m writing a book on how to be a Stoic, which will be published next year by Basic Books. One of the things that I do, the reason I’m here in Rome, other than that my family is here and it’s a nice place to visit, is because I wanted to be in a place that would inspire me—I’m literally next door to the Colosseum and the Roman Forum. Whenever I need a break, like after our conversation today, I’ll just go down and walk by the Forum.



One of the things that I have done while here was to visit the Domus Aurea. This was Nero’s huge villa that he had built, as it turns out not for himself but mostly for public gatherings and diplomatic purposes. I’d never seen the Domus Aurea because when I was living in Rome, it was underground. Over the last few years archaeologists here in Rome have opened it up. It is right in front of the Colosseum, but it’s several metres below ground. You can visit now, but you have to make an appointment, and there is a nice guide from the Ministry of Cultural Goods, who walks you through for an hour or so. So I did this, and the woman that was leading the excursion of course talked a lot about Nero, and she also talked a lot about Seneca. I was surprised that her take on Seneca, which she says reflects the angle taken by many Italian historians and archaeologists, was much more positive than anything I had read in the English-speaking literature.



The reason for this is interesting. She said that if you examine the historical records, Seneca did a good job in the first five years of Nero’s reign. The first five years of Nero’s reign were a very good time for Rome and for the Empire, precisely because, she argued, Seneca and a colleague of his who was the chief of the Praetorian Guard managed to counsel Nero and restrain him to some degree. He would have been much worse without Seneca’s advice. When Seneca saw that Nero was going too far and was definitely going off the rails, Seneca tried several times to retire. He said: ‘This is it. I can’t do this any more. I can’t handle Nero, I can’t do any more good. So I’d rather retire outside of Rome in my own villa.’ He used some of his great wealth to try to bribe Nero to let him retire, offering two thirds of his lands to the emperor. Now I don’t know exactly how much money we are talking about, but it would have been a substantial offer. Nero refused it.



Presumably Nero could have just taken the property if he’d wanted it anyway.



Exactly. Nero refused and tried to keep Seneca in his entourage. Seneca eventually managed to achieve a sort of semi-retirement anyway. He started spending more time outside of Rome, and that’s when he wrote the Epistles to Lucilius.




And these are very practical pieces—they contain practical advice about dealing with situations where your emotions might lead you astray.




That’s right. If you look at just the titles of the letters, that’s revealing, titles such as: ‘On true and false friendship’. This was a crucial Stoic principle, the idea that you really should surround yourself with good people, ideally people who are better than you, because that’s the way you learn, that’s the way you challenge yourself.



That’s easier for some of us than others.




I know, right. Then there’s: ‘On the terrors of death.’ Death was a constant Stoic theme. Seneca famously said that ‘we die every day of our life,’ by which he meant that our entire life is a preparation for the ultimate test: how you handle death.



When he said we die every day, did he mean we die because we sleep? Or we die because we have fear of death, or something different?




No. Seneca meant that every day that passes brings us one step closer to the end of our lives. For the Stoics, what makes our life worth living is precisely the fact that it’s finite, and it is something that we need to be aware of.



So actually the translation might be better: ‘we are dying every day’?



Exactly, and in fact that is the title of one of the two recent biographies I mentioned of Seneca: Dying Every Day. Then there is an essay on old age, for instance, on how to age gracefully and deal with it if you’re lucky enough to live to experience that.



So you think it’s lucky to experience that? From what I’ve seen of it, plenty of people are unlucky enough to live to old age.



That’s right, it depends on how you look at it, on your attitude. There are so many topics that Seneca covers. Another one I like is called, ‘On festivals and fasting’. Seneca wasn’t fond of the Roman games and festivals: he thought they produced a lot of noise and a lot of confusion. He uses that starting point as a way to counsel his friend Lucilius, and therefore his audience at large, about moderation. He writes, for instance, that it’s good to fast every now and then, because these moderate exercises of self-deprivation, a day or two without eating, remind you that you can deal with not being fed. If in fact one of these days, as a result of externalities or adversity, you really do find yourself starving, you will be psychologically prepared. You know that you can handle it, within physiological limits.



That’s one benefit, but the other one, and this is something that Bill Irvine in one of the other books that I mentioned also emphasises, is that the psychological effect of these exercises in self-deprivation is that when you come out of them you enjoy what you have much more: the self-deprivation reminds you of just how good it is even to eat some simple food. You don’t need to go for a gourmet meal, you don’t need to go for really fancy cuisine, you can appreciate some good bread, or good wine and recognise that this is an incredibly enjoyable experience.



But carrying on with that style of thinking, you could end up getting someone to water-board you for a little bit, so you realise how lucky you are to be able to breathe.




That would be pushing it. I think the Romans would definitely not go that far. Seneca and the other Stoics are very careful to remind you that you don’t do these things in order to punish yourself, something that, again, some of the late medieval Christians actually did.



Through self-flagellation and the like.



Yes. There’s nothing like self-flagellation in Stoicism. In fact one of the four Stoic virtues is temperance—self-control, so that you do everything in moderation, including, of course, these Stoic exercises of self-deprivation. One of my favourite exercises which does come straight out of Seneca’s writing and the ancient Roman tradition is this idea of taking a hot shower and then during the last few seconds turning it completely cold. This shocks your system.







“The psychological effect of these exercises in self-deprivation is that when you come out of them you enjoy what you have much more”







The Romans did this on a regular basis. They went to the thermal baths, starting with a hot sauna; then they went into hot water, what they called a calidarium; and then they jumped into what they called the frigidarium, which was this pool of really, really cold water. This cold shock has a number of effects. First of all, interestingly, there is modern research that shows that this really does have physical benefits: it helps to boost your immune system, and things like that. Obviously the Romans didn’t know that. Beyond that, it reminds you that you can deal with these kind of things. A hot shower is a luxury. Most people throughout most of history didn’t have hot showers, didn’t have hot baths.



This is an interesting aspect of Stoicism because some people think that many elements of the British public school system, the private school system, were modelled on Stoicism: that a certain amount of deprivation, quite a few cold showers, cold baths, early morning runs and so on, built character. For some people, though, these sorts of enforced deprivation have been quite psychologically damaging.



That’s a good point. Think about it this way. What you’re describing seems to me to be a perversion of the Stoic idea. One of the things that I learned very early on, both from reading the ancient Stoics and also from modern Stoics, is that Stoicism is not supposed to be something that you impose on other people. It comes from within. It’s your own discipline. You shouldn’t go around with either a metaphorical or an actual stick beating people and saying, ‘you’re not virtuous enough.’



Really, so you shouldn’t proselytise for Stoicism?



There’s no tradition of proselytising for Stoicism. The ancients simply opened schools, and competed with other schools. This was a time in ancient Rome where philosophy was all over the place: Stoicism had to compete with Epicureanism, with Cynicism, with the Platonic Academy, with the Peripatetics, followers of Aristotle, and so on. There was an open market of philosophical ideas, and to some extent, people just gravitated to one school or another depending on either the fame of the teacher or the appeal of the teaching.



Back in Athens, Cleanthes (the second head of the Stoa) was apparently a good philosopher, but not a particularly engaging teacher and by the end of his career the number of students dropped off significantly. Then Chrysippus, a charismatic figure, took over, and students returned. The idea is that you should just live your life as a Stoic and lead by example, not going round telling people, ‘Hey, I’m a Stoic, look at me, come and join us!’



Did the Stoics believe it was just one route to a good life, or was it the only way to achieve that?



I think the ancient Stoics believed it was the only way. You can see that from the fact that they spent a certain amount of time—not a lot, but a certain amount of time—arguing against other schools.



Cicero was not a Stoic; rather he was a Platonic and academic sceptic. But he was very sympathetic to Stoicism. He presents Stoicism in good light. If you read Cicero, and if you read Epictetus himself, it becomes clear that many Stoics did believe that they had the best way, if not the only way, certainly the best way of achieving eudaimonia. In contrast, in the Letters to Lucilius, Seneca recognised that good ideas for living can come from diverse sources. In the early letters, over and over he ends with what he calls a gift for Lucilius, and it’s always a quotation from somebody else, a quotation from Epicurus, or whoever. At a certain point he felt like he had to justify doing this. So he says: ‘My dear Lucilius, you might wonder why am I quoting our competitor’; his answer in Latin is ‘quod verum est meum est’ which means ‘that which is true is mine’. As he put it: ‘I do occasionally wander into the enemies’ camp and I pay attention to what they’re saying, and if there is something good, I will use it’.







Lets move to your final choice A New Stoicism byLawrence Becker. This is a more academic book than your other choices.




Lawrence Becker is a retired philosophy professor. The first time I encountered A New Stoicism was in the context of a book group discussion in New York. It’s quite a difficult book to read in some ways; if you don’t have a certain amount of background in philosophy, you’re probably not going to get as much out of it as you should, although Becker himself is aware of this. The book is structured so that at the end of each chapter there is a commentary, and the commentary is very technical and is where he goes back to the original sources and says things like, ‘I made this point in the chapter because it’s relevant to these other thinkers, these other quotations’. It’s very academic in that sense. But the main sections of each chapter can be read, can be understood, by somebody with little or no background in philosophy.

“Becker wants to explore how much Stoicism can be updated to be compatible with modern science, with modern philosophy”.

One slightly odd feature of the book is that when he writes about Stoics, he writes in the first person plural. So he says ‘we’ do certain things, or this is something that happened to ‘us’. He reminds the reader throughout that he is a Stoic, not just a scholar of Stoic philosophy. The reason it’s called A New Stoicism is because unlike, for example, the Buddhist tradition, or even the Christian tradition, Stoicism was interrupted by the fall of the Roman Empire. The golden years for Stoic philosophy was five centuries, give or take, from 300 BCE to the second century. The last major Stoic was Marcus Aurelius. Stoicism as a philosophy kept on in the Roman Empire for a little longer, but then eventually, the Byzantine emperor Justinian closed down the last philosophical school and basically imposed Christianity on everybody. That was the end of all Hellenistic philosophy, not just Stoicism. For many centuries there was no school of Stoicism, no practice, there was no theory going on.

Becker’s point is that there is a resurgence of Stoicism in modern times, that there are people interested in Stoicism as both theory and especially as practice. Becker is interested in updating Stoic philosophy for today. We now have sophisticated cognitive sciences, logic, and so on, and he wants to explore how much Stoicism can be updated to be compatible with modern science, with modern philosophy, and still be called Stoicism.



And is there a core of Stoic belief, Stoic teaching, that can flourish today?




His answer, of course, is ‘yes’, and I tend to agree. He updates a number of aspects of Stoic philosophy. So, let me give you just one example to give you a flavour: remember we started out this conversation by talking about Epictetus’ dichotomy of control—some things are up to me; some things are not up to me. Now, Epictetus and the ancient Stoics had a somewhat optimistic view of what is up to us, as it turns out, because of course a lot of modern cognitive science tells us that much human thinking is not conscious, and that a lot of the time we engage in rationalising about things more than in proper rational thinking.



Most of the time, I suspect.



Exactly. Becker takes that into account, and says, ‘Look, we need to understand that even the dichotomy of control has to be revised and updated as it turns out there are fewer things that are completely under our control.’ If you were to go with the most extreme view that I’ve seen coming from cognitive science, which is the idea that conscious thinking is entirely an illusion, it’s all about rationalisations, then Stoicism would collapse.



So do most of our analyses of what we’re doing in life. There’s not much point in ethics after that, just to take one example.




Yes, and not only that, but science itself would be threatened, because then I could just turn the table and say, ‘Oh, you cognitive scientists, you think that you’re the only ones not rationalising’ and the whole damn thing collapses. Becker doesn’t go that far, fortunately. And I don’t either. His idea is that you need to take seriously the findings of cognitive science, and update some things, and have a more modest view of human rationality; but as long as there’s a core of your rationality, as long as it’s possible for human beings to think rationally and engage in the kind of reflective exercises that Epictetus was teaching to his students, then an updated version of Stoicism is possible and desirable. That’s the sort of project Becker is engaged in.







“Larry Baker and James Stockdale are show just how much a human being can actually deal with”

I also want to say something about Becker himself as a man. I met him through a common friend, and this common friend told me stories about Larry that put everything in a different perspective for me. Before I met him, I thought of him as just the author of an academic book on Stoicism. Well, it turns out Larry was hit by polio when he was young, and this crippled him, and for three years he was in rehabilitation. He completely lost the use of both legs and arms. Then, eventually, he recovered the use of his legs to some extent, though never his arms or hands; and then for several years he has been living in a wheelchair. Despite this he had a successful career as a university professor, and would grade his students’ papers by writing with his foot. In fact his foot writing was much neater than my friends’ handwriting, apparently. Becker had a dedication to his students and to his career and didn’t allow his physical problems to stand in his way. For me this made it clear that he had lived the philosophy of Stoicism—talk about having no control over external circumstances! When I met him I did a long interview with him which is available on my website, and we discussed his experience in life and how it related to his Stoicism.


I’ve read an account by James Stockdale who survived torture and solitary confinement during the Vietnam War after his plane was shot down without breaking down through Stoic techniques, based on his memories of having studied Epictetus. I can understand why this is a useful philosophy to hold in adversity because it could give you a focus and a strength to discount external obstacles, but in ordinary life do we really need it?




Yes, I think we do. People like Larry Baker and James Stockdale are obviously fascinating because they show you just how much a human being can actually deal with. But most of our lives do present us with challenges, even minor challenges, for which I think Stoicism is perfectly appropriate. Let me give you an example, I have a very good friend, who is both a practising Stoic and a practising Buddhist. He says Stoicism has helped him cope with moderate inconveniences, like getting on the subway in the morning to go to work in New York City and having to deal with the obnoxious behaviour of some people. He told me: ‘It used to be that I got irritated, it used to be that I started my day miserably because of somebody doing something obnoxious on the subway, but once I started practising these things and sort of readjusting my mental expectations, I just saw these things as the kind of behaviour that really cannot touch me.’



So these are psychological tricks aren’t they? Is it really philosophy any more at that point?



Well, it is in this sense. One of the reasons Stoicism came back in modern times is because these ‘tricks’ are useful. Some of them have been elaborated into fully-fledged psychotherapeutic approaches, such as Viktor Frankl’s logotherapy; cognitive behavioural therapy; Albert Ellis’ rational emotive behaviour therapy, and others. All of these therapies bear traces of Stoicism. Ellis and Frankl both read the Stoics, and used their ideas as a starting point. So in some sense, yes, it’s a bag of psychological tricks—but the reason it’s a philosophy is because this bag of tricks is put into a more general context and framework, and this is the idea that the good life is the moral life, and that the moral life is the life where you practise the four fundamental virtues: temperance, justice, courage, and wisdom.



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Interview by Nigel Warburton





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