Komjathy, Daoist Tradition:
An Introduction 2013
by Louis Komjathy
by Louis Komjathy
Table of Contents
Part 1: Historical Overview
1. Approaching Daoism
2. The Daoist Tradition
Part 2: The Daoist Worldview
3. Ways to Affiliation
4. Community and Social Organization
5. Informing Views and Foundational Concerns
6. Cosmogony, Cosmology, and Theology
7. Virtue, Ethics and Conduct Guidelines
Part 3: Daoist Practice
8. Dietetics
9. Health and Longevity Practice
10. Meditation
11. Scriptures and Scripture Study
12. Ritual
Part 4: Place, Sacred Space and Material Culture
13. Temples and Sacred Sites
14. Material Culture
Part 5: Daoism in the Modern World
15. Daoism in the Modern World
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11 Scripture and scripture study
“Scripture” is a comparative category for the central and authoritative sacred texts of religious traditions (see Smith 1993). For religious adherents, scriptures are sacred, timeless, enduring, and authoritative. They are classics that help to preserve and transmit tradition, and they are usually one of the primary sources of authority among religious adherents and communities. At the same time, the preservation and dissemination of scriptures involves the participation of particular adherents and communities.
In the case of Daoism, Daoist scriptures (daojing) are usually identified as manifestations of the Dao (see Chapter 6) and as a key dimension of the Daoist tradition (see Chapters 2–4). They are one of the external Three Treasures that comprise the Daoist tradition. At the same time, there are many types of Daoist literature (see Bokenkamp 1986; Boltz 1986b, 1987a, 1987b; Kohn 2000a; Komjathy 2002, 2007a; Schipper and Verellen 2004; Pregadio 2008a). On the most basic level, “scriptures” (jing) may be distinguished from “texts” (shu) and “literature” (wen). More specifically, Daoist literature includes commentaries (zhu), hagiography (zhuan), instructions (jue), poetry (shi ), precepts (jie), records (ji or lu), and so forth. In the case of scriptures, commentaries are especially important as they help one understand the ways in which Daoists have read and interpreted Daoist texts.
Every major Daoist scripture is written in classical Chinese and, unfortunately, very little Daoist literature has been reliably translated to date (see Komjathy 2003a). The exception to this fact is the perpetual and unnecessary appearance of “new” translations of the Daode jing (see Hardy 1998; LaFargue and Pas 1998; Dippmann 2001). Even more problematic are the various appropriations and so-called “versions” or “adaptations” of the text for popular consumption (see Chapter 16; also Komjathy 2011b). We still await reliable translations of most of the other major Daoist scriptures, and so the situation of Daoism stands in contrast to the sacred literature of other religious traditions where much has already been translated into English.
1] Daoist views concerning scripture
Daoist scriptures are sacred texts written in classical Chinese using calligraphy, and most often transmitted in manuscripts (see Chapter 15). This statement brings our attention to the importance of actual writing and manuscripts (see below). The Chinese character and Daoist religious category here translated as “scripture” is jing (ching) 經 , which has also been rendered as “classic” or “canon.” As jing may refer to the “classics” of Confucianism and later to the “sutras” of Buddhism, Daoists often refer to their scriptures as daojing (“scriptures of the Dao”), also translatable as “Daoist classics.” The character jing consists of the mi 糸 (“silk”) radical and jing 巠 (“underground stream”). The latter is generally taken to be a phonetic, meaning that it indicates pronunciation. However, a further etymological reading might suggest that the jing phonetic is also a meaningcarrier. Under this reading, “scriptures” are threads and watercourses that form and re-form networks of connection. They connect Daoists to the unnamable mystery and sacred presence which is the Dao and to the Daoist tradition, the community of adepts, as a historical and energetic continuum.
For this reason Daoist jing are religious texts; they are not simply “classics” or “wisdom literature.” They were composed, preserved, and transmitted within Daoist communities, although their origins are usually anonymous and/or attributed to divine beings such as Laojun (Lord Lao) or Yuanshi tianzun (Celestial Worthy of Original Beginning) (see Chapter 6). Thus, for many Daoists, Daoist scriptures are not simply human compositions or material texts. As inspired or revealed, they are manifestations of the Dao in the world, and they contain and express the numinous presence of the Dao. Some Daoists view the texts as sacred in and of themselves; the mere encounter with and custody of Daoist scriptures may thus be a blessing, a blessing which involves religious orientations and responsibilities. Zhu Ziyang (Guanmiao [Observing-the-Wondrous]; 976– 1029), the 23rd Shangqing Patriarch, expresses such a Daoist view in his preface to the Dadong zhenjing (Perfect Scripture of the Great Cavern; DZ 6).
THE SOTERIOLOGICAL POWER OF DAOIST SCRIPTURES
If you possess this scripture but do not get to study it, the Celestial Imperial Lord of Supreme Subtlety will still expunge your death certificate and, beginning from when you received the scripture, will establish [your] register of perfection. When you first begin a purification retreat, he will transfer your records to the Supreme Ultimate, inscribe your name in Eastern Blossom, and send a report about you to the Supreme [Imperial Lord]. You will be registered and enfeoffed in Turtle Terrace, and ten thousand spirits and a thousand numinous powers will call you the Great Being of Nine Mysteries. Your position will be that of Immortal Duke of Great Clarity. (Dadong zhenjing, DZ 6, preface; adapted from Miller 2008: 223)
Thus actual reading and study of texts may thus be less important than gaining transmission and living in their proximity.
Here a note is in order concerning the Daode jing (a.k.a. Laozi ) and Nanhua zhenjing (a.k.a. Zhuangzi ) as Daoist scriptures. These two texts are among the most widely “translated” and popularized Daoist scriptures (“wisdom literature”), especially in popular and general-audience “translations.” Such translations almost universally fail to acknowledge the Daoist tradition as source, to translate the texts in historically and contextually accurate ways, or to consider the ethical and political dimensions of popular appropriation and commodification. Although some might point out that the texts were originally titled the Laozi (Book of Venerable Masters), more conventionally translated as Book of Master Lao, and the Zhuangzi (Book of Master Zhuang), even those titles invoke the inner cultivation lineages of classical Daoism (see Chapters 1–3, passim).
However, from a Daoist perspective, these texts are jing. They are sacred texts written in classical Chinese and have an inspired or divine element.
Daoist scriptures are thus expressions of the Dao, both materially and spiritually. We may think of this in multiple ways. First, in a pre-modern context, possession of Daoist scriptures often indicated formal affiliation with the Daoist tradition. Through ordination ceremonies and masterdisciple transmissions (see Chapter 13), they were bestowed to Daoists both as a sign of their religious affiliation and as a form of empowerment and authority. Second, Daoist scriptures may assist adherents in aligning themselves with the Dao. They contain Daoist principles, views, practices, and models. Third, Daoist scriptures are inspired or revealed. For Daoists, they originate from a divine source, a source beyond the merely human. In the case of theistic revelation, Daoist scriptures provide access to specific Daoist sacred realms and deities. This is especially true in the case of petitions, invocations, and registers used in Daoist ritual (see Chapter 13). Finally, Daoist scriptures are infused with the sacred presence of the Dao. On some level, they are regarded as actual manifestations of the Dao in the world.
FIGURE 18 Transmission of Scriptures
Source: Wudou sanyi tujue, DZ 765
Like most foundational classics of traditional Chinese culture, the earliest Daoist texts that became recognized as scriptures were named after their associated authors, namely, Laozi (Master Lao) and Zhuangzi (Master Zhuang). Terminologically speaking, there were no Daoist jing per se before the emergence of organized Daoism (see Chapter 2). It was at this time that the Laozi received the imperial designation of the Daode jing (Scripture on the Dao and Inner Power) (see Chan 2000). The Zhuangzi became officially canonized under the Tang dynasty as the Nanhua zhenjing (Perfect Scripture of Perfected Nanhua; DZ 670) (see Mair 2000), with Nanhua (Southern Florescence) being an honorific name for Zhuangzi. Some of the earliest Daoist scriptures identified as “revealed” are the second-century CE Taiping jing (Scripture on Great Peace; DZ 1100), third-century CE Huangting jing (Scripture on the Yellow Court; DZ 331; DZ 332), and fourth-century CE Duren jing (Scripture on Universal Salvation; DZ 1) (see also below). Such statements of course inspire one to consider when, by whom, and in what contexts Daoist conceptions of “scripture” developed, but there can be no doubt that from at least the Later Han dynasty onward Daoists had their own conceptions of and views concerning scripture.
Daoist scriptures have often been viewed as actual emanations of the Dao, storehouses that contain the sacred presence of the Dao (see also Bokenkamp 1997: 20–1). For example, the Lingbao community suggested that the original ethereal “editions” of Daoist scriptures were housed in their corresponding heavens and that the universe was, on some level, maintained by divine talismans and scriptures. We find this Daoist view expressed in the Duren jing (Scripture on Universal Salvation).
ETHEREAL EDITIONS OF DAOIST SCRIPTURES
Above are the Illimitable Tones of the Hidden Language of the
Great Brahma of All the Heavens. The ancient graphs were all
one zhang square. Of old, the Celestial Perfected Sovereign wrote out this script in terrestrial graphs in order to reveal the correct pronunciations. The various heavens will send down spirit kings who fly through the heavens to keep watch over the bodies and record the meritorious strivings of all those who know these pronunciations and are able to change them during retreats. These things will be reported back to the heavens.
(Duren jing, DZ 1, 4.25b; adapted from Bokenkamp 1997: 430)
In addition to being revelations, here we see an esoteric dimension of Daoist scriptures: they are approximations of a secret, hidden celestial language, and they are storehouses of subtle energies and primordial ethers. They are sacred emanations from divine sources.
2] The importance of scripture study
Throughout Chinese history, scripture study (jingxue) has occupied a central place in the Daoist tradition, especially for the Daoist cultural elite. Here scripture study refers to the careful reading of, reflection on, and application of Daoist texts, and involves attentiveness to their language, meaning, and relevance. In addition, scripture study locates Daoists in the Daoist religious community. Such statements may inspire one to consider the ways in which specific texts are read and understood within the Daoist tradition. For example, although the Daode jing is a Daoist scripture, it may be interpreted in “non-Daoist” ways, and there can be no doubt that it was part of the larger Chinese society and culture. However, there are various Daoist ways of reading and applying the text. In this context, I would emphasize ways of reading. Although there is a tendency in the modern world to emphasize “consumptive reading” (e.g. “bestsellers” and “voracious readers”), other approaches are possible. In particular, inspired by Daoist religious practice, one might adopt “contemplative reading,” especially with respect to scripture study. Contemplative reading suggests that reading may be informed by contemplative practice or might be contemplative practice itself. This is a practice-based perspective emphasizing attentiveness. It emphasizes careful reading, close textual analysis, philosophical reflection, practice-based application, and the emergence of spiritual insight. It reveals the close connection among study, practice, understanding, and experience. Each informs the other.
Here we must also acknowledge that, in pre-modern China, literacy levels would have been relatively low, and one wonders about the percentage of literate Daoists. Given the fact that a great deal of Daoist religious practice involves reading and writing, one would assume that there was a relatively high literacy rate among Daoists, but at present this is mere conjecture. Nonetheless, it draws our attention to two additional points. First, in pre-modern China, Daoism frequently occupied a central place in the larger Chinese society and culture. Many Chinese intellectuals and cultural elite entered the Daoist ranks, and many Daoists made major contributions to Chinese culture. In imperial China, Daoism often had a privileged position, and wielded immense cultural and political power. On the other hand, the vast majority of Daoists were ordinary people who would have been illiterate. We must thus acknowledge the importance of oral tradition, including storytelling. For example, much of the language and many stories of the Zhuangzi were circulated orally and became part of Daoist folklore.
Although scriptures occupy a central place in the Daoist tradition, there are diverse Daoist views concerning the importance of scripture study, ranging from strong emphasis to almost complete indifference. Some Daoists have made scripture study an essential part of their religious practice. Other Daoists have included scripture study in their practice, while also offering cautions concerning its relative importance. For example, Chapter 13 of the Zhuangzi, titled “The Way of Heaven,” records an exchange between Duke Huan and a certain Wheelwright Pian concerning reading books.
BOOKS AS CHAFF AND DREGS
Duke Huan was in his hall reading a book. Wheelwright Pian, who was in the yard below chiseling a wheel, laid down his mallet and chisel, stepped up into the hall, and said to Duke Huan, “This book Your Grace is reading—may I venture to ask whose words are in it?”
“The words of the sages,” said the duke. “Are the sages still alive?”
“Dead long ago,” said the duke.
“In that case, what you are reading there is nothing but the chaff and dregs of people of antiquity!”
“Since when does a wheelwright have permission to comment on the books I read?” said Duke Huan. “If you have some explanation, well and good. If not, it’s your life!”
Wheelwright Pian said, “I look at it from the point of view of my own work. When I chisel a wheel, if the blows of the mallet are too gentle, the chisel slides and won’t take hold. But if they’re too hard, it bites in and won’t budge. Not too gentle, not too hard—you can get it in your hand and feel it in your mind. You can’t put it into words, and yet there’s a knack to it somehow. I can’t teach it to my son, and he can’t learn it from me. So I’ve gone along for seventy years and at my age I’m still chiseling wheels. When people of antiquity died, they took with them the things that couldn’t be handed down. So what you are reading there must be nothing but the chaff and dregs of the people of antiquity.” (Zhuangzi, Chapter 13; adapted from Watson 1968: 152–3)
For Wheelwright Pian, and therefore for Daoists with similar intuitions, texts are not documentations of attainment, but rather reminders of loss and potential communal diminishment. Reading may become mere distraction, especially if it fails to be a source of inspiration or guidance. Like other passages in classical Daoist texts, the passage seems to emphasize the limitations of language, conception, and knowing. However, in typical Daoist fashion, one comes to the insight that books written by deceased teachers and masters are “the chaff and dregs of people of antiquity” by reading the Zhuangzi. Scripture study itself revealed the limitations of scripture study! At the same time, the above passage is about books and received cultural influences. Daoist scriptures had not yet appeared.
Daoists have also emphasized the importance of scripture recitation and chanting. One interesting expression appears in the fifth-century Xisheng jing (Scripture on the Western Ascension). This is a text of Louguan (Lookout Tower Monastery) provenance that purports to be a secret transmission from Laozi to Yin Xi, the Guardian of the Pass. It thus presents itself as a supplement to the Daode jing. In the fourth section of the text, Laozi admonishes Yin Xi to cherish the teachings and to practice carefully.
SCRIPTURE RECITATION AS DAOIST PRACTICE
Yin Xi was deeply moved by these words. Thus he excused himself from his duty on the pass, pleading illness, gave up his official position, and withdrew in solitariness to a chamber of emptiness and leisure. In deep serenity, he meditated on the Dao, focused his aspirations, and guarded the One (shouyi ). In ultimate emptiness and original Nonbeing, he penetrated the secrets of the One. He realized that the inner meaning is not revealed through complicated phrases and marvelous words. He recited the composition [Daode jing] ten thousand times. His vital essence became stable and his meditation became pervasive. By practicing perfection and returning to personhood, he was able to pervade the Mystery. By discussing the undifferentiated Source, he was able to attain spirit immortality.
(Xisheng jing, DZ 666, 1.7a–8a)
Yin Xi’s response to Laozi’s instructions provides a variety of insights into the place of texts and textual transmission in Daoism. Aspiring adepts, represented by Yin Xi, must study and apply any teachings, whether oral or written, received from their teachers. This recalls Chapter 70 of the Daode jing: “My words are very easy to understand and very easy to practice, but no one understands or practices them.” For Daoists reading the Daode jing, this line directs them to deepen their own practice, to become embodiments of the teachings. In the case of Yin Xi, he takes Laozi’s teachings so seriously that he goes into meditative seclusion (see also Zhuangzi, Chapters 7, 23, and 28). This includes repeatedly reciting the Daode jing. According to the Xisheng jing, scripture recitation results in specific physiological changes and in mystical realization.
While Yin Xi’s (sixth-century) recitation practice appears to be selfinitiated and self-directed, chanting became a major dimension of Daoist ritual from at least the Tang dynasty forward (see Kohn 1998b). Interestingly, in Tang-dynasty ritual performance, the Daode jing occupied a central position. It appears that ritual chanting developed in Daoism through the influence of Chinese Buddhist recitation methods centering on Chinese Buddhist sutras or at least Chinese versions of early Buddhist sutras. However, texts such as the Daode jing appear to collect earlier mnemonic aphorisms (see Chapters 2 and 3), and they have rhythmic patterns that lend themselves to easy memorization, recollection, and oral citation. Certain Daoist scriptures seem to have been intentionally composed for use in Daoist ritual chanting. The relevant format usually consists of four or five character combinations, often with specific rhythm and rhyme patterns. For more stylized Daoist chanting types, such formats lend themselves to a higher degree of melody and musicality.
There is also a middle way between the dismissal of texts as “chaff and dregs” and the complete elevation and veneration of texts as evidenced in scripture recitation. This middle way involves a qualified advocacy and practice of scripture study. This is probably the dominant Daoist view, a view that accepts the authority of texts, but that seeks to define beneficial ways of interacting with texts. One finds this perspective among members of early Quanzhen Daoism (see Komjathy 2007a, forthcoming). As documented in the Lijiao shiwu lun (Fifteen Discourses to Establish the Teachings), Wang Zhe (1113–70), the founder of Quanzhen, gives advice on reading, understanding and applying Daoist texts.
THE WAY TO STUDY TEXTS
The way to study texts is not to strive after literary merit, and thereby confuse your eyes. Instead, you must extract the meaning as it harmonizes with the heart-mind. Abandon texts after you have extracted their meaning and grasped their principle. Abandon principle after you have realized the fundamental ground. After you realize the fundamental ground, then attend to it until it completely enters the heart-mind. (Lijiao shiwu lun, DZ 1233, 1b–2a)
For Wang, the aspiring adept must reflect on the place of scripture study in his or her own life and practice. The relevance of scripture study is relative to the individual practitioner, and such relevance is based on his or her affinities and commitments. Reading and study (and translation) may support Daoist practice, or they may become a distraction. In a Quanzhen context, the point of reading and study is to deepen practice. One endeavors to apply a given text’s insights to one’s daily life. Scripture study thus is not only an intellectual exercise; it is also a spiritual one. According to Wang, one must focus on the transformational experience and influence of reading Daoist scriptures. Here there is a complex interplay among study, practice, and experience. Study without practice and experience may lead to a lack of discernment concerning relevance; practice and experience without study may lead to various forms of self-delusion.
3] Key Daoist scriptures
Just as there is no single founder or primary community in the Daoist tradition, so too there no single central scripture. Different Daoist adherents and communities privilege different scriptures. While the Daode jing is probably the most influential and consistently privileged text in Daoist history, it is an oversimplification to think of that text as the central scripture of Daoism. In fact, when speaking about texts in the Daoist tradition, we should first discuss either the movement-specific textual corpuses or the Daozang (Daoist Canon), the primary collection of Daoist texts from the late medieval period forward (see below). Moreover, as I will document in the present section, different scriptures occupy a central position in different Daoist movements and lineages. While some Daoist texts have received almost universal recognition and circulation throughout the Daoist tradition, others were lineage-specific. We might, in turn, profitably adopt the categories of “texts in general circulation” and “texts in internal circulation” (Schipper and Verellen 2004), that is, texts that were circulated throughout the tradition and often in the larger Chinese population, and texts that were circulated within specific communities and lineages.
In terms of early Daoism, the Daode jing occupied a central place in the Tianshi movement. This was so much the case that Zhang Lu (d. 215), the third Celestial Master, appears to have written one of the earliest Daoist commentaries, which is titled the Laozi xiang’er zhu (Commentary Thinking Through the Laozi; DH 56; S. 6825; Bokenkamp 1997). As we saw in Chapter 8, the early Tianshi community also developed an ethical system based on precepts derived from the Daode jing and the Xiang’er commentary. The former include the so-called Nine Practices, while the latter include the so-called Twenty-seven Xiang’er Precepts. For members of the early Tianshi movement, the Daode jing thus provided principles and inspiration for living a Daoist religious life. In the early medieval Tianshi community, the Xiang’er commentary and the Santian neijie jing (Scripture on the Inner Explanations of the Three Heavens; DZ 1205) were especially important (see Bokenkamp 1997). Apparently in contrast, the Taiping movement emphasized the importance of the Taiping jing (Scripture on Great Peace; DZ 1101; Hendrischke 2007), a text that expresses a utopian vision of a world characterized by an era of Great Peace. Interestingly, both the Tianshi and Taiping movements endeavored to establish a society that might be characterized as a Daoist theocracy, and they implemented programs, such as grain distribution, that were religious and communal in nature.
Moving into early medieval Daoism, in Chapter 4 of the Baopuzi neipian
(Inner Chapters of Master Embracing Simplicity; DZ 1185), Ge Hong (287– 347) identifies three scriptures that formed the core of the Taiqing textual tradition: the Taiqing jing (Scripture on Great Clarity), Jiudan jing (Scripture on the Nine Elixirs), and Jinye jing (Scripture on the Gold Liquid) (see Pregadio 2006a; also Campany 2002). Ge Hong also had a large library (see Ware 1966, 379–83), part of which was inherited from his grand-uncle Ge Xuan (164–244), and which was eventually transmitted to Ge Hong’s grandnephew Ge Chaofu (fl. 390s), who is in turn associated with the Lingbao movement. Interestingly, in his Baopuzi neipian, Ge Hong criticizes an overemphasis on the importance of the Daode jing and Zhuangzi, so evident in contemporaneous aristocratic and intellectual movements such as Qingtan (Pure Conversation) and Xuanxue (Profound Learning) (Campany 2002: 84–5).
A DAOIST CRITIQUE OF “LAO-ZHUANG” DAOISM
Even if the five thousand characters [Daode jing] come from Laozi, they are only a general discussion and a rough outline of our topic [alchemy and immortality]. The contents in no way allow a complete exposition of the matter from beginning to end that could be employed as support for our pursuit. Merely to recite this classic blindly without securing the essential process would be to undergo useless toil. How much worse in the case of texts inferior to the Daode jing . . . Is it not a pity that the eloquent rogues and base scoundrels of these later days should be allowed refuge in Laozi and Zhuang Zhou? (Baopuzi neipian, DZ 1185, 8.5b–6a; adapted from Ware 1966: 142; also 14.2b– 3a; 16.4b)
The Shangqing movement venerated the manuscripts that recorded the Shangqing revelations and the Huangting jing (Scripture on the Yellow Court; DZ 331; DZ 332), a text that apparently predates Shangqing and was originally composed in a “non-Shangqing” context. Important original Shangqing texts include the Dadong zhenjing (Perfect Scripture of the Great Cavern; DZ 5–7; DZ 103) and Lingshu ziwen (Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits; DZ 179; DZ 255; DZ 442; DZ 639) (see Robinet 1993, 2000, 2008). The early Shangqing texts describe the hidden structure of the cosmos, consisting of Daoist sacred realms as well as deities and Perfected (see Chapter 6), and provide technical instructions on Shangqing religious practice, including qi ingestion, visualization, and proto-neidan. After being disseminated to various members and families associated with Shangqing, the original manuscripts were later re-collected and compiled by Tao Hongjing (456–536) in his Zhen’gao (Declarations of the Perfected; DZ 1016).
Developing in competition with Shangqing, the early Lingbao movement emphasized its own revelations and scriptural corpus. Although most often associated with Ge Chaofu (fl. 390s), the grandnephew of Ge Hong whose library and religious methods he inherited, the Lingbao corpus was systematized by Lu Xiujing (406–77). Lingbao centers on a group of forty texts known as the “ancient Lingbao corpus,” which were defined as such in the so-called “Lingbao Catalogue” by Lu (see Bokenkamp 1983; Yamada 2000). The texts in the corpus can be divided into three kinds: two ancient Lingbao texts that contain the five talismans and the belief in the Five Thearchs (wudi ) of the five directions (see Chapter 14); scriptures revealed by the Buddhist-inspired deity Yuanshi tianzun (Celestial Worthy of Original Beginning); and texts associated with Taiqing and the immortal Ge Xuan, originally a Fangshi practitioner of the Later Han and grand-uncle of Ge Hong (Yamada 2000, 225, 233–5). Important early Lingbao texts include the Lingbao wufu xu (Explanations of the Five Lingbao Talismans; DZ 388) and Duren jing (Scripture on Salvation; DZ 1; DZ 87–93).
In late medieval Daoism, especially in the context of the Tang-dynasty monastic system, the various earlier Daoist textual traditions and their associated movements were hierarchically categorized and organized into corresponding ordination levels (see Chapters 3 and 4). For the subsequent Song-Jin period, the Quanzhen movement is centrally important. However, although little research has been done, there were also a variety of deity cults and ritual movements with their own textual corpuses (see Chapter 2). These movements contributed many additional dimensions to Daoist ritual (see Chapter 13). In this case, it is important to recognize that such texts were not the focus of “scripture study”—rather, they were ritual manuals, with corresponding oral instructions and formal training.
The Quanzhen movement is especially noteworthy with respect to the central importance of scripture. Given its enduring influence within the Daoist tradition and into the modern world, Quanzhen is all the more significant. While Shangqing and Lingbao composed their own scriptures, with the accompanying claim of new revelations (see Chapter 3), it appears that Quanzhen did not exhibit a similar pattern. The tradition does indeed claim secret transmissions from immortals, but these did not become the basis of new scriptures. Instead, they were expressed in Quanzhen oral transmissions, informed Quanzhen religious practice, and were incorporated into Quanzhen hagiographies. Thus there are no originary texts that can be labeled “Quanzhen scriptures.” Rather than compiling new scriptures, members of early Quanzhen adopted the Daode jing, the sixth-century Yinfu jing (Scripture on the Hidden Talisman; DZ 31), and the eighth-century Qingjing jing (Scripture on Clarity and Stillness; DZ 620) as their central texts (see Komjathy 2007a, 2008a, forthcoming). As Wang Zhe, the founder, comments: “[To practice spiritual refinement] you must fully understand the three hundred characters of the Yinfu jing and read up on the five thousand words of the Daode jing” (Quanzhen ji, DZ 1153, 13.7b–8a). The importance of these texts, as well as of the Zhuangzi, in early Quanzhen is evidenced by their frequent citation and by the existence of commentaries by Liu Tongwei (Moran [Silent Suchness]; d. 1196) (DZ 974) and by Liu Chuxuan (Changsheng [Perpetual Life]; 1147–1203) (DZ 122; DZ 401). Liu Chuxuan also composed a lost commentary on the Daode jing. However, the preferred form of textual expression among the early Quanzhen adepts was poetry and discourse records (yulu), with most of the latter compiled by their disciples. These texts, in turn, became read, disseminated, and transmitted among members of the later tradition. In addition, they eventually became associated with seven lineages related to the Seven Perfected, most likely during the late imperial period. For example, the Huashan (Mount Hua) lineage, associated with Chen Tuan (Xiyi [Infinitesimal Subtlety]; d. 989) and Hao Datong (Guangning [Expansive Serenity]; 1140–1213), follows the early Quanzhen emphasis on the Daode jing, Yinfu jing, and Qingjing jing. At the same time, it focuses on texts associated with Chen and Hao. In contrast, the Longmen (Dragon Gate) lineage focuses on texts associated with Qiu Chuji (Changchun [Perpetual Spring]; 1148–1227). More than these, it emphasizes study and application of the three precept texts associated with Wang Changyue (Kunyang [Paradisiacal Yang]; 1622?–80). These include the Chuzhen jie (Precepts of Initial Perfection; JY 292; ZW 404), Zhongji jie (Precepts of Medium Ultimate; JY 293; ZW 405), and Tianxian jie (Precepts of Celestial Immortality; JY 291; ZW 403) (see Chapters 3, 8, and 13 herein).
While none of the early texts appear to have exerted significant influence outside of Quanzhen communities, some roughly contemporaneous texts from the late medieval period did attain such status. These include texts associated with the so-called Zhong-Lü and Nanzong lineages of internal alchemy. With respect to the former, the tenth-century Chuandao ji (Anthology on the Transmission of the Dao; DZ 263, j. 14–16; DZ 1017, j.
39–41) has been especially influential. In terms of the Southern School, a “movement” consisting of loosely associated teachers and lineages, the Wuzhen pian (Treatise on Awakening to Perfection; DZ 263, j. 26–30; DZ 1017, j. 18) and the Jindan sibaizi (Four Hundred Characters on the Golden Elixir; DZ 263, j. 4; DZ 1081), both by Zhang Boduan (Ziyang [Purple Yang]; d. 1082), are nearly canonical. Later influential and centrally important internal alchemy texts include the Zhonghe ji (Anthology of Central Harmony; DZ 249) by Li Daochun (fl. 1290) and various works by
Liu Yiming (Wuyuan [Awakening-to-the-Source]; 1734–1821), an eleventhgeneration Longmen Patriarch. This is especially the case with his Daoshu shier zhong (Twelve Daoist Books), which includes Liu’s commentaries on the Huangting jing, Yinfu jing, Wuzhen pian, and Jindan sibaizi. Among Liu’s original works, the Wudao lu (Record of Awakening to the Dao; ZW 268) has been especially influential. Liu generally clarifies the technical meaning of esoteric internal alchemy terminology and provides more psychological interpretations of internal alchemy practice. These works have also become circulated in the Western world through the various popular translations of Thomas Cleary published by Shambhala. Like Eva Wong’s general-audience translations and most popular publications on “Daoism,” especially popular “translations” of the Daode jing (e.g. Dyer, Le Guin, Mitchell), these works must be read with caution, however, as the translations are frequently problematic (see, e.g. Kohn and LaFargue 1998; Komjathy 2003a, 2008a, 2011b).
These examples are sufficient to get a sense of the diversity of Daoist scriptures, the relative importance of various Daoist texts in different Daoist movements, and the importance of scripture study as a major Daoist religious practice. They also draw our attention to the Daoist commitment to the preservation, careful dissemination, and transmission of Daoist scriptures. While I have indicated the ways in which different Daoist scriptures were emphasized in different Daoist movements, no discussion of Daoist texts would be complete without the Daozang (Tao-tsang; Daoist Canon), the primary textual collection of the Daoist tradition from the late medieval period forward.
At various periods in Chinese history, prominent Daoist leaders, usually with imperial patronage and/or aristocratic support, compiled collections of Daoist texts. Such collections received the designation of Daozang, which literally means “storehouse of the Dao” (see Komjathy 2002; Schipper and Verellen 2004). The compilation of such Daoist collections is indebted to Lu Xiujing, who also compiled the abovementioned Lingbao Catalogue. Lu created the earliest known catalogue of Daoist texts, which was titled the Sandong jingshu mulu (Catalogue of the Scriptures and Writings of the Three Caverns). It was presented to Emperor Ming (r. 465–72) of the LiuSong dynasty (420–79) in 471. Lu Xiujing maintained that “there had been 1,228 scrolls (juan) of Taoist scriptures and works including prescriptions of drugs, talismans, and pictures.” In addition, “of these scriptures, 1,090 scrolls had been known to the world, while the remaining 138 scrolls were still preserved in the heavens” (adapted from Liu 1973: 111; also Boltz 1987a: 4). From these statements, one may estimate that during the Liu-Song dynasty texts categorized as “Daoist” amounted to approximately 1,100 juan.
Various earlier editions preceded the compilation of the “received Daozang” (see Kohn 2000a; Komjathy 2002; Schipper and Verellen 2004; Pregadio 2008a), a term that refers to the edition compiled during the Ming dynasty (1368–1644). This edition survives into the modern world and remains the primary textual source for the academic study of Daoism. The received Daozang technically consists of two collections: the Zhengtong daozang (Daoist Canon of the Zhengtong Reign) and Xu daozang (Supplement to the Daoist Canon). Dated to 1445 and consisting of 5,318 juan, the former was compiled under the direction of Zhang Yuchu (1361– 1410) and Zhang Yuqing (d. 1426), the 43rd and 44th Celestial Master, respectively, and Ren Ziyuan (fl. 1400–22), the general intendant of Mount Wudang (Hubei), with the imperial patronage of the Yongle Emperor (Chengzu; r. 1403–1424). Dating to 1607 and consisting of 240 juan, the Xu daozang was compiled under the direction of Zhang Guoxiang (d. 1611), the 50th Celestial Master, with the imperial patronage of Ming Emperor Shenzong (r. 1572–1619). The received, Ming-dynasty Daozang in total consists of 1,487 texts (see Schipper and Verellen 2004; also Komjathy 2002).
The central organizing principle for Daoist textual collections is a tripartite classification system known as the Three Caverns (sandong). Dating from at least as early as the fifth century, the designation imitates the Three Vehicles (sansheng) of Buddhism and originally referred to three distinct scriptural or revelatory traditions: (1) Cavern Perfection (dongzhen), corresponding to the Shangqing (Highest Clarity) tradition; (2) Cavern Mystery (dongxuan), corresponding to the Lingbao (Numinous Treasure) tradition; and (3) Cavern Spirit (dongshen), corresponding to the Sanhuang (Three Sovereigns) tradition. Each “cavern” is further divided into Twelve Sections (shier bu). After the first half of the sixth century, when there was an increase in the number and diversity of Daoist texts, four supplementary divisions were developed. These are the so-called Four Supplements (sifu) (see Komjathy 2002; Schipper and Verellen 2004; Pregadio 2008a). Given the continuous addition of new Daoist texts, these divisions prove relatively unhelpful with respect to the received Daozang, although they do provide some insight into an earlier structure and underlying substrate.
Although the received Daozang now exists in mechanically reproduced editions and digital formats, it was originally printed using wood-block plates. Wood-block printing involves carving characters into wooden blocks. These blocks are then dipped in ink and imprinted on paper. This results in stitch-bound “fascicles” (literary serial) (ce), which may also be translated as “folio.” These fascicles are hand-stitched using “stab-binding” with covers and labels with the corresponding title. This technological advance draws our attention to a number of dimensions of Daoist material culture (see Chapter 15). First, wood-block printing created standardized and easily reproduced editions of Daoist texts. On the one hand, there could be relatively large “press runs” resulting in wide distribution. This development led to a decrease in hand-written, calligraphic renderings of Daoist texts and fewer personal collections of such manuscripts. At the same time, more individual Daoists owned personal copies of Daoist texts in the form of wood-block printed manuscripts. In contrast, modern editions of the Mingdynasty Daozang are printed like Western books in large, hard-bound volumes based on a Ming-dynasty wood-block edition. It appears that the Ming-dynasty Daozang only survived in one copy, which was preserved by the Daoists of Baiyun guan (see Schipper and Verellen 2004: 1–51). The actual printing blocks were destroyed during the Boxer Rebellion of 1900, but the canon was reprinted in 1926 in reduced format facsimile. If the Baiyun guan copy had been lost, it is likely that most of the history of the Daoist tradition, a history that led to the present book, would also have been lost.
Chinese characters in Daoist texts appear from top-to-bottom and rightto-left. The unpunctuated texts are printed in “fascicles” (ce). These are small, hand-stitched booklets. In the printed Daozang, such fascicles often consist of multiple texts, but individual texts may be printed and disseminated separately. In traditionally printed editions of the Daozang, often referred to as the “concertina edition,” individual fascicles are sequentially numbered and stacked in folding cases. The received collectanea consists of 1,120 fascicles. Individual juan may, in turn, consist of multiple shorter texts, while longer texts require multiple juan. In modern editions, each wood-block page consists of two pages of the corresponding fascicle. Thus, one modern page actually consists of four or sometimes six traditional Chinese pages. There are, in turn, various numbering systems for the Ming-dynasty Daozang. These include by fascicle (abbr. TT), by text number according to a Harvard-Yenching index (abbr. HY), and by text number according to an index compiled under the direction of Kristofer Schipper (abbr. CT/ DZ). The latter has become the standard system with the publication of the Historical Companion to the Daozang (Schipper and Verellen 2004; also Komjathy 2002).
FIGURE 19 Traditional Wood-block Page of a Daoist Text
Source: Received Daozang
Before moving on to discuss Daoist commentaries, two additional points need to be made. First, as the history of Daoist textual collection indicates, the final layer of the received Daozang dates from 1607. More than four hundred years of Daoist textual production are not included. This helps to explain the difficulty and relative scarcity of research on late imperial Daoism, that is, Daoism during the Ming and Qing dynasties. There are a variety of “extra-canonical collections.” Most importantly, these include the Daozang jiyao (Collected Essentials of the Daoist Canon; abbr. JY; dat. 1700/1906; 315 titles in 10 vols.), Daozang xubian (Supplementary Collection of the Daoist Canon; abbr. XB; dat. 1834/1952/1989; 23 texts), Daozang jinghua lu (Record of Essential Blossoms of the Daoist Canon; abbr. JHL; dat. 1922; 100 titles in 2 vols.), Daozang jinghua (Essential Blossoms of the Daoist Canon; abbr. JH; dat. 1956; 108 titles in 115 vols.), and Zangwai daoshu (Daoist Texts Outside the Canon; abbr. ZW; dat. 1992/1994; 991 titles in 36 vols.) (see Komjathy 2002; Pregadio 2008a). In terms of recent publications, the Zhonghua daozang (Chinese Daoist Canon; abbr. ZH; dat. 2004; 1,524 titles in 49 vols.) is especially noteworthy. Published under the direction of Zhang Jiyu (b. 1962), Wang Ka (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences; Beijing) and the Chinese Daoist Association, and published by Huaxia chubanshe, this is the first punctuated edition and consists of the entire Ming-dynasty Daoist Canon as well as texts from archaeological finds such as Dunhuang, Guodian, and Mawangdui.
4] Commentary as Daoist practice
Commentary composition is another important Daoist practice. We may understand commentary as close reading and textual analysis, as a deeper and more committed form of scripture study. While scripture study may be individual or communal, commentary composition is usually a solitary undertaking. In this way, it may be seen as contemplative practice. While scripture study may be preserved through oral teachings, commentary involves actual textual production. It is an intentional and sustained inquiry that results in an additional text, a text that may be disseminated. In this way, commentary composition is intended to clarify the meaning of a text, to transmit a particular interpretation of that text, and to provide guidance for other adherents. Daoist commentary composition thus relates to exegesis (critical explanation), hermeneutics (art and theory of interpretation), and scholasticism (intellectual method of learning).
Daoist commentaries (zhu) most often focus on jing. Less frequently, they aim to elucidate other types of texts, such as esoteric internal alchemy works that have attained a certain canonical status. With respect to the received Daozang, there are major commentaries on such influential scriptures as the Huangting jing (Scripture on the Yellow Court; DZ 331; DZ 332), Qingjing jing (Scripture on Clarity and Stillness; DZ 620), Yinfu jing (Scripture on the Hidden Talisman; DZ 31), and so forth (see Schipper and Verellen 2004). However, by far the largest number of Daoist commentaries focus on the Daode jing (see Robinet 1977, 1998, 1999; Komjathy 2008a), with the commentaries of Heshang gong (2nd c. CE?) and Wang Bi (226–49), a member of the Xuanxue (Profound Learning) movement, having been most influential (see Chan 1991a, 2000). Some prominent Daoists who have engaged in exegesis and composed influential commentaries include the following: Du Guangting (850–933) on the Daode jing (DZ 725); Tang Chun (Jinling daoren [Daoist of Nanjing]; 11th c. CE?) on the Huangting jing (DZ 121); Liu Chuxuan (1147–1203) on the Daode jing (lost), Huangting jing (DZ 401), and Yinfu jing (DZ 122); and Liu Yiming (1734–1821) on the Yijing and Yinfu jing, as contained in his Daoshu shier zhong (see above).
Commentaries are primarily composed in order to elucidate the meaning of texts and to provide guidance concerning preferred interpretation. Some Daoist commentaries engage in line-by-line exegesis; others provide more general interpretation; and still others, which might not be considered commentaries as such, incorporate systematic citations of Daoist texts into a larger doctrinal framework. There are thus different approaches to and types of commentary. Commentaries may also inspire readers to actually read and reflect upon a given text. Thus, one finds summary explanations of the Huainanzi (Book of the Huainan Masters; DZ 1184) in the postface to the text. Commenting on Chapter 1, which is titled “Yuandao” (Dao-as-Source) and represents a Daoist cosmological chapter (see Chapter 6 herein), the editors explain the potential contributions of studying the chapter.
DAOIST SCRIPTURE STUDY AS A PATH TO THE DAO
“Yuandao” takes the measure of the world in all directions, explores the inchoate origins of the myriad things, traces out the lines of its grand continuities, and probes the mysteries of what his hidden and obscure, thereby taking one soaring beyond the carriage crossbar into the realm of nothingness. . .To master its message is to have access to a grand view of things on a truly panoramic scale. If one wants to capture its message in a phrase, it is to defer to what is natural and to preserve one’s genuineness. . .If one accepts and complies with its standards and precepts, and lives by them to the end of one’s days, it provides a way to respond to and deal with the world around one, and to observe and match changes as they arise. As easy as turning a ball in the palm of one’s hand, it enables one to find personal happiness. (Huainanzi, postface; adapted from Lau and
Ames 1998: 7–8; also Major et. al 2010: 849–50)
So, in the case of Chapter 1 of the Huainanzi, the aspiring Daoist adept receives insights into the Dao as transformative process and ways to become cosmologically attuned, specifically through Daoist practice. The postface even goes so far to suggest that simply reading and understanding the text results in physiological benefits. How then could one not want to read the text! Similarly, in the preface to his Qingtian ge zhu (Commentary on the “Song of the Clear Sky”), Wang Jie (Daoyuan [Dao’s Source]; Hunran [Primordial Suchness]; fl. 1331–80), a Yuan-dynasty Quanzhen monk, explains the value of Quanzhen poetry for Daoist self-cultivation.
AWAKENING THROUGH READING POETRY
The “Qingtian ge” (Song of the Clear Sky) was written by Perfected Qiu Changchun. As a song with flowing tones comprised of thirty-two lines, it parallels the thirty-two heavens mentioned in the Duren jing (Scripture on Salvation). This is the Dao as circulation and transformation. Each time I chant its tones, I enjoy its literary terseness and the directness and authenticity of its principles. It covers shortcuts to cultivating perfection and graduated steps for entering the Dao. The first twelve lines illuminate the foundations of cultivating innate nature. The middle twelve lines discuss the work of returning to life-destiny. The final eight lines describe the fusion of innate nature and life-destiny. This is the subtlety of spiritual transformation and casting off the embryo. When the ignorant look at worldly people, they only compose mournful writings while singing and dancing. In the end, they do not know that the principles of the ten matchings and nine harmonies are inside this. From ancient times to the present, those with mettle have composed commentaries for the benefit of later generations. When the unpretentious examine their simplicity and begin to study, nearly all of them will receive a beneficial influence on awakening. (Qingtian ge zhu, DZ 137, preface)
According to Wang, Qiu’s poem, and Wang’s commentary by extension, provides spiritual insights concerning one’s foundational vitality (ming) and spiritual capacities (xing) (see Chapters 5, 7, and 11 herein). It enables one to gain deeper insight into the nature of existence and the human condition, as well as to attain spiritual transformation and awakening through Daoist selfcultivation. For one who takes such Daoist claims seriously, one may be inspired to actually read the commentary.
Daoist commentaries thus demonstrate particular Daoist ways of reading Daoist texts. In the modern world, this is important because Daoist texts are frequently appropriated as part of “world scriptures” or “wisdom literature” without recognition of the source-tradition and without understanding of the ways in which Daoists and Daoist communities have read and interpreted the texts. That is, there are Daoist interpretations of Daoist texts, and these interpretations are venerated by Daoists. Daoist commentaries reveal the ways in which Daoist texts were interpreted and applied from Daoist perspectives and within specific Daoist communities. This point helps us to remember that texts such as the Daode jing are Daoist, that they belong to a particular tradition with its own distinctive views, practices, and experiences of reading and interpretation.
FURTHER READING
Bokenkamp, Stephen R. 1997. Early Daoist Scriptures. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Boltz, Judith M. 1987. A Survey of Taoist Literature: Tenth to Seventeenth Centuries. Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California.
Chan, Alan K. L. 1991. Two Visions of the Way: A Study of the Wang Pi and the Ho-shang Kung Commentaries on the Lao-Tzu. Albany: State University of New York Press.
Kohn, Livia. 1993. The Taoist Experience: An Anthology. Albany: State University of New York Press.
Kohn, Livia, and Michael LaFargue, (eds) 1998. Lao-tzu and the Tao-teching. Albany: State University of New York Press.
Komjathy, Louis. 2002. Title Index to Daoist Collections. Cambridge, MA: Three Pines Press.
—2003. “Daoist Texts in Translation.” http://www.daoistcenter.org/articles.html Posted on September 15, 2003. [Accessed June 1, 2012].
—2008 (2003). Handbooks for Daoist Practice. 10 vols. Hong Kong: Yuen Yuen Institute.
Robinet, Isabelle. 1998. “Later Commentaries: Textual Polysemy and Syncretistic Interpretations.” In Lao-tzu and the Tao-te-ching, edited by Livia Kohn and Michael LaFargue, 119–42. Albany: State University of New York Press.
—1999. “The Diverse Interpretations of the Laozi.” In Religious and Philosophical Aspects of the Laozi, edited by Mark Csikszentmihalyi and Philip J. Ivanhoe, 127–59. Albany: State University of New York Press.
Schipper, Kristofer, and Franciscus Verellen, (eds) 2004. The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang. 3 vols. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Smith, Wilfred Cantwell. 1993. What Is Scripture?: A Comparative Approach. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press.
