2021/10/18

14 A Curious Madness The Political and Spiritual Struggles of an Imperial Intellect Avery Morrow

ejcjs - A Curious Madness



A Curious Madness
The Political and Spiritual Struggles of an Imperial Intellect

Avery Morrow
, St. John’s College [About | Email]

Volume 14, Issue 2 (Book review 3 in 2014). First published in ejcjs on 29 July 2014.



Jaffe, Eric (2014) A Curious Madness: An American Combat Psychiatrist, a Japanese War Crimes Suspect, and an Unsolved Mystery from World War II, New York: Scribner, hardback, ISBN-13: 978-1451612059, 321 pages.


In October 1957, Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru made an unusual request during a brief visit to Japan. He was hoping to meet a man who had hidden Indian independence activists in his home in the 1920s, and who had been indicted as a Class-A War Criminal during the trials of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (the Tokyo Trials), only to be afflicted by a surprising bout of temporary insanity in the courtroom. This man was Ōkawa Shūmei, an ideological mastermind of Japan’s interwar empire, and his unlikely rise and fall in the Japanese political scene provides the basis for Eric Jaffe’s A Curious Madness.

Jaffe has made an engaging sketch of Ōkawa’s life, from his early years as the son of a country physician to his entanglement in the Tokyo Trials. Lending a sympathetic ear to Ōkawa’s own statements and tracking the evolution of his ideas over the decades, Jaffe illuminates the character of a sometimes hotheaded, sometimes conflicted man with a contradictory legacy of imperialist jingoism and anti-establishment support for independence movements. Yet this book is only a brief introduction to the full breadth of Ōkawa’s writing, which invites much deeper analysis.

The challenge for Jaffe is that Ōkawa exercised influence in every aspect of the imperial Japanese worldview. While maintaining an intellect capable of authoritative treatises on comparative religion and early modern European colonialism, Ōkawa was simultaneously leading a turbulent political life that alternated between appeals to the popular conscience and to the fascist instincts of the military elite. He reached as many minds in his personal life as he did with his writings. Consequently, in their attempt to cover all aspects of his life, recent Japanese biographies of Ōkawa—such as Sekioka Hideyuki’s (2007) Ōkawa Shūmei no Dai-Ajia-shugi and Usuki Akira’s (2010) Ōkawa Shūmei—Islam to Tennō no hazama de—are remarkably dense and interwoven with threads of Indian nationalism, European geopolitics, and philosophy.

Like these books, A Curious Madness is the product of careful research. Employing Army archives, Tokyo Trials transcripts, and a selection of Japanese sources, it is rich with biographical details and telling anecdotes. Since Ōkawa was primarily a writer and speaker, Jaffe could probably have afforded to quote him at greater length, using the apparently extensive translations that were made during the book’s research phase. We learn that Various Problems of Asia in Renewal (Ōkawa 1922) was considered a “handbook of the Japanese nationalists” at the Tokyo Trials and “fanned the flames” of Pan-Asianist extremism (page 65). However, we do not learn that it really does discuss over a century of East-West relations at exhausting length, references many of its assertions by citing Western academic publications, and closes not with a stirring call to arms but with a reference to the British occupation of the Iraqi city of Basra. A few more relevant quotes could have added to the depth of this biography.

In the interest of a coherent narrative, some parts of Ōkawa’s biography have been left out. For example, Ōkawa’s spiritual side is only occasionally referenced in the text, and yet this was inextricably linked with his political views. He never left behind his youthful interest in Indian philosophy and Islam. In 1924, as his political career blossomed, he translated a religious book by a like-minded expatriate entitled Perennial Wisdom (Richard 1924), and in 1941, as his intellectual talents were in demand to defend Japan’s wars of aggression, he instead took time out to write biographies of Asian leaders such as Mahatma Gandhi with an extensive overview of Indian philosophy (Ōkawa 1941; Ramesh 2012). One of Ōkawa’s Asianist manifestoes concludes with a paean for Sri Aurobindo as an exemplar of the Asian spirit, and among his unpublished papers were a biography of Muhammad and an incomplete theory of religion. It is clear that he saw salvation for the nations of Asia not only in Japanese military supremacy but also in Eastern philosophies and their ancient and modern proponents. Deeper investigation of this lifelong interest could be helpful in achieving a greater understanding of Ōkawa’s writing.

For the most part, though, the book excels in showing how Ōkawa’s logical-sounding, expansionist imperialism appealed to Japanese citizens and elites lost in the muddle of interwar politics and seeking a political theology. To make his portrait well-rounded, Jaffe interviews a variety of sources from Ōkawa’s living relatives to professional historians. One specialist on Pan-Asianism, Christopher Szpilman, describes Ōkawa’s life to Jaffe as full of “idiotic inconsistencies” (page 74), accusing him of being pleasure-seeking and self-serving. But in a more academic study, Szpilman (2001, 71) acknowledges that Ōkawa saw Woodrow Wilson’s attempts at anti-colonialism as “hypocritical ‘slogans’ made up by Anglo-Saxon imperialists to gain Asian support during the war.” Ōkawa saw just as much, if not more, inconsistency in the Western political climate of his day as Szpilman does in Ōkawa.

Jaffe intersperses Ōkawa’s biography with a biography of Jaffe’s own quiet grandfather, the psychologist who pronounced judgement on Ōkawa’s mental health, and an overview of the role played by Army psychologists in the Second World War. Jaffe’s juxtaposition of the Japanese philosopher with the American psychologist may seem to create two separate narratives throughout most of the book, but this alternation of research with personal narrative has been seen in other recent non-fiction works such as Leslie Chang’s Factory Girls (2008). A close reading will find that, although Jaffe’s grandfather does not meet Ōkawa until the end of the narrative, these more personal sections are also well-researched.

The diagnosis Jaffe’s grandfather renders on Ōkawa’s temporary insanity does not come until the end of the book. The specifics of the diagnosis have been public knowledge on both sides of the Pacific for some decades, so it is not new information, but over the course of the book Jaffe documents a surprisingly wide number of modern analyses of Ōkawa’s fit of madness, from a cowardly attempt to avoid trial, through a release of subconscious “contradiction” (page 165), to an American conspiracy to prevent the renowned author from defending Japan’s actions at the Tokyo Trials. Ōkawa himself seemed disappointed that he was unable to defend himself and Japan on that stage, and eager to blame the Allies for denying him that chance at martyrdom—so much so that he never once admitted that he had been diagnosed with tertiary syphilis.

What is admirable about A Curious Madness is that it outlines both the problems and the successes of Ōkawa’s career, allowing us to see that his work does not resemble Mein Kampf—to which it was uncharitably compared by the Tokyo Trials prosecution—as much as Martin Heidegger’s inexplicable Nazi-era writings. Ōkawa is remarkable in that, unlike Heidegger, he spent his final years full of introspection about his political career and Japan’s future. In one postwar essay (Ōkawa 2010, 15), he wrote:

When a thought hardens into an ideology, it spreads over the world like a virus. Ideology is a viewpoint made adequate for unifying all spheres of human life. Life is ceaselessly moving, and does not know holding its breath. Therefore the viewpoint appropriate for systemic unity must also change corresponding to the occasion of the times. In eventful times, militarism; in uneventful times, pacifism; in times of hunger, commercialism; in times of luxury, culturism… When just one out of all these viewpoints is claimed to be the one eternal truth and all other viewpoints are rejected, this happens because the brain’s workings have become machinelike, or one has become obstinate. Accordingly, a profession of ideology is always a kind of defiance.


References


Chang, Leslie (2008) Factory girls: From Village to City in a Changing China. New York: Spiegel & Grau.

Ōkawa Shūmei (1922) Fukkō Ajia no shomondai, Tokyo: Daitōkaku.

Ōkawa Shūmei (1941) Ajia kensetsusha, Tokyo: Daiichi Shobō.

Ōkawa Shūmei (2010) “Tenshō-kaibyaku no Michi,” Haisengo, Tokyo: Shoshi Shinsui. 14-36.

Ramesh, Barve Tejaswini (2012) “Bhagvad Gita and the Idea of One God: Aurobindo Ghosh and Shumei Okawa,” Isshinkyō Sekai, 3: 31–54.

Richard, Paul (1924) Eien no chie. Ōkawa Shūmei, trans. Tokyo: Keiseisha.

Sekioka, Hideyuki (2007) Ōkawa Shūmei no Dai-Ajia-shugi, Tokyo: Kōdansha.

Szpilman, Christopher W. A. (2011) “Ōkawa Shūmei: ‘Various Problems of Asia in Revival,’ 1922,” in Christopher W. A. Szpilman and Sven Saaler (eds) Pan-Asianism: A Documentary History, Volume 2: 1902–Present, Plymouth: Rowman & Littlefield, 69–74.

Usuki, Akira (2010) Ōkawa Shūmei—Islam to Tennō no hazama de, Tokyo: Seidosha.

About the Author

Avery Morrow completed his bachelor’s degree at Carleton College, concentrating on invented traditions in Japan. He is currently a graduate student in the Eastern Classics program at St. John’s College in Santa Fe, New Mexico. His research into various aspects of Japanese traditionalism has been published in the Wittenberg University East Asian Studies Journal and Innovative Research in Japanese Studies. His book-length study The Sacred Science of Ancient Japan was published in 2014.

Email the author

15 Religious Authority in a Post-Religious Society | The Religious Studies Project By Avery Morrow

Religious Authority in a Post-Religious Society | The Religious Studies Project



Religious Authority in a Post-Religious Society

authority
|Japan
|New Religious Movements
|spiritual but not religious

February 19, 2015



Since the 1980s, social and economic pressures to stay within mainstream society have become more prominent, and spiritually minded individuals often seek more limited, loosely bonded participation in New Age-style modes of thought. The question of charismatic and spiritual authority has become ever more relevant in present day Japan, which is an exceedingly “non-religious but spiritual” nation.Share this response




By Avery Morrow

Avery Morrow is soon to begin work at the University of Tokyo’s Department of Religious Studies researching a modern spiritualist movement. His studies of various aspects of Japanese traditionalism have been published in the Wittenberg University East Asian Studies Journal and Innovative Research in Japanese Studies. His book-length literary analysis The Sacred Science of Ancient Japan was published in 2014.

In response to:


February 16, 2015
Religion and Authority in Asia
Given its contextual and perspectival malleability, the notion of ‘authority', and even more so of ‘religious authority’, is challenging to define and to study. In today’s interview with Paulina Kolata, Dr Erica Baffelli discusses the notion of authority and charismatic leadership in the context of her research on New and ‘New’ New religions in contemporary Japan.

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The question of charismatic and spiritual authority has become ever more relevant in present day Japan, which is an exceedingly “non-religious but spiritual” nation. In her interview, Dr. Erica Baffelli introduces us to a wide variety of perspectives on creating, distributing, maintaining and defending religious authority that can be found within Japanese new religious movements (NRMs). Japanese religious leaders operate in a complex social landscape in which they must constantly maneuver between tradition and modernity, specificity and universalism, nation and world, in their quest for legitimacy. The variety of approaches that can be found among NRMs, and the persistence of non-Western views of history and ritual that call the applicability of the category “religion” into question, make the country’s religious landscape difficult to characterize, but Dr. Baffelli does an admirable job of summarizing some major avenues of study into Japanese religious authority.

As Dr. Baffelli and her interviewer describe, religious authority in Japan can be analyzed through categories such as space, body, text, politics, media, and technology. The differences between Japanese and Western formations of these subjects, as well as the diversity within Japan, can help shed light on the assumptions we make about how authority is acquired and asserted. For example, Western understandings of religious text are closely linked to the concept of a “scripture,” a divinely inspired, normative document. But Japan has traditionally had many different kinds of religious text, which are not necessarily considered inspired or treated as normative. Japanese NRMs offer us many different ways to derive authority from a text.

Dr. Baffelli points to a recent article by Clark Chilson, “Cultivating Charisma: Ikeda Daisaku’s Self Presentations and Transformational Leadership”, which is an excellent study of the Sōka Gakkai leader’s use of text, primarily the roman à clef epic Human Revolution, to distribute authority to his readers. As Chilson describes it, Ikeda’s readers are apprentices as he once was. They have been initiated into his path to the Truth and are now striving to mature their own capacities for leadership. Ikeda’s text describes how his authority was not granted to him exclusively, but was acquired through experience and can be passed on to any Gakkai member. Ikeda is thus preparing the Gakkai to manage institutional authority and power long after he himself is gone.

Ikeda’s magnum opus makes for a sharp contrast with the texts of Ōkawa Ryūhō, founder of the NRM called, in English, Happy Science. Ōkawa’s many speeches and books make it evident that his authority belongs to him alone, through his hidden identity as God the Father, and cannot be acquired by anyone else. Ōkawa’s ability to expound on the past and future of humanity, and to channel the higher spirit of any human or extraterrestrial being, living or dead, makes reading his books a lesson in simple “awareness” of his omniscience, not an instruction manual for those who would want to maintain his sect in future generations.

The bumpy transition from charismatic to institutional authority has been a key turning point in many Japanese NRMs. Dr. Baffelli states that many groups find comfortable rule by a group of experienced members to be preferable to a continuation of unruly charismatic leadership. But the sudden loss of a charismatic leader just as frequently causes an NRM to lose its direction and unity. In a 2007 article, “Shifting Paradigms and Mediating Media,” Christal Whelan described how an NRM called God Light Association underwent radical changes and splits following the loss of its leader, Takahashi Shinji. Members in Osaka continued to revere Takahashi by watching videos of his glossolalic interpretations, while members in Tokyo reorganized around his daughter Keiko , who rebuilt the group into a completely different therapeutic program. Still other members joined Ōkawa Ryūhō at Happy Science, or another NRM known as Pana Wave Laboratory.

A notable point made at the end of this interview deserves the attention of scholars of religion. Since the 1980s, the innumerable thousands of organized Japanese NRMs, called shinshūkyō in Japanese, have been losing members. The 1995 sarin gas attacks on the Tokyo subway by Aum Shinrikyō, an esoteric NRM which had attracted the support of several Japanese religious scholars, certainly hastened criticism of NRMs in public discourse, but the trend away from NRMs did not begin with Aum. Since the 1980s, social and economic pressures to stay within mainstream society have become more prominent, and spiritually minded individuals more often seek more limited, loosely bonded participation in New Age-style modes of thought, dubbed “new spirituality movements” by Shimazono Susumu (c.f. Shimazono 2004).

But questions of charismatic, spiritual, and institutional authority remain with us. The scholarly work on NRMs is by no means outdated, but, in fact, is increasing in relevance as we try to make sense of Shimazono’s NSMs. From crystal healing and Reiki, to millenarian “ascension,” to attendance at shrines, to therapeutic forms of mass communication, NSMs are everywhere in 21st century Japan, and with them come new questions about how spiritual institutions can aid the bricoleurs who wander their way, and what sort of authority is possible in such loosely connected interactions.

In his book, “Spiritual” wa naze hayaru no ka, journalist Isomura Kentarō offers the counterintuitive but revealing example of an e-mail list and blog run by former video game designer Itoi Shigesato, which offers self-help advice and pick-me ups to roughly a hundred thousand subscribers every day. Readers are devoted to the heartwarming writings of Itoi, who is affectionately dubbed “Darling,” but when they bring up his blog posts in everyday life, they frequently get the impression of being perceived as adherents of a religious cult. Having discovered his charismatic authority, Itoi now has the full-time job of delicately managing a small media empire while avoiding the stain of religiousness. He aims to produce messages and physical products (most notably, a fancy notebook called the Hobonichi Planner) that readers will enjoy, but not to draw them in as closely as an NRM leader would have done.

A similar phenomenon is happening even in overtly spiritual movements. I will soon begin a study of a loose network of readers of the channeled text Hitsuki Shinji. After being the focus of two NRMs in the postwar years, the lengthy text was virtually abandoned until the 1990s, when the writer Nakaya Shin’ichi began publishing dozens of books offering a spiritually minded exegesis. But until this year, Nakaya’s interactions with his readers have been limited to a monthly magazine and public talks. Similar to Itoi’s mailing list, the text has been offered as a direct reading experience unmediated by any organization, and its implementation has been essentially left to the individual. But starting this spring, Nakaya intends to take the risk of forming a more tight-knit group and asserting authority as the text’s chief interpreter. Can an NSM be transformed into an NRM? The answer to this will be found in the complex social landscape of modern religious authority.

References

Chilson, Clark. 2014. “Cultivating Charisma: Ikeda Daisaku’s Self Presentations and Transformational Leadership” Journal of Global Buddhism, vol. 15, pp. 65-78

Isomura Kentarō. 2010. “Spiritual” wa naze hayaru no ka. PHP Kenkyūjo.

Whelan, Christal. 2007. “Shifting Paradigms and Mediating Media: Redefining a New Religion as ‘Rational’ in Contemporary Society.” Nova Religio, vol. 10, no. 3, pp. 54-72

Shimazono Susumu. 2004. From Salvation to Spirituality: Popular Religious Movements in Modern Japan. Trans Pacific Press.


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Theravada Buddhism in Japan Avery Morrow, 2008 Sumanasara

The Past and Present of Theravada Buddhism in Japan

Avery Morrow, 2008

Theravada Buddhism in Japan | PDF | Mahayana - Scribd

For Japanese people looking for a religious philosophy that better matches their needs than existing traditions, one recent movement seems to question the categories of native and foreign, as well as old and new. This is Theravada Buddhism, a South Asian branch of Buddhism which had little interfaith communication with Chinese and Japanese Buddhists until the 19th century. Several groups have attempted to start a Theravada community in Japan since World War II, but their aims have varied widely. Additionally, the Japan Theravada Buddhist Association (日本テーラワーダ仏教協会 Nihon Tērawāda Bukkyō Kyōkai) in particular has taken on unprecedented momentum. The JTBA was established in 1994, and progress at first was slow, but today it claims well over a thousand members. What does this organization mean for the future of Theravada Buddhism in Japan?
Theravada in prewar Japan

Before the Meiji period there was little understanding of Theravada Buddhism in Japan, even among scholars. It is sometimes suggested that two of the Six Schools of Nara were Theravadin, but actually these schools were non-Theravadin Chinese approaches to Buddhism which happened to use the Pali Abhidhamma and Vinaya texts.[1] During the medieval period, Theravada was often misunderstood as simply a “wrong dharma” and one of the twelve vows of Yakushi Nyorai was to lead all “Hinayanists” to Mahayana.[2] The Tipi akaṭ was not published in Japan until 1669, centuries after the formative Kamakura period. This publication was done by True Pure Land priests.[3]

There was an extended inquiry into Theravada by Japanese Buddhist reformers during the[4] Meiji period, but it ended up having more of an impact on the United States than on Japan. The famous Zen teacher Sōen Shaku (釈宗演) made an often overlooked trip to Sri Lanka from the years 1887 to 1890. During his studies there, he was ordained as a Theravada monk with the name Pannaketu. His disciple Kōnen Shaku (釈興然 1849–1924) also went to Sri Lanka and received the Buddhist name Gunaratana. Kōnen was more interested than Sōen in bringing Theravada to Japan, and he founded the Shakuson Shōfu Kai (釈尊正風会), or “Shakyamuni True Way Society”, in Japan.[5] Kōnen and Sōen both met the Sri Lankan Maha Bodhi Society founder Anagarika Dhammapala in 1893; Dhammapala also visited Japan in 1889, 1902, and 1913.[6]

The Shakuson Shōfu Kai imported five Theravada monks from Sri Lanka,[7] but it did not take root in Japan, nor Dhammapala's visits did not have much of a lasting effect. Satō Tetsuro of the current Japan Theravada Buddhism Association theorizes that Meiji period Japanese were firmly attached to their own traditions and there was a prejudice against “Hinayana Buddhism.”[8] In a time of nationalist fervor and great faith in the dominance of the Japanese empire, strongly supported by Buddhist orthodoxy, it is not surprising that a society of foreign Buddhism did not last very long.[9] Rather, Sōen Shaku and Kōnen Shaku are best known for their work teaching Zen in the United States, and for their mutual friend D.T. Suzuki, who was instructed in Zen by Sōen and in Pali by Kōnen, and who went on to teach in America and author one of the most influential works about Zen in English.

World Peace Pagoda

Several Theravada Buddhist monasteries have been founded in Japan as the result of international cooperation. These efforts are described glowingly in the Theravada nations who send their emissary monks, but they seem to have attracted little popular notice in Japan. The future prospects of these monasteries are very closely linked to whether they will be able to replace outgoing monks with new trainees, and where their funding is coming from. Usually, in situations such as this, the community cannot provide the monastery with monks; they must be imported from the South Asian participant,[10] relegating Japan to a non-participant “host nation” status. The question of the funding, as we will see, is slightly more complicated.

The first major example of this sort of monastery in Japan is the Burmese pagoda built after the Sixth Buddhist Council in 1954–6. The Shingon monastery Hōsenji (宝仙寺) in Tokyo sent a mission of twelve young Japanese students to study Theravada Buddhism at the beginning of the council. They arrived in May 1955 and were admitted as novice monks. One boy, given the Buddhist name Visuddhasaya, was especially interested in Theravada and founded what was referred to by the Burmese as the Japan Buddha Sāsana Society in Moji city in Fukuoka (門司市),now part of the industrial city of Kitakyūshū (北九州市).[11] The name in Japanese seems to have been Nihon Shakuson Shōbō Kai (日本釈尊正法会), which literally translates to “Japan Shakyamuni True Dharma Society”; it was founded on August 9, 1956 according to Sodo Mori.[12] There appears to be no relation to the Shōfu Kai of the Meiji period.

The Japan Buddha Sāsana Society, which was already dormant in 1992,[13] does not exist today,[14] and I was unable to find any references to it in academic publications or newspaper archives except for Mori's history based on unpublished sources. According to U Khe Min Da Sayadaw[15] who now lives at the Peace Pagoda and whom I interviewed on November 27, 2008, “Visuddhasaya” (Shinya Uchida15) absconded with the money from the organization and retired from monastic life, but Da Sayadaw seemed to be quite cynical of Japanese Buddhists in general. The monks at the JTBA did not know anything about it themselves but said they had heard the same thing from Da Sayadaw. In terms of making a lasting impression on Japanese Buddhism it cannot said to have been much of a success, since its activities seem to have never been recorded. However, it has left some mysterious clues behind. A 40-volume set of the Sixth Council Tipi akaṭ in Burmese script in the Ōmiya campus of Ryukoku University is inscribed from the “Union of Burma Buddha Sāsana Council” to the Japan Buddha Sāsana Society.[16] An abandoned facade in Arashiyama in Kyoto has the Japanese name of the society over the entrance, and had visitors as recently as the early 1990s.[17] The JTBA monks said this was meant to be a second Theravada temple after the Peace Pagoda, but had no knowledge of it beyond that, and Da Sayadaw answered my questions about it with stubborn silence. It seems this society gained some official recognition, and at least one branch, before petering out, but it never had any serious interest from the Japanese people.

According to the version of events recorded in Burma, the Japanese volunteers and sponsors agreed to acquire land and build a monastery in exchange for Burma providing the monks and the funds for a pagoda. The same history says that the monastery was completed in 1957, and the World Peace Pagoda (世界平和パゴダ Sekai Heiwa Pagoda) celebrated its completion on November 30, 1961.[18] According to several Japanese sources, though, this celebration occurred in September 9, 1958.[19] In any case, the pagoda was an international collaboration, constructed with funds from the Union of Burma as well as volunteers from the Japan Buddha Sāsana Society and the Japan Burma Friendship Association (日本ビルマ文化協会 Nihon Biruma Bunka Kyōkai). It includes a monument to the Japanese World War II military casualties in Burma in addition to the monastery, and Moji's veterans of the Burmese front were actively involved with its construction, especially one Ichihara (now deceased) mentioned by both Da Sayadaw and Mori as the principal moving force behind the pagoda's construction.[20] Today, according to Da Sayadaw, the Peace Pagoda's main appeal to Japanese visitors and Mojikou residents is this war memorial (the pagoda proper), which sits a hundred meters above the monastery at the top of a hill and is objectively in far better condition.

Since October 1974, the pagoda has been manged by the 宗教法人世界平和パゴダ “World Peace Pagoda Religious Corporation”.21 In order to perform the semimonthly uposatha and remain a sangha, it is necessary for three monks to live at the pagoda. As is the case at American Theravada monasteries, the sangha currently exists by the grace of the Burmese, who send replacements whenever a monk retires or dies.[21] Since the military coup in Burma almost fifty years ago, Da Sayadaw said, the pagoda has had no government assistance; in fact, he claimed the military has no interest in international affairs at all. But new monks continue to be supplied by the Burmese national sangha, which operates independently of the government. While he refused to make any predictions about the future, it is reasonable to say that the sangha can be maintained in its current situation, although its sources for food and electricity are not so clear.

The current activities of the Peace Pagoda, besides day-to-day maintenance of the war memorial and the Burmese-style monastery, include charity work in Japan and abroad.[22] However, there has been no explicitly religious work. Da Sayadaw asserted that the Japanese interest in Buddhism does not extend to anything beyond funerals and memorial services, and said that the monastery has never received a single Japanese visitor interested in studying Theravada. This alleged lack of religious dialogue is perhaps exemplified by the hand-drawn images of the eight temptations of the Buddha inside the war memorial which have been covered over with old war photos. On the day I visited, a Japanese woman was preparing food for the three monks. Da Sayadaw called this woman a friend with no religious interest, which was such a sensible explanation that I unfortunately neglected to confirm this with her. In any case, Mori confirms that support for the monastery comes on an individual and not an organized basis, which puts it constantly on the edge of severe financial difficulty. For example, I noticed that an entry fee of 100 yen was charged to enter the war memorial and pagoda proper with a booth set up to man the entrance, but Theravada monks cannot handle money and no other Japanese volunteers were present on that day, so instead a cash box was left at the closed booth and the goodwill of visitors was relied upon. Da Sayadaw said the monastery was once donated a car by the city, which they were permitted to drive according to the Burmese vinaya, but they were unable to use it due to need to pay for gas. Ideally a local group of ethnic supporters would supply the monks with money-handling and transportation, and occasionally increase their ranks with initiates.

Unfortunately, few Burmese live in Japan, and those who do are quite far from the Pagoda, in Tokyo or the Kansai region.24 While expatriate Burmese occasionally come to the pagoda for religious reasons, necessary day-to-day volunteers cannot be provided in that way. It appears that right now the monastery survives on a shoestring budget from donations and pagoda entrance fees. From what I saw on my visit, it clearly cannot afford to renovate its own premises, which are decrepit, and the diet of the monks leans towards asceticism. In recent times, though, the people of Moji have taken some initiative to remedy this.[23]
Japan Sri Lanka Buddhist Centre

The Japan Sri Lanka Buddhist Centre, Lankaji (日本・スリランカ仏教センター蘭華寺

Nihon – Suri Ranka Bukkyō Sentā Rankaji), was founded as the result of a collaboration between Sri Lankan monk Banagala Upatissa and Japanese philanthropist Takiko Yoshida (吉田多輝子).[24] Yoshida was widely known in Sri Lanka for her work in building nursery schools for the poor (the Yoshida Free Nursery Institute). In 1984, an official Japan-Sri Lanka Buddhist Centre was founded in Kushinara, Sri Lanka, with her sponsorship, and the Ven. Upatissa was appointed “High Priest for Japan.”[25] In 1989 the Japanese branch was founded in Sawara city in Chiba (佐原市), now part of Katori (香取市). Unlike the World Peace Pagoda, the Centre was built without any sort of government donations; as a result, it is not as impressive as it could be, resembling more of a working-class apartment than a traditional Buddhist temple.[26] In Sri Lanka, Yoshida received acclaim for her work in international cooperation in the Sri Lankan press,[27] and a commemorative stamp was printed in her honor,[28] but she remains completely unknown in Japan.[29]

The center is currently managed by the Japan Sri Lanka Cooperative Society (日本スリランカ同心会 Nihon Suri Ranka Dōshin Kai), which is not yet a registered religious organization.32 This society had 85 members and was printing 220 copies of its newsletter monthly in 1996.33 The center also functions as the Japanese branch of Anagarika Dhammapala's Maha Bodhi Society, which coordinates on the importation of monks. They preach sermons for the Japanese, teach English to their supporters, perform services for Sri Lankans in Japan, and carry out the Buddhist ceremonies typical for Theravada monks.34 On September 17, the birthday of Dhammapala, they hold a “great enlightenment festival” (大菩提祭 Daibodai Matsuri) in his memory.35 Sodo Mori notes that in general, the activities of the Centre are quite similar to the World Peace Pagoda, with the exception of the English lessons which he considers a clever addition.36 The Sri Lankan vinaya rules for the monks at the Centre require lay supporters to handle their money and drive them from place to place, which can create great difficulties for both monks and laity.37 Unlike the Peace Pagoda, though, the Centre is purposefully accessible from Kanto, where between 2,000 and 3,000 expatriates live.38
Theravada in new religious movements

Two religious movements in Japan, one native and one immigrant, both aim to promote their form of Theravada. The Dhammakaya Foundation, a Thai organization, has six centers in Japan39 and was noted by the JTBA monks as an organization they were familiar with. It seems to cater primarily to Thai immigrants in Japan as much of its Japan website is in Thai only, although



kanji receives no relevant Google hits.

32 Mori 1994, pp. 4, 15.

33 Mori Sodo. 「日本スリランカ仏教センター(蘭華寺)〔続〕」 (A Sequel to "The Japan Sri Lanka Buddhist

Centre"). Transactions of the Institute for Cultural Studies, Aichigakuin University 11 (1996). p. 5. (This is an updated version of the same essay.)

34 Self-introduction in Nihon Suri Ranka Doushin Kai Kaihō 11, as quoted in Mori 1994, p. 6. 35 Mori 1994, p. 6.

36 Ibid., p. 13–14.

37 Ibid., p. 15; for the American perspective see Numrich 1993, pp. 245–248.

38 Ibid., p. 15.

39 “DHAMMAKAYA FOUNDATION :: Worldwide Centres”

<http://www.dhammakaya.or.th/centremain.php#Japan> Accessed December 1, 2008.


the Tokyo branch has created a short Japanese section with a video.[30]

Agon Shu, a new religious movement based on Japanese Shingon, deserves a mention although it has based its teachings on Chinese texts. The Āgama Sutras used in Agon Shu are neither Mahayana or Theravada, but likely derive from the same Indian schools which split from Theravada and provided the basis for several of the six schools of Nara.[31] While Agon Shu prominently continues the Shingon goma ceremony which is not found in Theravada, it also rejects the “Mahayana Sutras” which it believes were not the Buddha's words.[32]

Lay groups prior to the JTBA

S.N. Goenka, a Theravada teacher famous for popularizing vipassana meditation in India and the West, has set up two lay centers in Japan: one in Kyoto Prefecture, and one in Chiba Prefecture. Both these centers exist almost entirely for the purpose of ten-day retreats led by audio tapes of Goenka in English and are funded by retreat participants.[33] These centers are certainly successful in their own right but have not reached the popularity of the Sumanasara's association,[34] nor do they have the distinction of being founded and run by a local group of monks.

A small society in Tokyo called the Japan Theravāda Buddha Sāsana Bhāvanā Group (上座仏教修道会 Jōza Bukkyō Shūdōkai) claims to have been founded in 1989. It does not appear to have any relationship to the old Japan Buddha Sāsana Society, but it has established its own international links by bringing over a Burmese monk named Nyanuttara.[35] It focuses on practicing vipassana meditation on a regular schedule, much like an average American meditation center,[36] but it does not seem to have birthed any companions in other Japanese cities. The monks at the JTBA, including Sumanasara, have never heard of this organization despite its close location.

Japan Theravada Buddhist Association

The Japan Theravada Buddhist Association, founded in 1994, is the youngest Theravada Buddhist association in Japan, but as mentioned above, it is also the most successful by most standards. It is centered in Tokyo at Gotami Vihara, which houses several Japanese monks who were initiated in South Asian countries; other member temples house immigrant Theravada monks. According to the Japanese monk Kosalla whom I interviewed on November 20, 2008, it has attracted 1,500 members, and distributes 2,000 copies of its magazine Paṭipadā monthly. While this pales in comparison to modern Japanese Mahayana organizations such as Sōka

Gakkai[37] or Reiyūkai[38], and Kosalla dismissed his own group as small and unpopular, it marks the JTBA as a phenomenon not seen before in any Japanese Theravada organization. This growth is attributed within the society to its founder Alubomulle Sumanasara, who has written several books about Buddhism every year since 1998, and whom I interviewed on the same day as Kosalla.

Sumanasara came to Japan in roughly 1984 on a scholarship to study Japanese Buddhism. He did not like the theology of Mahayana, which he felt presented dogma that could not be confirmed by an independent observer, and began teaching Theravada shortly after he arrived. As far as he knew he was the only Theravada teacher in Japan at the time.

It appears that the JTBA has consciously remarketed Theravada Buddhism by emphasizing its unknown quality rather than its age. Theravada has had a Sino-Japanese name for some centuries, Jōzabu Bukkyō (上座部仏教). Previous Japanese Theravada movements referred to themselves as Jōzabu Bukkyō, which is about as appealing as calling an imported church “Orthodox Christian.” The vaguely familiar kanji may suggest something that is old, obscure, and the business of foreigners.[39] The JBTA, though, introduced the loanword Tērawāda (テーラワーダ) to become the Nihon Tērawāda Bukkyō Kyōkai, which is akin to the “American Enremenkimi Christian Organization.”50 The loanword may suggest something new, exotic, and unexplored. (The word “Buddhism” was added to the name in 1999, probably because “Theravada” alone was a little too exotic.)[40] When I asked Sumanasara about the choice of name, he did not acknowledge any “rebranding” on such a conscious level but instead explained his distaste of the suffix bu (部) which, in his mind, falsely dismisses Theravada as just another “sect.”

On the other hand, the JTBA reaches out to immigrants in a way American organizations often do not.52 One of the “member temples” of the JTBA is the International Buddhist Center Shōzanji (国際仏教センター正山寺), located near the Zen temple Unryūji (雲龍寺) which contains a large pagoda that sticks out like a sore thumb in the Tokyo suburb of Hachioji (八王子). According to the Sri Lankan immigrants who now live there, Shōzanji was founded about 30 years ago and shares a relationship with Unryūji. The details of this relationship were lost to me, partly because they spoke no English,[41] and partly because they did not know the whole story.

Lay meditation at Shouzanji began six years ago, although I could not confirm whether this had to do with JTBA guidance. In any case, it is now listed in Paṭipadā as a member temple which hosts meditation sessions, even though all the monks there are first-generation Sri Lankan immigrants. There are two other member temples, and ten local JTBA affilates, listed in Paṭipadā which I did not inquire into.

Naoko Takashi (高橋尚子) did an in-depth study of JBTA members in 2004 and 2005, which was published in abbreviated form in 2006.54 According to her English summary of the study, “many young people [at the JTBA] have tried physical activities like sports, oriental medicine, vegetarianism, and meditation. On the [other hand], old group have interested in traditional Japanese Buddhism directly for their questions and worries[,] only to find themselves not satisfied as a result and [therefore] involved [themselves] in the simple and clear Buddhism in Buddha's original teaching.”55

Comparisons with Japanese traditions and Mahayana

There has not yet been any attempt among Theravada organizations in Japan to open a line of communication with the various Mahayana sects, or any mutually beneficial exchange. Da Sayadaw and Sumanasara both had strong reservations about Mahayana that precluded any sort of outreach. When I asked Sumanasara about Dōgen, the founder of Sōtō Zen who had similar complaints to Sumanasara about sectarianism, he told me that he had a high respect for Dōgen, and theorized that he could have become a Buddha had he access to the proper teachings (the Tipi akaṭ ). He then referred to the Mahayana texts Dōgen had access to as confusing, singling out the Lotus Sutra in particular as “trash” that discouraged rational inquiry by proclaiming itself to



54 Naoko Takashi. 「日本におけるテーラワーダ仏教実践者の回心プロセスと死生観」 (“Theravada

Buddhist Movement in Japan”). Construction of Life and Death Studies 7 (2006), p. 487 (58)–482 (85). English summary on p. 279 (288). This is a version of Takashi's 2004 Kyoto University undergraduate thesis (e-mail from Akira Fujimoto, 17 October 2008), which I obtained a 2005 edition of in manuscript form from the JTBA

(entitled 日本におけるテーラワーダ仏教宗践者の回心プロセスと世界 ライフヒストリーを利用して観――) . She is not to be confused with the marathon runner also named 高橋尚子. 55 Ibid., p. 279 (288).

be perfect truth and calling its critics inferior practitioners.[42] I related Sumanasara's judgment of Dougen to Da Sayadaw, who responded with thoughtful silence. Da Sayadaw seemed to be unfamiliar with the history or founders of Japanese Buddhism, but was vindictive of its current state, calling its priests “undertakers” who “drink alcohol and go after women,” and rejecting them as “not monks.”


The JTBA specifically has attracted the notice of several Japanese Mahayana priests, none of whom express parallel disapproval. The Jodō Shinshū nun Jōyō Matsubayashi (松林浄蓉) wrote a brief piece on it, noting her surprise upon seeing a diverse and seamless mixture of Japanese, Sri Lankans, and others from around the world at the Vesak festival. Matsubayashi was pleased with the popularity of the organization but did not compare it to Japan's Mahayana traditions; she seems to have been satisfied that the JTBA was spreading some good kind of religion.[43] The JTBA also counts among its central members a young Shingon priest, who sits with the Japanese Theravada monks both organizationally on its board as well as physically, the day I visited, on the restricted-access fourth floor of the Gotami Vihara.

According to Sumanasara, members generally maintain the tradition of honoring their ancestors with Mahayana Buddhist ceremonies and no alternative to a Mahayana Buddhist funeral has been developed. There is a distinction between personal concerns about mortality addressed by Takashi's study and religious traditions, which appear to be dictated more by Japanese society and less by membership in the JTBA. Members are skeptical people; even though reincarnation is a tenet of Theravada, many have reservations about it because they cannot witness it for themselves. Their interest in Theravada stems not from a conversion experience or promise of heavenly benefits, but from a desire to improve their lives in a practical way.58 As Takashi writes in her English summary, “Almost all interviewees share one common character in their background. They tend to prefer to resolve problems by their own as [in] Zen and prefer to logical and rational explanations.”[44] This parallels the exoteric aspect of Theravada appreciated by American converts, described by one as “bare-bones, beefy Buddhism”.[45]

However, there is an undeniable religious aspect of the JTBA which Takashi neglects to mention. When I talked with its Japanese volunteers, after asking me about the meditation I do in America, they asked me what kind of prayers or chanting I am used to, showing me a JTBA “prayer book” in Pali and Japanese to demonstrate. This was a major surprise to me. Convert Theravada Buddhists in America do not typically chant or memorize sutras as devout South Asian Buddhists are apt to do.[46] In this aspect the JTBA clearly differs from the well-defined secular patterns of American convert Theravada. When I asked Sumanasara about this, he first denied the chants were prayers,[47] pointing instead to their ability to aid memorization and arouse mindfulness, and noted that the Japanese members were studying Pali and memorizing sutras. He then said that the Japanese “feel lost” unless they have some special religious practice that demonstrates their respect for the teachings they believe, asking me to reconsider my definition of “religion” with regards to Japanese culture. “Even Japan needs a little culture,” he summarized. This seems to reflect Takashi's conclusion about a Japanese spiritual need which is found in organizations like the JTBA: “Now in Japan the traditional religions including Buddhism are less and less influential, while people's spiritual concern is getting more and more acute.”[48]

The JTBA has also made some concessions to the way Japanese people typically experience Buddhism outside of memorial services. For example, the current issue of Pa ipadṭ ā contains a photograph depicting Sumanasara offering rice to a Buddha image in Japanese style.[49] Gotami Vihara also conducts a hanamatsuri festival in addition to its Vesak celebrations.

Hanamatsuri, traditionally held on April 8th, is an Japanese festival which celebrates both the Buddha's birth and the blossoming of the cherry trees. Today, hanamatsuri has fallen by the wayside in favor of altogether more secular cherry blossom viewing (花見 hanami). At the JTBA, though, the doors stay open on April 8th and visitors are invited to pour water over a Buddha image in a ritual that Sumanasara admitted does not make much sense to him. The ritual is meant to entice visitors to stay for chanting, meditation, and a dhamma talk by Sumanasara.

Comparisons with new religious movements

In the United States, Theravada Buddhism is itself frequently referred to as a “new religion” despite its advanced age.65 The JTBA, though, makes its differences from Japan's famous and sometimes notorious new religious movements quite explicit. Along with a lack of evangelism and a preference for rational inquiry, the JTBA shares the disdain for new religions which is quite common in Japan. Sumanasara said that new religions were “all the same” and bring “nothing new” to his existing understanding of the world, and criticized Happy Science founder Ryūhō Ōkawa in particular as a charlatan. He related a conversation with a follower of Happy Science, which he started by responding pleasantly to her questions about his books.

Finally, though, he unleashed his characteristic fire: “Why don't you ask that idiot to change Japan's streams into oil?”

While no JTBA members denied to me that Theravada was the one and only “true teaching of Buddha,” Japanese Theravada practitioners, according to Takashi's study, were not likely to tout the benefits of vipassana to their family and friends. Many of them were familiar with the proselytizing practices of new religions and did not want to turn themselves into “those people.”[50] Sumanasara confirmed that there was no evangelism program at the JTBA and he solicits only philosophical discussion, not pressured conversion or supernatural appeals like those employed by many Japanese new religions.

However, JTBA shares some characteristics with new religious movements, and Sumanasara shares some similarities with his arch-enemy Ryūhō Ōkawa. Although he insists he is an ordinary monk who has no interest in running the organizational aspects of the JTBA, he clearly dictates the way the organization is run and is responsible for its teachings. Each issue of their Pa ipadṭ ā magazine contains a feature article written by him; in the issue being mailed out on the day I arrived he wrote one of the other major articles as well and most of the news articles featured pictures of him. Like Ōkawa, he has written several books every year since 1998, and a sizable majority of the books put out by Samga, the JTBA's publishing arm, bear his name.[51] Bhikku Muthukeliyawe Indarathana of Shōzanji echoed a sentiment I heard from many JTBA members when he wrote to me in glowing terms: “Ven sumanasara is highest significant theravada buddhist monk in japan. ... ven sumanasara is the formost monk who promotes the theravada buddhism in japan.”68

The JTBA seems to suffer from a void of Theravada teachers willing to come to Japan where the listening audience is small and expectatons high. Sumansara says he lets any monk take his place to give dhamma talks, and apparently guest speakers do come, but it is easy to understand why few monks are willing to take time away from an abbot of Sumansara's wisdom and temperament. As a result, his opinions dominate the popular understanding of Theravada and his books are the most notable best-sellers on the subject, although since the turn of the century, many new translations of books by Thich Nhat Hanh and the 14th Dalai Lama have also been issued.

For the most part, Sumanasara's position as a charismatic leader does not seem to have much of an effect on the substance of his teaching. He told me that he aims to teach an exoteric, non-supernatural, and accurate Buddha-dhamma that is directly applicable to the everyday needs of Japanese people. His books have titles such as 『「やさしい」って、どういうこと? 』

(“What Is 'Kindness'?”), 『ブッダ 大人になる道』― (“Buddha: The Road to Adulthood”), and 『なぜ、悩む!』 (“Why Worry?”). I asked him if his teaching varies in any way from South Asian Theravada, and he said that he has developed new interpretations more relevant to Japan, but that these are still the correct dhamma and he would be willing to defend his interpretations if necessary. Unfortunately, none of his books have been translated into English, so I was unable to examine his methodology myself, nor could I find any published criticism of his work.
Conclusion

The three early attempts at bringing Theravada Buddhism to Japan might as well have attempted to bring it to the Sahara Desert. The social functions of Buddhism in South Asia and Japan are so different that the World Peace Pagoda has two separate buildings used by the immigrant monks and Japanese visitors. Both the Burmese pagoda and the Sri Lanka center have a difficult time connecting with everyday Japanese experience due to their imposition of an alien culture on their surroundings. The emergence of the JTBA and similar groups, though, demonstrates that Theravada has potential for growth in Japan on its own terms. The differences between American and Japanese converts demonstrate that this must be treated as a Japanese phenomenon and not an exact parallel to Western Buddhism. To succeed as a native religion, Japanese Theravada must continue to blaze its own path through the simultaneous challenges of historical Mahayana traditions and modern, secular Japanese culture.

===

Appendix A: Sasana Society Facade in Arashiyama



宗教法人 日本釈尊正法会



Kyoto Department of Waterworks (京都市上下水道局) registration number 467 69900

Osaka Gas registration number 家番号 00-490-29-2200

Behind the facade is an empty lot. The shop owner across the street reported that the building was last visited by its owners in the 1990s.
Bibliography

Anonymous. Sutra on the White Lotus of the Sublime Dharma (妙法蓮華經)

Anonymous. Yakushi Sutra (薬師経)

Akanuma Chizen. Comparative Catalogue of the Chinese Āgamas and Pali Nikāyas. Nagoya: Otani University, 1959.

(Asahi Shinbun). 「パゴダ施設補修へ慈善フェス あす門司、ミャンマー人留学生ら参加」 朝日新聞福岡朝刊 Asashi Shinbun, Fukuoka morning edition. 7 November 2007, p. 30.

Borup, Jørn. "Zen and the Art of Inverting Orientalism: religious studies and genealogical networks." In Peter Antes, Armin Geertz, and Randi Warne (eds.) New Approaches to the Study of Religion. Berlin: Verlag de Gruyter, 2004. vol. 1, pp.451–487.

Cadge, Wendy. Heartwood: The First Generation of Theravada Buddhism in America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005.

Daulton, Frank E. "Loanwords in the Media". 龍谷大学国際センター研究年報 12 (2003)

Deegalle, Mahinda. Popularizing Buddhism: Preaching as Performance in Sri Lanka. New York: SUNY Press, 2006.

Higashimoto Keiki. 「釈尊正風会のひとびと」 (“On the Buddhist Monks of the Shakuson Shōfu Kai”). 『駒沢大学仏教学部研究紀要』 March 1982.

Kitagawa, Joseph Mitsuo. On Understanding Japanese Religion. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987.

Lay, U Ko (International Theravada Buddhist Missionary University, Rangoon). “The Myanmar Contribution to the Spread of the Theravada Buddhism Throughout the World”. 1998.

<http://www.triplegem.plus.com/kolay01a.htm>

Matsubayashi Joyo. 「ピース・ライフ櫻乃華」 (“Peace Life”). Tokyo: Bungeisha, 2004.

Matsunaga, Alicia and Daigan. Foundation of Japanese Buddhism. Los Angeles/Tokyo: Buddhist Books International, 1974.

Mori Sodo. 「世界平和パゴダ(ミャンマー僧院)の現状と展望 : 異文化交流の一事例」

Journal of Pali and Buddhist Studies 5 (1992).

Mori Sodo. 「日本スリランカ仏教センター(蘭華寺)」 (“The Japan Sri Lanka Buddhist Centre : A Theravada Temple in Japan”). Transactions of the Institute for Cultural Studies, Aichigakuin University 9 (1994). pp.1–18. See also vol.11 (1996), pp.1–18.

Numrich, Paul D. Americanization in immigrant Theravada Buddhist temples. Diss. Northwest University, 1992. Ann Arbor, Michigan: UMI Dissertation Services, 1993.

Ōtani Ayuko. 「世界平和パゴダ 慈悲心呼び起こす塔」読売新聞西部夕刊 Yomiuri Shinbun, Western evening edition. 26 November 2005. p.3.

Satō Tetsuro. 「テーラワーダ比丘になった明治人、釈興然のこと」 Pa ipadṭ ā, May 2001. Tokyo: Japan Theravada Buddhist Association.

Seneviratne, H. L. The Work of Kings. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999.

Sōmushō Tōkeikyoku (総務省統計局) [Japanese governmental statistics bureau]. Shūkyō Nenkan (宗教年間). 1978.

Takashi Naoko. 「日本におけるテーラワーダ仏教実践者の回心プロセスと死生 」観

(“Theravada Buddhist Movement in Japan”). Construction of Life and Death Studies 7 (2006), p. 487 (58)–482 (85).

Victoria, Brian. Zen At War. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006.

Yamakawa Kazushige. 「アナガーリカ・ダルマパーラと日本 : 第一回・第二回の訪日について」 Journal of Pali and Buddhist Studies 14 (2000). pp. 43–52.


=======================

[1] Alicia and Daigan Matsunaga. Foundation of Japanese Buddhism. Los Angeles/Tokyo: Buddhist Books International, 1974. v. 1, p. 28, on the origin of Kusha Shū: “The Sarvāstivada school...separated from the Sthaviravāda [proto-Theravada] tradition.” v. 1, p. 49, on Ritsu Shū: a “Chinese sect”


[2] Yakushi Kyou (薬師経), vow 4 of the Twelve Vows


[3] Joseph Mitsuo Kitagawa. On Understanding Japanese Religion. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987. p.


[4] .


[5] Jørn Borup. "Zen and the Art of Inverting Orientalism: religious studies and genealogical networks." In Peter Antes, Armin Geertz, and Randi Warne (eds.) New Approaches to the Study of Religion. Berlin: Verlag de Gruyter, 2004. vol. 1, pp.451–487.


[6] Ibid.; Mahinda Deegalle. Popularizing Buddhism: Preaching as Performance in Sri Lanka. New York: SUNY Press, 2006. p. 203, n. 7; Kazushige Yamakawa. 「アナガーリカ・ダルマパーラと日本 : 第一回・第二回の訪日について」 Journal of Pali and Buddhist Studies 14 (2000). pp. 43–52.


[7] Keiki Higashimoto. 「釈尊正風会のひとびと」 (“On the Buddhist Monks of the Shakuson Shōfu Kai”). 『駒沢大学仏教学部研究紀要』 March 1982.


[8] Tetsuro Satō. 「テーラワーダ比丘になった明治人、釈興然のこと」 Pa ipadṭ ā, May 2001. Tokyo: Japan Theravada Buddhist Association.


[9] For a snapshot of religious thinking of the period see Brian Victoria, Zen At War. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006.


[10] Paul D. Numrich. Americanization in immigrant Theravada Buddhist temples. Diss. Northwest University, 1992. Ann Arbor, Michigan: UMI Dissertation Services, 1993. pp. 234–235.


[11] U Ko Lay (International Theravada Buddhist Missionary University, Rangoon). “The Myanmar Contribution to the Spread of the Theravada Buddhism Throughout the World”. 1998. <http://www.triplegem.plus.com/kolay01a.htm>


[12] Sodo Mori. 「世界平和パゴダ(ミャンマー僧院)の現状と展望 : 異文化交流の一事例」 Journal of Pali and Buddhist Studies 5 (1992). pp. 35–53.


[13] Ibid., p. 50.


[14] After returning from Japan, an address for it in northern Kyoto popped up on Google, annoyingly enough. But the address appears to be someone's house.


[15] Sayadaw is a Burmese suffix indicating the head monk of a monastery, lit. “venerable teacher.” 15 Burma Dept. of Information and Broadcasting. Burma. v. 8, no. 2 (1958). p. 47.


[16] Call numbers 203/CHA/1 through 203/CHA/40; registry 20700042125 through 20700042513. Note that while the library catalog reports these as being published in 1991, the Burmese numerals on the covers have more reasonable publication dates of 1955-56. This does suggest a possible donation date for the set.


[17] This facade, reading Nihon Shakuson Shoubou Kai, is located 50 meters to the north of the gates of Nison-in. See appendix A.


[18] Lay 1998.


[19] Mori 1992, p.40. Confirmed by newspaper accounts sourced below.


[20] Ibid., p. 37-40. 21 Ibid., p. 48.


[21] Ibid., p. 47–48.


[22] Ayuko Ōtani 大谷鮎子, 「世界平和パゴダ 慈悲心呼び起こす塔」読売新聞西部夕刊 Yomiuri Shinbun, Western evening edition. 26 November 2005. p.3. 24 Mori 1992, p. 49.


[23] 「パゴダ施設補修へ慈善フェス あす門司、ミャンマー人留学生ら参加」 朝日新聞福岡朝刊 Asashi Shinbun, Fukuoka morning edition. 7 November 2007, p. 30.


[24] Sodo Mori. 「日本スリランカ仏教センター(蘭華寺)」 (“The Japan Sri Lanka Buddhist Centre : A Theravada Temple in Japan”). Transactions of the Institute for Cultural Studies, Aichigakuin University 9 (1994). pp.1–18.


[25] Ibid., p.3.


[26] Ibid., p. 15. See photo on page 11.


[27] Sri Lanka Divayina, 24 May 1991. Quoted in H. L. Seneviratne, The Work of Kings. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999. p. 216. Note that the Divaniya claims that the Centre was formally opened by J.R. Jayawardene, implying government sponsorship, but the incorrect date (1984) for this ceremony leads me to believe the author confused the opening ceremony of the Japanese branch with the Sri Lankan branch.


[28] See image at <http://avery.morrow.name/studies/takiko-yoshida>


[29] There are no mentions of her in the Asahi Shinbun or Yomiuri Shinbun from 1984 to the present, and her name in


[30] 「宗教法人タイ国タンマガーイ寺院 」 <http://www.dimcjp.org/page1.htm> Accessed December 1, 2008.


[31] c.f. Chizen Akanuma, Comparative Catalogue of the Chinese Āgamas and Pali Nikāyas. Nagoya: Otani University, 1959.


[32] “Three Reasons for Founding Agon Shu.” <http://www.agon.org/us/about/b_01_02.html> Accessed December 1, 2008.


[33] 「日本ヴィパッサナー協会 」<http://www.jp.dhamma.org> Accessed December 1, 2008.


[34] No scholarly studies have been done on this subject, but note, for example, that a Google search for 「ゴエンカ」 (Goenka) returns only 4,190 results, while 「スマナサーラ」 (Sumanasara) returns roughly 62,500, and Sumanasara has a page on the Japanese Wikipedia while the internationally renowned Goenka does not. However, it is also worth noting that the Goenka threads on the Japanese Internet forum 2channel have over 9,000 posts total as of November 2008, while the Sumanasara threads have only 6,500 or so.


[35] 「上座仏教修道会」 <http://www.jyouzaBukkyō.jp/03biku.htm> Accessed December 1, 2008.


[36] 「上座仏教修道会」 <http://www.jyouzaBukkyō.jp/> Accessed December 1, 2008.


[37] Souka Gakkai reported well over 16 million members in the 1978 edition of the Shūkyō Nenkan (宗教年間), an official census published by the Japanese governmental bureau Sōmushō Tōkeikyoku (総務省統計局).


[38] Nearly 3 million members (ibid.)


[39] c.f. Frank E. Daulton, "Loanwords in the Media". 龍谷大学国際センター研究年報 12 (2003), pp. 59–72.

"Although loanwords used for special effect do have Japanese equivalents, there is often a difference in the connotative meaning ... There are occasions when loanwords are used because the native equivalent sounds too direct, or when the implied meaning of a word can have negative evaluations." 50 Enremenkimi being the native Egyptian word for Coptic Christianity.


[40] Joyo Matsubayashi. 「ピース・ライフ櫻乃華」 (“Peace Life”). Tokyo: Bungeisha, 2004. pp.25–27. 52 Numrich 1993, pp. 341-361


[41] I interviewed them in Japanese on November 19 and November 20, 2008. The head of the temple promised to find details for me but did not return my e-mail in time for this essay.


[42] See, for example, chapter 2 of the Lotus Sutra (妙法蓮華經), verses 36–40.


[43] Matsubayashi 2004, pp. 25–27. 58 Takashi 2006, p. 484 (83).


[44] Ibid., p. 279 (288).


[45] Numrich 1993, pp. 457–8.


[46] Wendy Cadge. Heartwood: The First Generation of Theravada Buddhism in America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005. pp.155, 194.


[47] While this conflicted with the term the members used, they were not fluent in English and may have said “prayer” by accident.


[48] Takashi 2006, p. 279 (288).


[49] Pa ipadā ṭ 15.8 (December 2008). p. 75. 65 Numrich 1993. pp. 31–32.


[50] Takashi 2006, p. 492 (75).


[51] 「サンガ(samgha) 商品」 <http://www.samgha.co.jp/products/index.html> Accessed December 1, 2008. 68 E-mail from Muthukeliyawe Indarathana, November 20, 2008.

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Publications by Avery Morrow


Books

The Sacred Science of Ancient Japan. Rochester, Vt: Bear & Company. 2014.



Articles

"The Inaw of Ishikawa: Ainu Religious Implements in Japanese Shrines and Temples". Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, vol. 47, no. 2 (2020).

"Tenrikyō and Ōmotokyō in the Context of Kyōha Shintō". In Michael Pye, ed., Exploring Shinto (Equinox, 2020).

"The Tale of Genji: A Quest for the True Heart". Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. 122 (2019).

"Boundary Work in Japanese Religious Studies: Anesaki Masaharu on Religious Freedom and Academic Concealment". Correspondences: Journal for the Study of Esotericism, vol. 6, no. 2 (2018).

"A Shinto Religion, Commune, and Conspiracy Theory: 70 Years of the Hitsuki Shinji". Japanese Journal for the Study of Esotericism, vol. 1 (2018).

"The Power of Writing in Deguchi Nao's Ofudesaki". In Inga Bårdsen Tøllefsen and Christian Giudice, eds., Female Leaders in New Religious Movements (Springer, 2017).

"How Not To Be Thinged By Things". Journal of Daoist Studies, vol. 9 (2016).

"A Curious Madness: The Political and Spiritual Struggles of an Imperial Intellect". electronic journal of contemporary japanese studies, vol. 14, no. 2 (2014).

"Patriotism, Secularism, and State Shintō: D.C. Holtom’s Representations of Japan". Wittenberg University East Asian Studies Journal, vol. 36 (2011).


"Tree Ordination as Invented Tradition". ASIANetwork Exchange, vol. 19, no. 1 (2011).
Contributions



Review of KTP (2016). Inside Indonesia, no. 135. March 2019.

"Religious Authority in a Post-Religious Society". The Religious Studies Project. February 19, 2015.


Fiction

"The Great Clean-Up." In John Michael Greer (ed.), After Oil: SF Visions of a Post-Petroleum World (Founders House Publishing LLC, 2012).
Unpublished papers

These are my term papers for various undergraduate classes. They are for the benefit of the general knowledge of the world.
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The Sacred Science of Ancient Japan



"In Morrow's hands this
otherwise oddball subject matter
is turned into a fascinating
and readable tale." The Japan Times



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Ancient history is a subject dear to many Japanese people. In the 2014 Bear and Company publication, The Sacred Science of Ancient Japan, you will discover the Japanese equivalent to Atlantis: records of ancient legends handed down as historical texts, stories of an age when gods and men interacted. I examine the provenance of these works, but more importantly, I discuss the importance of their content and the important messages they have for the world, through a rough comparison to the works of Julius Evola and René Guénon.

My book should serve as a introduction to these "parahistorical" documents. Our quest begins here, but it does not end here. There is much more work to be done, and I have provided some English language links on this page for interested readers to get started.

日本人向けの情報は以下です。
What's Inside
Japan's Scientific Protohistory


My book starts off with a discussion of what we know about Japan's ancient history. You'll learn about the protohistoric Princess Himiko and get a tour of Japan's Stone Age cultures. Then, we'll delve into shrines and ancient mythology.

This includes a brief examination of the myth and history of the Kojiki and Nihon Shoki, along with the glimpses they give us of the prediluvean age: futomani divination, the Script of the Gods or kamiyo moji, and the mystical power of language: kotodama.
Sendai Kuji Hongi Taiseikyō

From ancient history we move into a mysterious case in 17th century Japan that was the beginning of parahistory.

I discuss the legend of Prince Shōtoku, the claim that he discovered secret ancient teachings written in kamiyo moji, and the principles these teachings lay out for the world. You'll learn about the Hifumi Song and the Five Constitutions which give an order and balance to Japan's three ancient traditions.

This chapter also includes a brief introduction to a channeled text called the Hitsuki Shinji, a "Solar-Lunar Revelation" for our age with a philosophy grounded in the Taiseikyō.


The Hotsuma Tsutaye and Woshite Corpus

Could this amazing epic poem really date to pre-classical antiquity? The Hotsuma Tsutaye and its related corpus of manuscripts in an otherwise unknown writing system called woshite challenge the reader with their grand historical claims, and conquer the spirit with their esoteric teaching. Learn how this unusual Japanese text connects vegetarianism to alchemy, purifying both the body and the spirit. Also, get a taste of the secret teaching used in ultra-ancient times to maintain a happy and stable society.
The Takenouchi Documents

The esoteric King of the World motif appeared in Japan in 1928 with the Takenouchi Documents, which encompass not only scraps of parchment and lost texts but also sculpture and ancient pyramids in Japan. This is where you will find the story about Jesus coming to Japan and Moses riding on a UFO. And it's all based in real Japanese mythology! This chapter also includes the first full English biography of the heretical adventurer Katsutoki Sakai.
The Katakamuna Documents


The final prehistory I deal with does not even seem to be history at all, but describes a kind of perennial, sacred science. The script used, pictured at right, seems to portray some kind of geometric ideal, and the primeval poetry expressed through the script gives layers of spiritual meaning to the Japanese language.
Parahistory and the Grey Gentlemen

In this final chapter I try to make sense of the many messages the parahistories have for us, and how they relate to the problems of the modern world. We'll examine concepts like forgery, myth, religion, and tradition. Some of my favorite writers, ancient and modern, are brought into this discussion. If you know who the "grey gentlemen" are, try not to spoil it for everyone else!
Appendix A: Complete Table of Japanese Parahistories
For an outline of what's included in this appendix, see the list below.
Appendix B: Parahistory in the West
Ossian, the Oera Linda Book, Theosophy, Cthulhu, and so much more!
Parahistory Links in English

There is very little available about Japanese parahistories in English. Contact me if you find any useful material online or offline.

Sendai Kuji Hongi apocrypha: More information on, and better illustrations of, the Ten Sacred Regalia may be found in Kadoya Atsushi, "Myths, rites and icons: Three views of a secret," in Scheid and Teeuwen, eds. The Culture of Secrecy in Japanese Religion (Routledge, 2006). I unfortunately did not know about this source when I wrote the book.

Hitsuki Shinji: My friend Shin'ichi Nakaya's English-language introduction to the Hitsuki Shinji is free to watch on Youtube! Watch it here.

Hotsuma Tsutaye: Andrew Driver has a page where you can buy copies of his two previous works and read excerpts from his forthcoming book, The Hotsuma Legends: Echoes of Antiquity. You can also read his English translation of the Hotsuma Tsutaye.

Takenouchi Documents: The widow of Wado Kosaka maintains a website, Association for the Study of Takenouchi Documents, where you can buy all three of her late husband's major works as English PDFs. Mikoto Nakazono, the aikido master and healer, also wrote a book called The Source of the Present Civilization about the Takenouchi Documents which is still in print.

Kuki Documents: My account of the Kuki Documents in Appendix A may be compared to the karate school's official account.

Katakamuna Documents: I haven't spotted anything available in English, but I highly recommend this YouTube video of Ayumi Ueda singing a verse from Katakamuna.

Parahistory in general: The blog Okunomichi surveys parahistory, kotodama, and ancient Japanese stone circles and monoliths.

Oera Linda Book: A documentary about this Frisian parahistory was recently translated into English and can be watched on YouTube.
Table of Japanese Parahistories

This table is sorted by year of earliest publication, not date of known composition which would be extremely tricky.

YearEnglish nameJapanese nameNotes

936 Sendai Kuji Hongi 先代旧事本紀 Veracity attested by scholars
1670 Sendai Kuji Hongi Taiseikyō 先代旧事本紀大成経 Chapter in book. Various editions
1730 Ancient Record of the Wakabayashi 若林家古記
1764 Hotsuma Tsutaye, Mikasafumi, Futomani ホツマツタヱ (秀真伝), ミカサフミ Chapter in book
1873 Oomika Shrine Kamiyo Moji Shrine Record 美社神字解、神代文字社伝記 Translation heresee also
1873 Uetsufumi 上記、上津記、上つ記、ウエツフミ Fukiaezu dynasty
1905 Khitan Legend 契丹古伝、神頒叙伝
1908 Tajima Prefect Documents 但馬国司文書
1919 Report on the Ruins of Kai 甲斐古蹟考
1922 Miyashita, or Fuji Documents 宮下文書、富士文書、神皇紀 Includes 向山文献
1922 Nan’ensho 南淵書
1928 Takenouchi (Takeuchi) Documents 竹内文献 Fukiaezu. Chapter in book
1939 Kuki (Kukami) Documents 九鬼文書 Fukiaezu
1941 Secret History of the Akita Mononobe 秋田物部文書
1948 Ekidan Shiryō 易断資料、かたいぐち記、異端記 Not actually extant
1966 Katakamuna Documents カタカムナのウタヒ Chapter in book
1973 Shinden Jōdai Tennōki 神伝上代天皇記 Currently missing
1976 Tsugaru Soto Sangunshi 東日流外三郡誌
1980 Saga of Jōkan Tomi of Izumo 富上官出雲臣口伝 Oral saga
1983 Kasuga Documents 春日文献 Probably not extant
1992 Masumi Tantōshō 真清探當證


More information about all of these documents is available in Appendix A of The Sacred Science of Ancient Japan.


日本人へのメッセージ

この2014年に出版する本は世界初の英語の「古史古伝」入門です。古史古伝は「偽作の歴史」とも言われていますが、 日本の本屋さんで歴史じゃなくて精神世界の本棚においています。外国人はどうしてこの不思議を気になるべきかと聞けば、僕は、古史古伝の精神的なメッセージが欧ヨーロッパの神秘主義の古典にごく似ていると思います。

中心になる文献は、「先代旧事本紀大成経」「ホツマツタヱ」「竹内文献」「カタカムナのウタヒ」です。

小著に興味がある日本人の方々に感謝します。今、和訳はありませんけど、予定がありますからぜひ楽しみにしてください。また、以下の連絡先に日本語に書いてもいいです。