2021/12/04

Religion in Fiji - Wikipedia

Religion in Fiji - Wikipedia

Religion in Fiji

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Religion in Fiji (2007)[1]

  Methodist (34.6%)
  Roman Catholic (9.1%)
  Assemblies of God (5.7%)
  Anglican (0.8%)
  Other Christian (10.4%)
  Hindu (27.9%)
  Muslim (6.3%)
  Sikh (0.3%)
  Other (0.3%)
  No religion (0.8%)
bure kalou, a pre-Christian Fijian religious building
 

Religiously, Fiji is a mixed society with most people being Christian (64.4% of the population), with a sizable Hindu (27.9%) and Muslim (6.3%) minority, according to the 2007 census.[2] Religion tends to split along ethnic lines with most Indigenous Fijians being Christian and most Indo-Fijians being either Hindu or Muslim.[3]

Aboriginal Fijian religion could be classified in modern terms as forms of animism or shamanism, traditions utilizing various systems of divination which strongly affected every aspect of life. Fiji was Christianized in the 19th century. Today there are various Christian denominations in Fiji, the largest being the Methodist church. Hinduism and Islam arrived with the importation of large numbers of people from South Asia, most of them indentured, in the late 1800s and early 1900s.

Fiji has many public holidays as it acknowledges the special days held by the various belief systems, such as Easter and Christmas for the Christians, Diwali for the Hindus and the Eid al-Adha for the Muslims.[4]

History[edit]

Fijian religion prior to the 19th century included various forms of animism and divination. Contact from the early 19th century with European Christian missionaries, especially of the Methodist denomination, saw conversion of dominant chiefs such as Octavia and thus also the people they controlled. Cession of the islands to Great Britain in 1874 saw great change in all aspects of life including religious practice. Christianity became the dominant faith. Hinduism, Sikhism and Islam were introduced as minority migrant communities came to work in Fiji. Fiji's modern religious community is thus:

Demographics[edit]

Comparison of 1996 and 2007 census results[2]
Religion19961996 %20072007 %
Anglican63250.8%63190.8%
Assembly of God310724.0%477915.7%
Catholic693208.9%764659.1%
Methodist28062836.2%28999034.6%
Seventh-day Adventist221872.9%323163.9%
Other Christians399505.2%8667210.4%
Hindu26109733.7%23341427.9%
Sikh30670.4%25400.3%
Muslim543237.0%525056.3%
Other Religion19670.3%21810.3%
No Religion51320.7%70780.8%
Total Christian44948258.0%53955364.4%
Total775068100%837271100%


1996 Data
ReligionIndigenous FijianIndo-FijianOthersTOTAL
393,575%338,818%42,684%775,077%
Methodist261,97266.65,4321.613,22431.0280,62836.2
Roman Catholic52,16313.33,5201.013,63731.969,3208.9
Assemblies of God24,7176.24,6201.41,7354.131,0724.0
Seventh-day Adventist19,8965.15720.21,7194.022,1872.9
Anglican2,5080.61,2080.42,6096.26,3250.8
Jehovah's Witness4,8151.24860.18011.96,1020.8
CMF (Every Home)5,1491.32690.12550.65,6730.7
Latter Day Saints2,2530.66330.25891.43,4750.4
Apostolic2,2370.62500.11060.22,5930.3
Gospel6180.25140.22220.51,3540.2
Baptist6950.23820.12190.51,2960.2
Salvation Army6280.22510.11100.39890.1
Presbyterian1050.0900.01880.43830.0
Other Christian12,6243.22,4920.72,9697.018,0852.3
All Christians390,38099.220,7196.138,38389.9449,48258.0
Sanātanī5510.1193,06157.03150.7193,92725.0
Arya Samaj440.09,4932.8270.19,5641.2
Kabir Panthi430.0730.020.01180.0
Sai Baba70.0520.010.0600.0
Other Hindu2190.157,09616.91130.357,4287.4
All Hindus8640.2259,77576.74581.1261,09733.7
Sunni Islam1750.032,0829.5940.232,3514.2
Ahmadiyya180.01,9440.6140.01,9760.3
Other Muslim1310.019,7275.81380.319,9962.6
All Muslims3240.153,75315.92460.654,3237.0
Sikh00.03,0760.900.03,0670.4
Baháʼí Faith3890.1250.01490.35630.1
Confucianism80.0210.03360.83650.0
Other religions610.03140.16641.61,0390.1
No religion†15490.41,1350.32,4485.75,1320.7

† Includes atheists and agnostics. Source: "Population by Religion and by Race - 1996 Census of Population"Fiji Islands Bureau of Statistics. Archived from the original on 16 September 2008. Retrieved 5 August 2017.,

Law[edit]

Fiji had traditional law prior to becoming a colony. After cession, laws that governed Britain were also applied to its colonies and religion developed under the Westminster system. Freedom of religion and conscience has been constitutionally protected in Fiji since the country gained independence in 1970. In 1997, a new constitution was drawn up. It stated

Although religion and the State are separate, the people of the Fiji Islands acknowledge that worship and reverence of God are the source of good government and leadership.

but also guaranteed every person

35.-(1) Every person has the right to freedom of conscience, religion and belief.

(2) Every person has the right, either individually or in community with others, and both in public and in private, to manifest his or her religion or belief in worship, observance, practice or teaching.

(3) The right set out in subsection (2) extends to the right of religious communities or denominations to provide religious instruction as part of any education provided by them, whether or not they are in receipt of any financial assistance from the State.

(4) The right set out in subsection (2) may be made subject to such limitations prescribed by law as are necessary:

(a) to protect:

(i) the rights or freedoms of other persons; or

(ii) public safety, public order, public morality or public health: or

(b) to prevent a public nuisance.

(5) Except with his or her consent or, in the case of a person under the age of 18, the consent of a parent or guardian, a person attending a place of education is not required to receive religious instruction or to take part in or attend a religious ceremony or observance if the instruction, ceremony or observance relates to a religion that is not his or her own or if he or she does not hold any religious belief.

(6) A person must not be compelled to take an oath, or to take an oath in a manner, that is contrary to his or her religion or belief or that requires him or her to express a belief that he or she does not hold.[5]

The 1997 Constitution was suspended in 2009 and replaced in 2013. This constitution states in chapter 1:[6]

4.(1) Religious liberty, as recognised in the Bill of Rights, is a founding principle of the State.
(2) Religious belief is personal.
(3) Religion and the State are separate, which means—
(a) the State and all persons holding public office must treat all religions equally;
(b) the State and all persons holding public office must not dictate any religious belief;
(c) the State and all persons holding public office must not prefer or advance, by any means, any particular religion, religious denomination, religious belief, or religious practice over another, or over any non-religious belief; and
(d) no person shall assert any religious belief as a legal reason to disregard this Constitution or any other law.

The 2013 Constitution also explicitly allows people to swear an oath or to make an affirmation when legally necessary.

Ancient religion[edit]

The term ancient religion in this article refers to the religious beliefs and practices in Fiji prior to it becoming a Colony.

bure kalou, A sketch done in the early 1800s
A Sleeping Buri, Built at Vewa, For the favourite little son of Namosemalua, Feejee (October 1852, p.108)[7]

Gods, temples and magic[edit]

Fijian religion, myth, and legend were closely linked and in the centuries before the cession of 1874, it was considered part of everyday life. Of the traditional religion in Fiji, Basil Thomson (1908:111) writes:

"The religion of the Fijians was so closely interwoven with their social polity that it was impossible to tear away the one without lacerating the other. ... Religion was a hard taskmaster to the heathen Fijian; it governed his every action from the cradle-mat to the grave. In the tabu it prescribed what he should eat and drink, how he should address his betters, whom he should marry, and where his body should be laid. It limited his choice of the fruits of the earth and of the sea; it controlled his very bodily attitude in his own house. All his life he walked warily for fear of angering the deities that went in and out with him, ever watchful to catch him tripping, and death but cast him naked into their midst to be the sport of their vindictive ingenuity."

Myth was very much reality in the years preceding and following cession. For example, in Taveuni their god, Kalou Vu(root god), is named Dakuwaqa (Back boat). In Levuka and Kadavu Islands he is known as Daucina (Expert Light) due to the phosphorescence he caused in the sea as he passed. Daucina, however, has a different connotation as a Kalou yalo (deified ancestors) in other parts of Fiji.

Dakuwaqa took the form of a great shark and lived on Benau Island, opposite Somosomo Strait. He was highly respected by the people of Cakaudrove and Natewa as the god of seafaring and fishing communities, but also the patron of adulterers and philanderers. In the book "Pacific Irishman", the Anglican priest Charles William Whonsbon-Ashton records in Chapter 1, "Creation":[8]

"When I came to Fiji the famed fish-god, the Dakuwaqa, was very much a reality. The Government ship, the Lady Escott, reached Levuka with signs of an encounter with the great fish, while the late Captain Robbie, a well known, tall, and very erect Scot, even to his nineties, told of the sleepy afternoon as his cutter was sailing from his tea estate at Wainunu, under a very light wind, with most of the crew dozing. A great fish, which he described as near 60 feet in length, brown-spotted and mottled on its back, with the head of a shark and the tail of a whale, came up under his ship, almost capsizing it. The crew, instantly awake and concerned, followed the ancient pattern, pouring a strong libation of kava into the sea, which, it would seem, was just the right idea for placating fish-gods; the monster slowly submerged, the breeze gradually gathered the cutter away, its keel dragging along the monster's back, making the skin pale. To the Fijian crew this was the "Dakuwaqa"--in the twentieth century; what must have been the effect in the tenth?"

As late as 1957, R.A Derrick (1957:13) states:

"Many Yavusa still venerate a bird (e.g. kingfisher, pigeon, heron), an animal (e.g. dog, rat, or even man), a fish or reptile (e.g. shark, eel, snake), a tree (especially the ironwood or Nokonoko), or a vegetable, claiming one or more of these as peculiarly their own and refusing to injure or eat them. The relationship is evidently totemic, and it is probable that each totemic group originally recognized a complete series of three totems: manumanu (living creature, whether animal, bird or insect), fish or vegetable, and tree."

The Gods and their temples

Traditionally Fijian religion had a hierarchy of gods called "Kalou" or sometimes in the western dialect "Nanitu". In 1854 an early Methodist missionary, Rev. Joseph Waterhouse stated:

"It is impossible to ascertain even the probable number of the gods of Fiji; for disembodied spirits are called gods, and are regarded as such. But the natives make a distinction between those who were gods originally, and those who are only deified spirits. The former they call Kalou-vu (root-gods), the latter Kalou-yalo (deified mortals). Of the former class the number is great; but the latter are without number...There were various ranks amongst the Kalou-vu according to the extent of their territory and the number of their worshippers. Thus, some gods were universally known throughout Fiji, others were local gods of large or small territories, while some were simply gods of particular families."

Basil Thomson (1908:113) suggests that, "Groups in Fiji who are tauvu or kalou-vata, i.e. worshippers of the same god, have a common origin".

The Fijian gods (Kalou-Vu, Kalou-Yalo and numerous lesser spirits) were generally not made into any form of idol or material form for worship apart from some small objects used in ceremony and divination. However, it was more prevalent that certain places or objects like rocks, bamboo clumps, giant trees such as Baka or Ivi trees, caves, isolated sections of the forest, dangerous paths and passages through the reef were considered sacred and home to a particular Kalou-Vu or Kalou-Yalo and were thus treated with respect and a sense of awe and fear, or "Rere", as it was believed they could cause sickness, death, or punish disobedience. Others would provide protection. Thomas Williams and James Calvert in their book "Fiji and the Fijians" writes:

"Idolatry - in the strict sense of the term - he seems to have never known for he makes no material attempts to fashion material representations of his gods."

The main gods were honoured in the Bure Kalou or temple. Each village had its Bure Kalou and its priest (Bete). Villages that played a pivotal role in the affairs of the Vanua had several Bure Kalou. The Bure Kalou was constructed on a high raised rock foundation that resembled a rough pyramid base and stood out from other bures because of its high roof, which formed an elongated pyramid shape. Inside, a strip of white masi cloth hung from the top rafters to the floor as conduit of the god. More permanent offerings hung around the wall inside. Outside of the Bure Kalou, plants with pleasant aromas were grown which facilitated spiritual contact and meditation. Many of the gods were not celebrated for their sympathetic ear to man or their loving natures, rather they were beings of supernatural strength and abilities that had little concern for the affairs of man. Peter France (1966:109 and 113) notes:

"Local gods were plentiful, but were celebrated in legend and song more for the wild obscenities of their sylvan antics than for their influence in human affairs...The old tales [told] of gymnastic encounters in bathing places, which celebrated, with hilarious ribaldry, the sexual prowess of ancestor-gods."

First and foremost among the Kalou-vu was Degei, who was a god of Rakiraki but was known throughout most of the Fiji Group of islands except for the eastern islands of the Lau group. He was believed to be the origin of all tribes within Fiji and his power was superior to most, if not all, the other gods. He was often depicted as a snake, or as half snake and half stone. R.A Derrick (1957:11) says:

"In these traditions Degei figures not only as the origin of the people, but also as a huge snake, living in a cave near the summit of the mountain Uluda - the northernmost peak of the Nakauvadra Range. Earth tremors and thunder were ascribed as his uneasy turnings within the cave. He took no interest in his people’s affairs; his existence was no more than a round of eating and sleeping. By association with him, snakes were honoured as ‘the Offspring of the origin’. The snake cult was generally throughout the group."

Other gods recognized throughout the Fiji group were: Ravuyalo, Rakola, and Ratumaibulu. Rokola was the son of Degei and was the patron of carpenters and canoe-builders, while Ratumaibulu assured the success of garden crops. Ravuyalo would stand watch on the path followed by departed spirits: he would look to catch them off guard and club them. His purpose was to obstruct their journey to the afterlife (Bulu).

Aspects and practices of the old religion[edit]

Consulting the gods

The different gods were consulted regularly on all manner of things from war to farming to forgiveness. The Bete (Priest) acted as a mediator between the people and the various Gods. R.A Derrick (1957:10 and 12) notes:

"The gods were propitiated to ensure favourable winds for sailing, fruitful seasons, success in war, deliverance from sickness...In times of peace and prosperity, the Bure Kalou might fall into disrepair; but when drought and scarcity came, or war threatened, the god was remembered, his dwelling repaired, its priest overwhelmed with gifts and attention."

Rev. Joseph Waterhouse (1854:404) reports on the types of worship offered to the gods:

"The temple-worship of the gods consists of the lovi, an act of propitiation; the musukau, an act of covenant or solemn vow; the soro, and act of atonement for sin; and the madrali, an act of thanksgiving. The first-fruits of the earth are invariably presented to the gods."

As a medium of the god, the Bete relied on dreams and, when inspired, fell into trances. His body trembled as he was possessed and in a strange voice he announced the message of the god.

Laura Thompson (1940:112) speaking of the situation in Southern Lau states with regard to the Bete:

"The priest had charge of the worship of the clan’s ancestor gods (Kalou vu). He was the intermediary for the people and the god. Since he was influential in securing mana from the god, he was feared and respected. He controlled the activities of the people in warfare, in times of famine, and in sickness, receiving offerings from the people and presenting them to the god according to the sevusevu ceremonial pattern...The principal offerings were first fruits, kava, and cooked feasts, including human sacrifices. As a small offering wreaths were presented. The priest prayed to the god, who presently took possession of him and spoke through him or revealed his will by means of a sign or omen...When a priest was possessed his whole body shook in convulsions and his flesh twitched...The people gave a loud cry as the god took possession of the priest. When the god finally left the Bete was served with Yaqona. After the ceremony the priest and his clan consumed the sacred offerings.

Rev. Joseph Waterhouse (1854:404/405) notes:

"All the offerings (to the gods) refer to the present life. The Fijians propitiate the gods for success in war, offspring, deliverance from danger and sickness, fruitful seasons, fine weather, rain, favourable winds, etc., etc.; but their religious ideas do neither extend to the soul, nor to another world...The influence of the priest over the common people is immense, although he is generally the tool of the chief. Indeed, these two personages most usually act in concert."

Witchcraft

Consulting the spirit world and using them to influence daily affairs were part of the Fiji religion. Using various specially decorated natural objects like a conch shell bound in coconut fibre rope or war club, it was a form of divination and was not only in the realm of priests. It was referred to as "Draunikau" in the Bauan vernacular and the practice was viewed as suspicious, forcing the practicers to do it stealthily. R.A Derrick (1957:10 and 15) writes:

"The Fijians...attributed all unexplained phenomena to gods, spirits or to witchcraft...Sickness and insanity were the work of malignant spirits, and food gardens wilted under their spells. In such cases sorcery was assumed and steps were taken to find the sorcerer and counter his spell with another, more potent."

A.M Hocart (1929:172) claims:

"That Ba was considered to be the home of witchcraft and that MoalaMualevu and Matuku also have a bad reputation for witchcraft".

Dreaming

Dreams were also viewed as a means by which spirits and supernatural forces would communicate with the living and communicate special messages and knowledge. A dream where close relatives were seen conveying a message was termed "Kaukaumata" and was an omen warning of an approaching event that may have a negative impact on the dreamer's life. R.A Derrick, 1957:15-16:

Special knowledge could be gained through dreams and, while dreaming, people could be told to do certain things - even murder.

Bert O. States in his book Dreaming and Story Telling states:

"They believe dreams are real experiences of the wandering soul released by sleep..."

In some instances, there was also a person whose sole purpose was to interpret dreams. He or she was referred to as the "Dautadra", or the "dream expert". Martha Kaplan in her book Neither Cargo Nor Cult: Ritual Politics and the Colonial Imagination in Fiji notes:

"Seers (Daurai) and dreamers (Dautadra) could predict the future, communicating with deities either in a trance or a dream."

Mana

"Mana" could be loosely translated as meaning magic or power or prestige, but it is better explained by anthropologist Laura Thompson (1940:109) when she writes:

"The concept of mana associated with the ancestor cult is strong in the native pattern of thought. According to this concept mana is the vital force or potency which gives supernatural significance to persons or things...Its presence in a person or thing is not attributed to power inherent in the thing itself but to some spiritual force lodging in it...The first-born of each noble clan was the temporary repository of the mana of the clan’s ancestral forefathers. The chiefs had the strongest forefathers and the high chief was the most sacred because theoretically they received mana from the most powerful ancestor gods."

Ana I. González in her web article "Oceania Project Fiji" writes:

Mana is a term for a diffuse supernatural power or influence that resides in certain objects or persons and accounts for their extraordinary qualities or effectiveness. In Melanesia a stone having mana may be buried in a garden to increase the crops. Mana may also be attached to songs, dreams or ideas. Mana is not the same as a personal power or influence. It is an arbitrary, uncontrollable force that may come or go without explanation.

In modern Fiji, while the term is still used in a traditional sense, it has a more generalized use and with the introduction of the Fijian Bible it is used to describe miracles. The term Mana, when used in ceremonial speech, can be interpreted as "it is true and has come to pass."

Afterlife

At death it is believed that the spirits of the dead would set off on a journey to Bulu, which is the home of the dead sometimes described as a paradise. Immediately after death the spirit of the recently departed is believed to remain around the house for four days and after such time it then goes to a jumping off point (a cliff, a tree, or a rock on the beach). At that point the spirit will begin their journey to the land of spirits (Vanua Ni Yalo). The spirit's journey would be a dangerous one because the god Ravuyalo would try to obstruct and hinder it on its travels to Vanua Ni Yalo. Anthropologist Laura Thompson (1940:115) writes:

"The dominant belief...is that when a man dies his soul goes to Nai Thibathiba, a ‘jumping-off’ place found on or near each island, usually facing the west or northwest. From here the soul goes to Nai Thombothombo, the land of souls located on the Mbua coast, of Vanua Levu."

Myth and legend[edit]

The Fijian race origins have many different lines passed down through oral traditional story or in relics of songs and dance, the most practical is found oral history. In myth it is accepted by most Fijians that their origins are found through the Kalou Vu Degei. An alternative tale from times past was published in the first part of the 19th century by Ms. Ann Tyson Harvey. This tells of Lutunasobasoba, supposedly a great ancestral chief and a brother of Degei II, whose people came to settle Fiji. The third story of Fijian origin is muddled in the two stories, but can be found in a local article referred to as the: "NAMATA", or the face. There are variations of this story; some versions state three migrations, some exclude Lutunasobasoba and have only Degei, but they have common themes.

In the writings of Ms. Ann Tyson Harvey (1969) in her paper "The Fijian Wanderers" she writes of Tura, who was a tribal chieftain in a time which pre-dates the era of the great pyramids. He lived near what is known as Thebes in Egypt. Legend speaks that his tribe journeyed to South Africa and settled on Lake Tanganyika in Tanzania, where Tura then Married a Tanzanian woman and then with his tribes, for various reasons, traveled ocean-ward out past Madagascar, through the Asian islands, ending their journey in Fiji; by this time Tura had died and his son Lutunasobasoba was leader. During a storm in the waters of the Mamanuca Island Group, he lost the chest of Mana, or more practically put, he lost the chest containing Fiji’s ancestors' written history before Fiji, including the written language.

Tired, old, sick, and weary, Lutunasobasoba set foot at Veiseisei and from there the early Fijians settled Fiji and his children were Adi Buisavuli, whose tribe was Bureta, Rokomautu whose tribe was Verata, Malasiga whose tribe was Burebasaga, Tui Nayavu whose tribe was Batiki, and Daunisai whose tribe was Kabara. It is believed in this mythology that his children gave rise to all the chiefly lines.

However, it is said that smoke was already rising before Lutunasobasoba set foot on Viti Levu. Villagers of the Province of Ra say that he was a trouble maker and was banished from Nakauvadra along with his people; it's been rumored the story was a fabrication of early missionaries. It is also believed there were three migrations, one led by Lutunasobasoba, one by Degei, and another by Ratu,traditionally known to reside in Vereta, along with numerous regional tales within Fiji that are not covered here and still celebrated and spoken of in story, song and dance.

These history have an important role in ceremony and social polity, as they are an integral part of various tribes' history and origins. They are often interconnected between one tribe and another across Fiji, such as the Fire walkers of Beqa and the Red prawns of Vatulele, to mention but a few. Also, each chiefly title has its own story of origin, like the Tui Lawa or Ocean Chieftain of Malolo and his staff of power and the Gonesau of Ra who was the blessed child of a Fijian Kalou yalo. The list goes on, but each, at some turn, find a common point of origin or link to the other.

Religion in modern Fiji[edit]

The term "Modern Fiji" in this article means Fiji after cession to Great Britain.

Christianity in Fiji[edit]

St John's Catholic Church on the Island Of Ovalau.
Wesleyan Chapel, Naivuki, Vanua-Levu, Feejee (September 1853, X, p.96)[9]

Christianity came to Fiji via Tonga, who were more receptive to the European visitors. As Tongan influence grew in the Lau Group of Fiji, so did Christianity under the Tongan Prince Enele Ma'afu. Its advancement was solidified further by the conversion of the emerging Dominant chieftain of Bau, Seru Epenisa Cakobau. The cession of 1874 saw a more dominant role within Fijian society as the old religion was gradually replaced by the new Christian faith. Bure Kalou were torn down and in their place churches were erected. Most influential were the Methodist denomination, which is the majority today, but other denominations such as Catholicism and Anglicanism, amongst other offshoots such as BaptistsPentecostal and others, are a part of current Fijian religion. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints was established in Fiji in the 1950s and currently reports 50 congregations, a technical college, and a Temple.[10] There are over 200 Orthodox Cristians, with 4 churches and one monastery.

Hinduism in Fiji[edit]

Sri Siva Subramaniya Temple, Nadi

According to the 2007 census, Hindus form the second largest religious group in Fiji, comprising 27% of the population.[11] Hinduism in varying forms was the first of the Eastern religions to enter Fiji, with the introduction of the indentured labourers brought by the British authorities from India.

Islam in Fiji[edit]

Muslims in the country are mainly part of the Indo-Fijian community, they form about 6.3 percent of the total population (62,534). The Ba province in Fiji has more than 20,000 Muslims and is the most Muslim dominated area in Fiji.

Other religions in Fiji[edit]

Sikhism is also present among the Indo-Fijian population.

Fiji's old religion[edit]

While much of the old religion is now considered not much more than myth, some aspects of witchcraft and the like are still practiced in private, and many of the old deities are still acknowledged, but avoided, as Christianity is followed by the majority of indigenous Fijians.

Fiji religion in society and politics[edit]

The constitution of Fiji establishes the freedom of religion and defines the country as a secular state, but also provides that the government may override these laws for reasons of public safety, order, morality, health, or nuisance, as well as to protect the freedom of others. Discrimination on religious grounds is outlawed, and incitement of hatred against religious groups is a criminal offense. The constitution further states that religious belief may not be used as an excuse for disobeying the law, and formally limits proselytization on government property and at official events.[12]

Religious organizations must register with the government through a trustee in order to be able to hold property and to be granted tax-exempt status.[12]

Religious groups may run schools, but all religious courses or prayer sessions must be optional for students and teachers. Schools may profess a religious or ethnic character, but must remain open to all students.[12]

Religion, ethnicity, and politics are closely linked in Fiji; government officials have criticized religious groups for their support of opposition parties. In 2017, the Republic of Fiji Military Forces issued a press release stating that Methodist leaders were advocating for the country to become "a Christian nation" and that this could cause societal unrest. Following the press release, Methodist leaders distanced themselves from their previous statements, and other religious leaders also affirmed the nonpolitical nature of their religious movements.[13]

Many Hindus of Fiji emigrated to other countries.[14] Several Hindu temples were burned, believed to be arson attacks, for example, the Kendrit Shiri Sanatan Dharam Shiv Temple.[15][16] While Hindus face less persecution than before, a Hindu temple was vandalized in 2017. Later that year, following an online post by an Indian Muslim cleric visiting the country, a significant amount of anti-Muslim discourse was recorded on Fijian Facebook pages, causing controversy.[12]

Military-church relations[edit]

The Military of Fiji has always had a close relationship to Fiji's churches, particularly the Methodist Church, to which some two-thirds of Indigenous Fijians belong.

See also[edit]

Footnotes[edit]

  1. ^ "Population by Religion and Province of Enumeration"2007 Census of Population. Fiji Bureau of Statistics. June 2012. Archived from the original on 9 September 2015. Retrieved 7 November 2015. - Percentages are derived from total population figures provided in the source
  2. Jump up to:a b "Religion - Fiji Bureau of Statistics"www.statsfiji.gov.fj. Retrieved 5 August 2017.
  3. ^ "International Religious Freedom Report for 2015"www.state.gov. Retrieved 5 August 2017.
  4. ^ "Fiji Government Online Portal - 2017 FIJI PUBLIC HOLIDAYS"www.fiji.gov.fj. Retrieved 5 August 2017.
  5. ^ "Fiji: The Constitution of Fiji 1997"www.wipo.int. Retrieved 8 June 2018. Section 35(1),(2)
  6. ^ "Fiji: Constitution of the Republic of Fiji 2013"www.wipo.int. Retrieved 8 June 2018.
  7. ^ "A Sleeping Buri, Built at Vewa, For the favourite little son of Namosemalua, Feejee" (PDF)The Wesleyan Juvenile Offering: A Miscellany of Missionary Information for Young Persons. Wesleyan Missionary Society. IX: 108. October 1852. Retrieved 24 February 2016.
  8. ^ Whonsbon-Aston, Charles William (8 August 1970). "1". Pacific Irishman: William Floyd inaugural memorial lecture. Retrieved 3 April 2020.
  9. ^ "Wesleyan Chapel, Naivuki, Vanua-Levu, Feejee"The Wesleyan Juvenile Offering: A Miscellany of Missionary Information for Young Persons. Wesleyan Missionary Society. X: 96. September 1853. Retrieved 29 February 2016.
  10. ^ "Religion – Fiji Statistical Profile". Retrieved 19 April 2019.
  11. ^ "International Religious Freedom Report Fiji" (PDF).
  12. Jump up to:a b c d International Religious Freedom Report 2017 § Fiji US Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.
  13. ^ International Religious Freedom Report 2017 § Fiji US Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.
  14. ^ Sussana Trnka (2002), Foreigners at Home: Discourses of Difference, Fiji Indians and the Looting of May 19, Pacific Studies, Vol. 25, No. 4, pp. 69-90
  15. ^ "Another Arson attack on Fiji's Hindu Temples", ABC Radio Australia, 17 October 2008
  16. ^ "Time to speak up"Fiji Times, 17 October 2008

References[edit]

  • Fiji and the Fijians, by Thomas Williams and James Calvert, chapter 7 (reference to Fijian old religion Myth and legend, their intertwining nature, and also to the emergence of Christianity.) page 248-249 (has detailed reference to Dranikau as Fijian witchcraft and details of the practice.) page 229 (has reference to the Dautadra or professional dreamer).
  • Early Sociology of Religion, by Turner B. S. Staff, pages 218-219. (Details on Fijian religion and mythology.)
  • "The Waimaro carved human figures - carvings from cachalot whale teeth in Fiji", The Journal of Pacific History, Sept 1997, by Aubrey L. Parke. (Discusses many aspects of Fiji's old religion.)
  • A Feejeean and English Dictionary: With Examples of Common and Peculiar Modes of Expression, by David Hazlewood. (Details on Fijian deities, provides detailed definitions.)
  • The Cyclopedia of Fiji: A Complete Historical and Commercial Review of Fiji, published 1984, R. McMillan, Original from the University of Michigan, Digitized Apr 3, 2007. (Reference to Degei, amongst other details of religion in Fiji.)
  • The Journal of the Polynesian Society, by Polynesian Society (N.Z.), published 1967 (Reference to Degei.)
  • Memoirs, by Polynesian Society (N.Z.), published 1945, Indian Botanical Society. (Reference to Degei and also Lutunasobasoba and aspects of Fijian religion.)
  • The Islanders of the Pacific: Or, The Children of the Sun, by Thomas Reginald St. Johnston, published 1921, T.F. Unwin Ltd, pages 64, 70 and 161. (Details of Ratumaibulu and his role as a Fijian deity, also other details on Fijian deities or Kalou.)
  • Vah-ta-ah, the Feejeean princess, by Joseph Waterhouse (Details on Fijian religion and deities of the old religion, and details of early Christianity and its missionaries.)
  • Oceania, page 110, by University of Sydney, Australian National Research Council, 1930. (Details on Lutunasobasoba.)
  • Young People and the Environment: An Asia-Pacific Perspective, page 131, by John Fien, David Yencken, and Helen Sykes. (Reference to Lutunasobasoba.)
  • History of the Pacific Islands: Passage through Tropical Time, by Deryck Scarr, published by Routledge. (Reference to Fijian religion and mythology, details on various deities and religious practices and beliefs of pre-Christian Fiji.)
  • The Fijians: A Study of the Decay of Custom, by Basil Thomson, published 1908 by W. Heinemann. (Details on Fijian legend and mythology, details on Lutunasobasoba and his children, details of the great migration.)
  • Environment, education, and society in the Asia-Pacific, page 167, by John Fien, Helen Sykes, and David Yencken. (Reference to Lutunasobasoba and the great migration.)
  • 'Viti: An Account of a Government Mission to the Vitian Or Fijian Islands, in the Years 1860-61, by Berthold Seemann. (Details on the Fijian belief system before Christianity and the introduction of Christianity.)
  • The Years of Hope: Cambridge, colonial administration in the South Seas and cricket, by MR Philip Snow, page 31, (reference to Draunikau as Fijian Witchcraft).
  • Dreaming and Storytelling, by Bert O. States, page 6. (Reference to the Fijian dream experience.)
  • Body, Self, and Society: the view from Fiji, page 104, by Anne E. Becker, 1995. (Reference to dreams from a Fijian perspective as a form for spirits to communicate with the living.)
  • Neither Cargo Nor Cult: Ritual Politics and the Colonial Imagination in Fiji, by Martha Kaplan, pages 49, 73, 150, 186 and 193. (References to dreams from a Fijian standpoint.)
  • The Fijian Wanderers, by Ann Tyson Harvey, with assistance of Joji Suguturaga, 1969, Oceania Printer Suva Fiji. (Full tale of Tura, Lutunasobasoba and Degei and the great migration from Egypt.)
  • Natural and Supernatural, by A. M. Hocart, Man, vol. 32, March 1932, pages 59–61 doi:10.2307/2790066 JSTOR 2790066. (Reference to the term Mana and its use.)
  • "The Kalou-Vu (Ancestor-Gods) of the Fijians", by Basil H. ThomsonThe Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 24, 1895, pages 340-359, doi:10.2307/2842183. (Details on Lutunasobasoba, Degei and other Kalou Vu of Fiji.)
  • A History of Fiji, by Ronald Albert Derrick, published 1946, Original from the University of Wisconsin - Madison, Digitized 23 Aug 2007, pages 7–8. (Details on Lutunasobasoba.)

Translations and transliterations[edit]

  • Say it in Fijian, An Entertaining Introduction to the Language of Fiji, by Albert James Schütz, 1972.
  • Lonely: Planet Fijian Phrasebook, by Paul Geraghty, 1994.
  • Spoken Fijian: An Intensive Course in Bauan Fijian, with Grammatical Notes and Glossary, by Rusiate T. Komaitai, and Albert J. Schütz, Contributor Rusiate T. Komaitai, published 1971, University of Hawaii Press, ISBN 0-87022-746-7.

External links[edit]

Fijian Culture - Religion — Cultural Atlas

Fijian Culture - Religion — Cultural Atlas

Fijian Culture

Religion

At the time of the 2007 census, 64.5% of Fijians were Christian (most being Methodist or Catholic), 27.9% were Hindu and 6.3% were Muslim. There is also a small minority of Sikhs and Buddhists.

During the colonial era, a large majority of Fijians were converted to Christianity as part of a larger mission scheme throughout the Pacific Ocean. Many tribes previously had a polytheistic faith, which quite easily accepted a new God to be blended in with its practices. Their initial understanding of Christianity saw the Christian God as a deity like those they already knew, but one who was particularly powerful and didn’t like them worshipping others. Other tribes had already possessed belief in a single divinity, which they came to re-comprehend as the Christian God of the holy trinity. Eventually, almost all indigenous Fijians adopted some Christian tenets or understandings and the Methodist Christian church became the fastest growing denomination of religion on the islands. 

Today, most indigenous Fijians are devoutly Christian and the faith has become a central aspect of their lifestyle. Fijian women generally organise community events relating to worship. They have many duties involving helping the minister run services and preparing food for after-mass feasts. Sunday is reserved for worship and time with the family and community.

While not all Fijians are Christian, faith plays a major role in almost everyone’s lives. There are countless churches, temples and mosques throughout the islands where people can worship and pray. The Fijian constitution guarantees freedom of religion and there is a multi-faith understanding among society. People exhibit tolerance and respect to the diversity of religions, often celebrating the rituals and holidays of other religions. One’s religious affiliation largely correlates with their ethnicity. Europeans are generally Christian, Indians are usually Hindus or Muslim, and the Chinese tend to be Christian or Buddhist. Many Indo-Fijians are also Christian and there are small numbers of Sikhs. In the last census, only 7,000 people reported having no religion.

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Family

Life revolves around the family for most Fijians. Life is shared intimately between family members and the interests of the family are supposed to supersede those of the individual. Fijian households are usually headed by a senior couple. The man is the primary breadwinner of the family unit and the woman generally supervises all other females in the house and disciplines the children. Children often live with their parents past the age of independence, and marriage is patrilocal (with the daughter-in-law moving in with her husband’s family at marriage).

It is common for households to be multigenerational as elders rarely live independently in Fiji. Those who are widowed will usually move into the household of one of their adult children. However, in the urban areas and cities of Fiji, nuclear families are the typical household unit. They are also more common among Indo-Fijians and European Fijians.

In the villages, native Fijians socialise within their kin groups; they associate with those households that they share a male ancestor with. These households form extended family networks that are patrilineal subclans (mataqali). They provide a lot of community-wide support. Generally, the families belonging to each subclan will live in the same area of a village and make an exclusive claim to that area. Within villages, there may be multiple subclans; however, one usually dominates (often the subclan the village chief belongs to). These subclans combine to form clans (yavusa) that also share a more distant male ancestor.

Some Indo-Fijian families have not been in Fiji long enough to have developed these extended kin groups. However, Indian culture is similarly dependent on extended family networks and support. They often form close communities with many paternal and maternal family members that may or may not be blood relatives. 

Gender Roles
Both indigenous Fijian and Indo-Fijian societies have been traditionally patriarchal with gender roles generally divided across traditional lines. Society’s opinion of women is influenced by the perception that they are the more delicate and gentle gender that needs protecting. Therefore, while women are less powerful than men, they are considered more precious. They are generally given less physically arduous jobs and are rarely expected to have full-time jobs or do things for themselves. This paternalism can be hindering for Fijian women in Australia who may struggle to adjust to working life. Some Indo-Fijian women also carry particular social expectations within their communities as subordinates to their husbands.

Women have less decision-making power than men. Some may have a high rank in their village or community, in which case they are deferred to for their wisdom and status. However, largely, a woman turns to her husband to resolve things for her. He is seen as the macho physical worker, breadwinner and also the more rational gender. This can put a lot of pressure on Fijian men to rise to the occasion. They are expected to take responsibility for any problems or disputes that arise in a family and may carry the blame if a resolution isn’t reached.

Despite this traditional view of gender roles, modern Fiji is seeing a rise in the amount of households that are female-headed. Fijian women are also becoming more politically represented.

Relationships and Marriage
The institution of marriage is recognised primarily as the merging of two families. Thus, parents used to arrange the marriages of their children to ensure the families were compatible. Today, arranged marriage is a less common practice, but has persisted particularly among the Indian community. While most couples choose their partner without their family’s arrangement, people strongly consider factors such as the other family’s wealth, reputation and clan. Ultimately, the family of the bride or groom wish for the union with the other person’s family to strengthen ties and also the social status of their own household.

Traditionally, sons-in-law have to prove themselves before a bride’s parents will approve of him. If a couple’s parents disapprove of the other person’s family, they may disobey their families and elope. In this case, the husband’s family must quickly remedy the irregular relationship by offering apologies to the wife’s family and bringing gifts. As the bride sometimes moves into her husband’s place of residence at marriage (often still with his parents), it can be a particularly difficult living situation if his parents disapproved of the marriage in the first place.

Interethnic marriage has increased dramatically among the current generation of Fijians. Indigenous Fijians tend to marry Europeans, Pacific Islanders and Chinese more often than they do Indians. Indo-Fijians are more likely to marry exclusively within their ethnicity. For example, Gujaratis have been known to travel back to their province in India in order to bring back someone of the same ethnicity for marriage. Marriage between different religions (even within the same ethnicity) is most uncommon.

Do's and Don'ts

Do’s
  • Be patient and accept the slower pace of ‘Fiji time’. Fijians tend to find it easier to be kept waiting and generally don’t get edgy around punctuality.
  • Expect to be asked where you are going when you meet people. This question is generally more common than being asked “How are you?” when you see someone on the street.
  • Be careful how much you praise an object in a Fijian home. Sometimes, they may feel obliged to give it to you – whether they actually want to part with it or not.
  • Expect someone of the opposite gender to give you a moderate amount of distance. 
  • Make an effort to be especially polite and respectful when addressing those older than you.
  • It is best practice to wear modest clothing. In Fiji, shorts and skirts usually go to the length of the knee and bare shoulders are rarely shown. 
  • Respect people’s faiths and join in whenever there is a blessing (i.e. before eating) or a group prayer. 

Don'ts
  • Avoid losing your temper in public or raising your voice if you get emotional. It is uncommon for people to get worked up about things in front of strangers.
  • Do not criticise Fiji in an unnecessary way or point out social problems (such as poverty, bribery or domestic violence) without offering a solution. Fijians can be proud of their tropical country and will likely find negative opinions to be close-minded and/or misinformed. 
  • Do not pressure a Fijian to drink alcohol if they give an initial refusal. 
  • Avoid shouting, running or causing a scene in a village. Remain calm and quiet.

2021/12/03

Is Quaker Worship Meditation? - QuakerSpeak

Is Quaker Worship Meditation? - QuakerSpeak

Is Quaker Worship Meditation?
August 10, 2017


Can you meditate in Quaker meeting for worship? According to these 5 Friends, having a meditation practice can be fine, even helpful. But it shouldn’t end there.

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Transcript:

Amy Ward Brimmer: So is Quaker meeting for worship the same as meditation? Is meditation practice the same as sitting in meeting for worship? The short answer is no, they’re not the same thing. Not at all. The other short answer is yes, there’s a lot of overlap. And I think both Quakers and Buddhists or meditations practitioners would appreciate that “yes and no” answer.

Is Quaker Worship Meditation?

Valerie Brown: The question about the difference and the common space between meditation and meeting for worship is a really important question and it’s something that I struggled with initially.

Doug Gwyn: The meeting for worship can be mistaken for meditation. If you bring a background or intention in meditation to it, that’s what it’ll be. But I think over time as you listen to messages coming out of the silence, you probably will begin to shift your understanding of what’s going on to something that maybe includes meditation but is also something larger than that.

Individual vs Group Experience

Amy Ward Brimmer: There’s a difference in intention between meditating and gathering for meeting for worship. While it’s true that I can meditate in a big hall with a hundred people, for the most part each of those hundred people is in their own experience of meditation.

Mark Helpmeet: I’ve seen for Zen Buddhism when you sit in meditation there, oftentimes they have you sit facing a wall. It’s explicitly not looking into the center of the group. But I find worship to be a central… it’s like there’s a prism of light that we’re all focusing together in our center. So it’s invaluable to have other people there.

Valerie Brown: This is not just disparate people that decided to show up on a Sunday morning or whatever. We’re here and we’re engaged in an act of being in the presence of something that is quite mysterious. Mystery. Sacred.

The “Point of Reference” of Quaker Worship

Doug Gwyn: The point of reference of worship is a transcendent God, the divine—or perhaps another non-theist understanding of what that transcendent reality is—but something we’re giving worth to in the basic meaning of worship, “worth-ship”.

Kevin-Douglas Olive: For me, the Spirit is my high priest, or my high priestess if you will. The Spirit is the one who guides the worship. The liturgy—the works—depend on what the Spirit wants me to do. So I come in with one intention (on a good day) and that intention is to be faithful.

Amy Ward Brimmer: We gather together as a faith community and as a faith community open our minds and hearts to receive whatever Spirit, God, the universe has for us in that intended hour of worship.

Mark Helpmeet: It’s kind of like I go through my individual experience, and I think we all do that to reach that common thing that’s in the center. A voice that we all can hear, and we’ll hear it differently and that’s fine. But in the worship, by clearing out our chatter I think what we find is a stillness that enlightens us.

Vocal Ministry in Quaker Worship

Amy Ward Brimmer: Sometimes it’s completely silent for an hour, but most of the time there is vocal ministry. And so it’s different in that way than meditation as well. So I’ll hear somebody give a message, or I’ll be moved to give a message myself.

Valerie Brown: When I first started, everytime somebody would stand up to speak I got irritated, like, “You’re interrupting my meditation here with words!” But over time I came to understand and got it a little bit that in meeting for worship, this is a practice of waiting and a receptivity as well.

So can you meditate in Quaker Worship?

Amy Ward Brimmer: I use actually a lot of my meditation skills—my mindfulness skills—to center down, to get prepared. I’ll follow my breath, I’ll feel my body, I’ll scan through my body and release where I’m holding tension as a way of saying I’m open to divine revelation.

Mark Helpmeet: Meditation can teach you—and there’s a lot of different forms of meditation—can teach you disciplines that allow you to remove your focus from where it normally sits. So there’s overlap in any case with meditation.

Kevin-Douglas Olive: Sometimes worship is work, you know? Turn. Feel. Sense. “Oh crap, there’s another thought in my head.” Turn my mind to God. Turn my mind to love. Turn my mind to that healing energy. Turn my mind to that small voice and feel the love, the growth, the creativity.

Valerie Brown: And so it does take a discipline. It’s takes a capacity to notice that the mind has wandered to Tahiti, or wherever I’m not. Here. And to, with a sense of awareness and compassion, to bring back that wandering mind, to refocus.

Amy Ward Brimmer: There are many ways to meditation but the basic Vipassana meditation is to do as little as possible, just meeting each moment, any object that arises moment-by-moment for your attention, you meet it with your attention and see what’s here. But the idea is not to connect to anything in particular, or be inspired by another being or a divine being. And so in Quaker expectant, waiting worship, there is this sense that altogether, here we are. What do you got for us today, God?

The views expressed in this video are of the speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views of Friends Journal or its collaborators.
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Discussion Questions:
Have you ever meditated? Did you find the experience spiritual? How was is similar or different from meeting for worship?
Mark Helpsmeet describes the unity of Quaker worship as “a prism of light that we’re all focusing together in our center.” What visual metaphors have you come up with for what happens in meeting for worship?

Doug Gwyn
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Jon Watts

Jon Watts launched and directed the QuakerSpeak project for its first 6 seasons. Keep up to date with Jon’s work at his website.

Words Matter - Friends Journal

Words Matter - Friends Journal

Words Matter
December 1, 2021

By Gabriel Ehri


Cover: Adapted from “The Well,” © Joey Hartmann-Dow, usandweart.com


As expressions of our experience, as links between a speaker and listener in real time, as communications from ancestors to descendants across the ages, as seeds around which groups can crystallize in shared belief, and even as religious experiences in themselves: words matter. The Gospel of John, which has long been a key text for Quaker theologians in part because of its rich metaphor of the Light, wastes no time: “In the beginning there was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God.”

I’m a verbal person (which will come at absolutely no surprise to you), so the theme of this month’s Friends Journal is right up my alley: the Language of Faith. The stories we have collected in this issue invite our reflection, our envisioning of possibilities, and our exploration of our own words and how we use them.

Words have set Friends apart since the beginning. The peculiar people called Quakers used peculiar words to make a point about equality and the falsity of social rank when all men and women possessed the Divine spark. While “thee” and “thou” may have fallen out of use in English, the leveling effect intended by their use actually did win out: we no longer use different second-person pronouns in English depending on our place in the social hierarchy.

Rhiannon Grant’s “The Quaker Vocabulary of Tomorrow” looks at where Quakers’ language might take us next. I’d love to hear from you whether you agree, or whether you see a different direction. Mary Ann Downey’s “Walk by Faith” uses the occasion of an oft-passed church sign as a jumping-off point for a memoir of her religious experience from childhood in a Southern Baptist church, to young adulthood discovering Quakers through service, to a longtime walk in the unprogrammed Friends tradition. She notes both the importance of Scripture as a tool for rhetorical support, but also as a scaffold to get closer to the Source. In “Let Your Communication Always Be Gracious,” Barbara Schell Luetke shares about the interplay of language and accessibility. She recounts her history as a parent of children who are deaf, advocating for their inclusion in the verbal world of life and faith, connecting it to our present day and its new challenges for inclusion in the era of Zoom and hybrid gatherings. Finally, she discusses her own journey in trying to exercise peacefulness in her choice of words.

Speaking of journeys, if our cover art for this issue, by Friend Joey Hartmann-Dow, makes you long for a walk in the woods, you can thank Michael Levi’s piece, “Maps and Spirit,” for inspiring us to commission a suitably evocative image. Levi riffs on cartography as a metaphor for the experience and communication of faith, and the view more than justifies the hike.

As we approach the end of 2021 together, I want to thank you, dear reader, for being on this journey with me. By supporting Friends Journal with your gifts, you bring wonderful stories of Quaker faith and experience forth to the world, so that more people every day may be inspired and drawn to walk this path with us. Friends Journal, the QuakerSpeak videos, and Quaker.org—with your financial support, these ministries will thrive in 2022 and beyond. Blessings to you this season for peace, for light, and for love. May you find the words to express your deepest truth.

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Gabriel Ehri

Gabriel Ehri is Executive Director.